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MEMOIRS 



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ROBERT EMiEB0 



OF 



HIS MILITARY AND PERSONAL HISTORY 



EMBRACING 



A LARGE AMOUNT OF INFORMATION HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 



BY 



A. L. -LONGf/eZ? 



Formerly Military Secretary to Gen. Lee, afterward Buig.-gen. and Chief of 
Artillery Second Corps, Army of Northern Virginia 



together with 

INCIDENTS RELATING TO HIS PRIVATE LIFE SUBSEQUENT 
TO THE WAR 



COLLECTED AND EDITED WITH THE ASSISTANCE 



MARCUS J. WRIGHT 

Formerly Brig. -gen. Army of Tennessee, and Agent of the United States for 
the Collection of Confederate Records 



ILLUSTRATED. 



NEW YORK, PHILADELPHIA AND WASHINGTON 

J. M. STODDART & COMPANY 
1887 



1 4 :'.';■' 
J 



Copyright, 1886, by J. M. STODDART. 



DEC V<: 909 



Wbstcott & Thomson, E. Stam.rv Hart & Co., Oldach & Co. 

ElectrotyPers, Pliitiiiia. ft inters, rhuadn. Bindery, Philada. 



(FAC-SIMILE OF THE DEDICATION WRITTEN BY GENERAL LONG 
ON A SLATE USED BY THE BLIND.) 



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THE GALLANT MEN WITH WHOM HE HAS A RIGHT TO SYMPATHIZE, 

THE AUTHOR RESPECTFULLY DEDICATES THE FOLLOWING PAGES. 



July 28, 1886 



A. L. LONG, Charlottesville, Va. 




PREFACE. 



To overcome the inactivity to which loss of sight has for 
some years subjected me, I have sought occupation in record- 
ing the recollection of familiar events. Having obtained a 
slate prepared for the use of the blind, I soon learned to write 
with a moderate degree of legibility. In order to excite a 
pleasing interest in my work, I undertook something that 
might prove of future benefit. Having served on General 
Lee's personal staff during the most important period of his 
military career, I began an eye-witness narrative of his cam- 
paigns in the war between the States. In the execution of 
my work I received valuable assistance from my wife and 
daughter, my two sons, and Miss Lucy Shadk'^slford (now Mrs. 
Charles Walker), all of whom lovingly and faithfully served 
me as copyists and readers. I am also indebted to Colonel 
C. S. Venable of General Lee's staff, Major Green Peyton of 
Rodes's staff, and Major S. V. Southall of my own staff, for 
indispensable aid in reviewing my manuscript, informing me 
of facts that had not come to my knov/ledge or reminding me 
of such as had escaped my recollection. My work is now 
completed, and I offer it to the public, hoping it may prove 
of value as a record of events which passed under my own 
observation, and many of which have been described directly 
from my notes made at the time of their occurrence. It is 
not intended to be a history of the war in detail, but a state- 
ment of my personal knowledge of General Lee's life, actions, 
and character, and of the part played by him in the grea*^ 
events of which he was the ruling spirit. 



2 PREFACE. 

After receiving my manuscript the publishers desired a 
change of plan which would embrace some of the interest- 
ing social and domestic features of General Lee's life. This 
part of the work has been edited and conducted through an 
arrangement with the publishers by General Marcus J. Wright, 
fonnerly of the Confederate Army of Tennessee, but now, 
and for some years past, agent of the United States War 
Department for the collection of Confederate records. My 
wife has rendered important aid in this part of the work by 
contributing personal incidents and other valuable material 
obtained through her friendly relations with the family of 
General Lee. It is also proper to acknowledge the use of 
the publications of Rev. J. W. Jones, Colonel Walter H. Tay- 
lor, Miss Emily Mason, the Southern Historical Society papers, 
Swinton, and the Report of the Congressional Committee on 
the Conduct of the War (Federal). I have had occasion to 
refer to the Memoirs of General Grant and The Campaigns 
of General J. E. B. Stuart, by Major H. B. McClellan. I 
liave been greatly encouraged in the publication of this work 
by the cordial d Jiicurrence of General G. W. Custis Lee, Gen- 
eral W. H. F. Lee, J^Iajor R. E. Lee, Miss Mildred Lee, Gov- 
ernor Fitz Lee, and other members of the family. 

I further desire to acknowledge my indebtedness to Colonel 
R. N. Scott, U. S. A., for opportunity afforded me at the War 
Records Office of studying official reports, maps, and the confi- 
dential letter-books of General Lee, relating to the events de- 
scribed in the present volume, many of which have never 
hitherto been published, and which will prove of great value 
and interest both in rightly understanding military opera- 
tions and in estimating the character and genius of that great 

soldier. 

A. L. LONG. 



PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 



General Lee, less fortunate than General Grant, was over- 
taken by death before he could complete his design of writing 
and publishing to the world his personal narrative of the im- 
portant events in which he figured. In offering this work to the 
public the Publishers consider it a consummation of that in- 
tention, and they further believe that in the selection of General 
Long as the writer these Memoirs become as nearly an autobi- 
ography as any it would be possible to obtain from another 
hand than that of General Lee himself 

It was only during the last years of his life that General 
Lee seriously contemplated writing a history of his campaiguf}. 
He had been repeatedly urged to do so by friends, was offered 
large inducements by publishers, and even from foreign coun- 
tries came urgent requests for his story. To most of these 
solicitations he returned a negative answer. Under date of 
October 25, 1865, he says : "I cannot now undertake the work 
you propose, nor can I enter into an engagement which I may 
never be able to accomplish. It will be some time before the 
truth can be known, and I do not think that time has yet 
arrived." To a request from a German officer for the right of 
translation he writes on March 13, 1866: "It has been my de- 
sire to write a history of the campaigns in Virginia, but I have 
not yet been able to commence it." It would appear that he 
began to collect materials for this purpose shortly after this 
date, and wrote to the various corps and division commanders 
asking reports of operations for the last campaigns of the war. 
He writes to Colonel Taylor, his late adjutant-general : *'I am 
desirous that the braver}^ and devotion of the Army of North- 
ern Virginia shall be correctly transmitted to posterity. Thib' 

3 



4 PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 

is the only tribute that can now be paid to the worth of its 
noble officers and soldiers." 

That the desire expressed in these letters became a settled 
intention, and that General Lee had made some progress in 
the collection of material, is shown in a letter to Mr. C. F. 
Lee, Jr., which is kindly placed at our service: 

"Lexington, Va., 6lh June, 1870, 

"My Dear Cassius: I am very much obliged to you for 
your letter of the ist and the interest you evince in the cha- 
racter of the people of the South and their defence of the 
rights which they believed were guaranteed by the Constitu- 
tion. The reputation of individuals is of minor importance 
to the opinion which posterity may fonii of the motives which 
governed the South in their late struggle for the maintenance 
of the principles of the Constitution. I hope, therefore, a true 
history will be written and justice be done them. A history of 
the military events of the period would also be desirable. I 
have had it in view to write one of the campaigns in Virginia, 
in which I was more particularly engaged. I have already col- 
lected some materials for the work, but lack so much that I 
wish to obtain that I have not commenced the narrative. I 
am very much obliged to you for the offer of the materials 
which you have collected. I think it probable that I have 
all the official reports, and I would not like to resort to any 

other source for a statement of facts 

" I am, very truly, your cousin, 

"R. E. Lee. 

" C. F. Lee, Jr., Alexandria, Va." 

General Lee's death occurred four months after the date of 
this letter, and there was found to be but little done in the ful- 
filment of his expressed purpose. 

The narrative of General Long includes many valuable con- 
tributions made by the members of General Lee's family, and 
is, in the main, based upon his own notes made at the time of 
the occurrences spoken of. The writer, moreover, had the 
advantage of an intimate personal association with General Lee 
under conditions which ensured the most perfect mutual con- 



PUBLISHERS' NOTE. 5 

fidence and trust. The following letter to General Long ex- 
presses how high an opinion of the author was entertained by 
General Lee, and how desirous he was to associate him with 
himself in the coming campaigns: 

"Richmond, 19th Apr., 1862. 
"My Dear Major: I have taken the liberty to apply for 
your appointment as my military secretary, which you may 
have observed, under a late law of Congress, has the rank and 
pay of colonel of cavalry. I had endeavored to obtain your pro- 
motion in another way which probably would have been more 
agreeable to you, but, failing in that, I have taken this course. 
If confirmed by the Senate, I will inform you, and you must 
let me know whether the situation is agreeable to you. If it 
is not and you prefer remaining where you are, or if any other 
situation is more agreeable to you, let me know, and I will do 
what I can to obtain it for you. At all events, understand not 

to consider yourself obliged to accept the one offered 

' ' Yours truly, 

"R. E. Lee. 

" Major A. L. Long." 

The delicacy with which this offer of personal service was 
made marks a distinguishing characteristic of the writer. 

The acceptance by General Long began an acquaintance and 
service which clcsed only with the close of the war. Shortly 
afterward General Long received from General Lee the follow^ 
ing testimonial: 

"General A. L. Long entered the Confederate service in 
1861, and has served continuously till the surrender of the Army 
of Northern Virginia, 9th April, 1865. His conduct during that 
time has been marked by zeal and gallantry. A graduate of 
the Military Academy at West Point, in addition to a military 
education, he has long experience in the military servnce, 

" He was with me as chief of artillery in the winter of 1861-62 
in the Southern department, and became a member of my staff 
when appointed to the command of the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia. He was promoted brigadier-general in 1863, and made 



6 rrnLisj/ERS' note. 

chief of artillery of the vSecond Army Corps, Army of Northern 
Virginia, which position he held till the surrender of the army, 
Qth April, 1865. R- E. Lee, 

In the preparation of these memoirs the author has been 
inllnenced by the intention of General Lee as indicated in the 
foregoing letters. He has sought to include only such accounts 
of the military operations as were legitimate subjects of record 
and were confirmed by General Lee's reports. Contributions 
of a personal nature from relatives, friends, and associates have 
been included in the text, as serving to illustrate the traits of 
character which made Lee so famous in his generation. 

The addition to General Long's work of the official reports 
of General Lee, as well as of a great number of confidential 
letters and despatches which form the only official record of 
the movements and operations of the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia for the period which they cover, will give to this work 
unique interest and exceptional value. Letters and confidential 
extracts from the private letter-books of General Lee, hereto- 
fore unpublished, as well as the returns of organization of the 
army and tables of reports of its strength, have been placed at 
the service of General Long through the courtesy of Colonel 
R. N. Scott, at the head of the Bureau of War Records in 
Washington. 

The assistance given by General Marcus J. Wright in the 
compilation of records and returns, and especially in the prep- 
aration of the chapters relating to the last years of General Lee's 
life, has been of great importance and service, and materially 
contributes to the completeness and the value of the work. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

GENEALOGY. 



The Origin of the Lee Family. — Its Honorable Record. — Richard Lee Emigrates ic 
America. — His Public Services. — The Family Settles in Westmoreland County, 
Virginia. — " President Lee." — His Celebrated Sons. — Henry Lee and his Descend- 
ants. — The Military and Civil Record of" Light-Horse Harry." — His Children. — • 
Birth-place of Robert E. Lee. — An Affecting Incident. — Prominence of the Lee 
Family -Page 17 

CHAPTER II. 

EARLY LIFE. 

Birth and Boyhood of Robert Edward Lee. — His Devotion to his Mother. — Testimony 
as to his Youthful Character. — His Diligence in School. — Letter of Mr. Halioweli. 
— He Enters West Point. — His Cadet Life. — Graduates, and is Appointed Second 
Lieutenant of Engineers. — Commendatory Letter. — His Man'iage. — Incidents of 
the Wedding. — The Custis Property. — His Children and Family Affection. — On 
Duty at Old Point. — Mr. Eveleth's Recollections. — Colonel Macomb's. — Mr. 
Schneider's. — Ordered to St. Louis on Engineering Duty. — General Meigs's Testi- 
mony. — Successful Operations at -St. Louis and at the Rapids of the Mississippi. — - 
Letter to Lieutenant Johnston. — Engineering in New York Harbor . . . I^age 24 

CHAPTER III. 

THE MEXICAN WAR. 

Causes of the War. — Texas Gains her Freedom. — Captain Lee joins General Wool's 
Army. — A Daring Scout. — Joins General Scott. — Siege of Vera Cruz. — Services 
at Cerro Gordo. — A Perilous Situation. — General Hunt's Testimony. — Passage of 
the Pedregal. — The Victory at Contreras. — At Molino del Rey, Churubusco, and 
Chapultepec. — Ixe is Wounded. — General Scott's High Opinion of him. — Promo- 
tions. — Peace Negotiations. — Letter from Mexico. — His Life in that City. — Anec- 
dote told by Magruder. — Complimentary Language of the Aiiny Reports. — Testi- 
mony of General Wilcox. — Anecdotes Told by General Hunt. — Encomium from 

General Johnston ■f''£'^ 47 

7 



8 ' TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 

On Engineering Duty at Baltimore. — Remarks by JefTerson Davis. — Made Superinten. 
(lent of West Point. — Ilis Services there. — Extract from Private Letter. — Pro- 
moted Lieutenant-colonel of Second Cavalry. — Regiment Ordered to Texas. — 
Entertainment at Fort Wachita. — The Theatre of Operations. — Character of Indian 
Warfare. — The Officers of the Regiment. — An Incident of Comanche Warfare. — 
(Campaigning against the Comanches. — Letters from Texas. — Takes Command of 
ihc Regiment. — The Cortinas Raid. — Extracts from Memorandum-book. — Return 
to Arlington Pag^ 72 

CHAPTER V. 

A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 

The Political Situation. — Letter giving Lee's Views on Slavery. — The Kansas Outbreak, 
— Growth of the Abolition Party. — The John Brown Raid. — Lee Sent to Suppress 
it. — The Insurgents Captured. — Letters on Secession. — The Cotton States Secede. 
—Mr. Lincoln Inaugurated. — Confederate Commissioners Confer with the Presi- 
<lent. — Fort Sumter Bombarded. — Mr. Lincoln's Proclamations. — Virginia and 
other States Secede. — Lee Returns from Texas. — Offered Command of the Army. 
—Letters Describing his Interviews with Blair and Scott. — He Declines, and 
Resigns his Commission. — Letter to his Sister. — His Sacrifice. — Offered Command 
of the Virginia Forces by the Convention. — He Accepts the Offer. — Ilis Appear- 
ance and Character at this Period Page 82 

CHAPTER VI. 

OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 

Military Contrast of North and South. — General Lee Organizes an Army. — Letter. — 
Topography of Seat of War. — Lines of Operation. — Forces in the Field. — State- 
ment of Gorgas. — Operations in the Valley and in West Virginia. — McDowell 
Advances. — The Confederate Lines. — Battle of Manassas. — Opportune Reinforce- 
ment by Johnston's Army. — The Federals Give Way and Retreat in a Panic. 
^Excitement at Richmond During the Battle. — Results of the Victory. — Stephens's 
Theory of the Federal Defeat.— The Author's First Interview with General Lee. 
—His Appearance Described Page 100 

CHAPTER VII. 

THE WEvST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 

State of Military AfT.iirs in North->vestern Virginia.— General Garnett Defeated. — De 
Lagncl's Adventure. — McClellan Ordered to Wasliington. — General Loring Sent 
to West Virginia.— His Staff. — Receives Jackson's Report at Monterey.— The Fed- 
tr.ils Fortify Cheat Mountain I'ass. — Colonel Gilliam Occupies Vailey Mount;un 
Pass. — Preparations for an Advance. — Rosetrans in Command of the Federal 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 9 

Forces. — General Lee Appointed to the Command of the Department. — Recon- 
noitering from Valley Mountain. — An Incident of the Campaign. — The Rainy 
Season. — Sickness Attacks the Camp. — A Route to Flank the Federals Discov- 
ered. — An Expedition Prepared. — It Fails through Lack of Concert of Action. 
— Death of Colonel Washington. — Lee's Appeal to the Troops. — His Letter to 
Governor Letcher. — Movements of Wise and Floyd on the Kanawha. — Lee Takes 
Command. — His Plan of Action. — Rosecrans Evades him by a Retreat. — West 
Virginia Abandoned by the Confederates. — Lee Assigned to the South Coast De- 
partment. — Letter Describing his Favorite Horse " Traveller." — Death of " Trav- 
eller" Page 114 

CHAPTER VIII. 

THE SOUTH COAST de;fe:nces. 

General Lee in Charleston. — A Great Conflagration. — The Scenes in the Street. — The 
Hotel in Danger. — Escape of the Guests. — Half the City in Ruins. — Topography 
of the Coast. — Its Imperfect Defences. — Capture of Port Royal and Roanoke 
Island. — Dismay of the People. — Lee's Operations. — Letter to his Daughters. — 
The Forts Mounted with Heavy Guns. — Fort Pulaski Surrenders to the P'ederals. 
— Lee's Headquarters at Coosawhatchie. — Simple Mode of Life. — Author's First 
Acquaintance with Charleston. — Lee Ordered to Richmond. — Effective Character 
of his Work in the South. — Pemberton Succe'bds him. — Contrast between Lee's 
Activity and the Supineness of the Federal Commanders Page 134 

CHAPTER IX. 
THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 

The Defences of the Peninsula. — Norfolk Seized by the Virginians. — General Butler 
in the Peninsula. — Engagement at Big Bethel. — Butler Repulsed. — Operations of 
Magruder and Pluger. — Magruder's Report. — McClellan's Answers to the Com- 
mittee on the Conduct of the War. — Merrimac and Monitor. — McClellan Reorgan- 
izes the Army. — Transfers it to the Peninsula. — Magruder Reinforced. — Strength 
of the Federal and Confederate Armies. — Johnston's Plan of Operations. — It is 
Disapproved. — Affairs in the Peninsula. — Evacuation of Vorktown. — Battle of 
Williamsburg. — The Retreat Continued. — Surrender of Norfolk. — The Federal 
Fleet Repulsed at Drury's Bluff. — Johnston's Position near Richmond. — The Fed- 
erals Cross the Chickahominy. — Battle of Seven Pines.— Johnston Wounded. — Lee 
Appointed to the Command of the Army of Northern Virginia .... Page 145 

CHAPTER X. 

THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. 

Recapitulation. — Lee Takes Command. — Council of Officers. — Lee Decides to Hold 
Johnston's Line. — Fortifies his Position. — Growing Confidence of the Men. — Posi- 
tion of McClellan's Army. — Extracts from Long's Note-book. — Lee Decides to 
Attack the Enemy. — Stuart's Daring Raid. — Troops Ordered from the South. — 
Jackson Ordered from the Valley. — Dispositions for the Assault. — Attack on 



lO TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Mochanicsville. — Reynolds Retires. — The Army in Position. — Strength of the 
Federal Position. — It is Held Against Successive Assaults. — Charge of the Whole 
Line. — The Works Carried. — The Federals in Full Retreat. — Magruder's Demon- 
stration. — The Fight at .Savage's Station. — Fraziefs Farm. — Malvern Hill. — The 
Federals at Harrison's L;.nding. — Reorganization of both Armies. — Longstreet 
and Jackson Compared. — Lees Knowledge of the Countiy Page l6l 

CHAPTER XI. 

POPE OUTGENERALLED. 

interference with Federal Operations. — Pope Takes Command. — T>ee Assumes the 
Offensive. — Pope's Advance. — McClellan Ordered to Washington. — Lee Marches 
North. — Stuart's Escape. — Poi)e Retreats to the Rappahannock. — Stuart Captures 
Pope's Papers. — Jackson Crosses the Rappahannock. — Early in Danger. — Jack- 
son's March on the Federal Communications. — Ca])ture of the Stores at Manassas 
Junction. — Lee Marches to Join Jackson. — Entertainment. — Narrow Escape from 
Capture. — A Lady in a Dilemma. — Thoroughfare Gap Occupied by the Federals. 
— Reconnoissances. — An Old Road Over the Mountain. — Hood's Division At- 
temj-.ts it. — The Gap Abandoned. — Longstreet Marches Through. — Pope's Scheme. 
— Its Failure. — The Army Reunited. — Second Battle of Manassas. — Severe Defeat 
of the Federals. — Heavy Losses. — Conflict at Germantown. — Pope Retreats to 
Washington. — Telegrams in Relation to the Battle Page 182 

CHAPTER XII. 
THE ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 

Defensive Policy of the South. — Purpose of tlic Maryland Invasion. — Lee Marches 
North. — Joy of the Peojile. — Condition of the Soldiers. — Accident to Lee. — Spirit 
of the Army. — Maryland Entered. — Advance to Frederick. — Proclamation Issued. 
— Its Reception. — Necessity of Capturing Harper's Ferry. — Jackson Sent on that 
Service. — The Heights Occupied. — The Garrison Surrounded. — Its .Surrender. — 
Longstreet Reaches Hagerstown. — Federal Movements. — Effort to Relieve Har- 
per's Ferry. — Its Failure. — McClellan at Frederick. — Lee's Army Order Found. — 
Rapid Advance. — Hill Defends Boonsboro' Gap. — Position of Lee's Army Corps. 
— The Pass Must be Held. — Longstreet Returns. — The Battle. — Federal Success. 
— Lee's Stand at Sharpsburg. — McClellan Attacks. — The Battle on the Left. — 
Burnside's Advance on the Right. — Results of the Battle. — Lee Crosses the Poto- 
mac. — Federal Pursuit Repulsed. — Comments on the Battle. — Anecdotes. — Hill's 
Difficulty. — Lee's Anger. — Taylor's Testimony P^ige 203 

CHAPTER XIII. 
FREDERICKSBURG. 

l-ce's Address to the Army. — In.-ictivity of McClellan. — Stuart's Raid into Pennsyl- 
vania. — Selection of Headquarters. — Lee Refuses to Occupy a House. — A RcjcUy 
Camp. — Statement- of a British Officer. — Other Visitors.— Stuart and the Demi- 
john.— Lee's Popularity with the Soldiers. — The Army Recruited. — McClellan 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 1 1 

Moves South. — His Removal. — Estimate of his Ability. — Lee's Opinion. — Burn- 
side Succeeds him. — March upon Fredericksburg. — Delay in Crossing. — Lee 
Occupies the Heights. — Laying the Pontoons. — The Federals Occupy the Town. — • 
Strength and Positions of the Armies. — Attack on the Right. — Meade Repulsed. 
— Assault upon Marye's Hill. — Terrible Slaughter. — Federal Repulse at all 
Points. — Night Retreat Across the Rappahannock. — Results of the Contest. — 
Field Headquarters. — The Winter Camp. — A Practical Joke on the Staff. — Visit- 
ors. — A Discriminative Hen. — Letters -Page 225 

CHAPTER XIV. 
CHANCELLORSVILLE. 

Conscript Act Passed. — Inflation of the Currency. — Deficiency of Army Stores. — Lee's 
Position. — He Meditates Retiring to a New Base. — Concludes to Hold the Line of 
the Rappahannock. — Hooker Succeeds Burnside. — Swinton's Comments. — Fed. 
eral Advance. — Stoneman Crosses the Rappahannock. — Sedgwick Threatens Fred- 
ericksburg. — Description of Chancellorsviile. — Lee's Defensive Line. — His Recon- 
noissance. — Movement on Chancellorsviile. — The Federals Driven Back. — Lee's 
Plan of Action. — Decides on a Flanking Movement. — Letter Adduced by Fitz- 
hugh Lee. — Last Interview of Lee and Jackson. — The Bivouac. — Jackson's Flank 
Movement. — He Crushes the Federal Right. — Jackson Wounded. — He is Removed 
from the Field. — A Striking Incident. — The Battle of the 3d. — Remarks bv Coi~ 
onel Marshall. — The Federals Withdraw. — Sedgwick Occupies Fredericksburg.—^ 
He is Defeated, and Forced to Recross the River. — Results of the Battle. — Con. 
elusion of Lee's Report. — Lee's Order concerning Jackson. — Life and Charactei 
of Jackson. — The Army Reorganized. — Financial Difficulties of the Govern, 
ment Page 246 

CHAPTER XV. 
GETTYSBURG. 

A New Plan of Operations Discussed. — Advance to Culpeper, — Hooker Retires to 
Manassas. — Lee's March Northward. — The Federals at Frederick. — Hooker 
Superseded by Meade. — Stuart's False Move. — The Army in Pennsylvania. — 
— General Order. — Lee's Opinion of Meade's Appointment. — Both Armies Move 
upon Gettysburg. — The Battle of July ist. — Lee Reaches the Field. — Consultation 
with Longstrcet. — A Reconnoissance. — An Assault Ordered for the Next Morning, 
— A Bivouac Conversation. — Criticism of the Count of Paris. — Topography. — 
Stuart's Movements. — Morning of July 2d. — Lee's Anxiety at the Delay. — An 
Opportunity Lost. — Longstreet's Explanation. — Position of Sickles's Corps. — 
Hood's Assault. — A Dash for Little Round Top. — The Texans Repulsed. — The 
Fight at the Peach Orchard. — Federal Repulse. — Ewell's Assault. — The Battle of 
the 3d. — An Attack Ordered on the Centre.— Pickett's Charge. — The Deadly Fire. 
— Failure of, the Assault. — Colonel Taylor's Testimony. — Lee's Letter to Pickett. 
— After the Battle. — Extract from Letter. — Retreat to the Potomac. — Advance of 
the Federal Army. — Lee Crosses the Potomac. — Subsequent Movements.— Losses 
in the Battle. — Lee's Resignation. — Venable's Anecdote. — Story of a Federal 
Soldier Page 267 



12 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 

Inactivity. — Promotions.— Reduction of Both Armies.— Lee's Forward Movement.— 
Meade Retires. — Cavalry Enj^ajjcment at Brandy vStation. — Lee at Culpeper. — An 
Incident. — Meade's Retrograde March. — He Discovers his Error. — Both Armies 
North of the Rappahannock. — Stuart's Dilemma. — Lee and the Scout. — Escape 
of the Cavalry. — Engagement at Bristoe. — Meade Safe from Pursuit. — Lee Retires. 
— The " Buckhand Races." — Federal Successes. — The Armies in their Old Posi- 
tions. — Meade's Scheme to Surprise Lee's Army. — Concentration of the Confed- 
erates. — Delays in Meade's March. — Intrenching at Mine Run. — The Federals 
Surprised. — Reconnoitering. — Orders to Attack. — Meade Withdraws. — An Inci- 
dent. — Lee Pursues. — The Events of the Year. — A Religious Revival. — In Winter 
Quarters. — Results of the Year's Operations. — Cavalry Raid of Kilpatrick and 
Dahlgren. — Long Saves the Artillery. — Capture of a Court-martial. — Kilpatrick 
Repulsed at Richmond. — Death of Dahlgren. — A Barbarous Order. — Federal 
Disclaimer. — Lee's Letter to the Richmond City Council Pag^ 303 

CHAPTER XVII. 
WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 

General Grant in Command of the Army of the Potomac. — Preparations for the Cam- 
paign. — New Policy. — The Overland Route Selected. — March by the Right Flank. 
— Passage of the Rapidan. — In " the Wilderness." — Grant Intercepted by Lee. — 
The Fight on the 5th. — Character of the Wilderness. — The Federal Error. — The 
Battle of the 6th. — Longstreet's Opportune Arrival. — Statement of Colonel Ven- 
ahle. — Hancock Driven Back. — Longstreet Wounded. — Renewed Assault. — The 
Woods on F'ire. — Close of the Day. — Graphic Descriptions of the Battle. — Cav- 
alry Contest. — Results of the Fight. — March for Spottsylvania Court-house. — The 
Feilerals Outgeneralled. — Lee's Army in Position. — His Able Strategy. — Descrip- 
tion of Spottsylvania Court-house. — Battle of May loth. — The Federals Repulsed 
with Heavy Loss. — Lee at the Head of the Charging Column. — Battle of the I2th. 
— The Enemy Capture Johnson's Division. — Terrible Conflict. — Check of the 
Federal Advance. — Deadly Character of the Conflict. — Lee's Fearlessness in the 
Performance of Duty. — Losses in the Battle. — A Tree Cut Down by Bullets. — 
Sheridan's Raid on Richmond. — Death of General Stuart. — Extract from Swin- 
ton. — March to the North Anna. — Lee's Brilliant Strategy. — Grant Recrosses the 
River. — Federal Advantages. — Grant's March to the Pamunkey. — Lee on the 
Totopotomoy.— Reinforcements.— Both Armies Reach Cold Harbor. — Battle of 
June 3d.— Terrible Slaughter in Grant's Army.— The Men Refuse to Charge.— 
Losses. — Lee's Tactics. — Grant's Change of System Page 322 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 

Collatcr.al Operations. — Butler on the James. — Beauregard in Command at Petersburg. 
—Butler Defeated.- Sige! Defeated at Newmarket.- Gallantr)- of the Cadets.— 
Hunter Succeeds Sigel.— He Defeats and Kills General W. E. Jones.— Sheridan's 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. I3 

Cavalry Movement. — He is Encountered and Defeated by Hampton. — Hunter's 
March upon Lynchburg. — General Early Sent to the Valley. — Hunter Retires 
through the Mountains. — Early's Plan of Advance to Maryland. — Hunter's Depre- 
dations. — Early at Sharpsburg. — He Defeats Wallace on the Monocacy. — Marches 
upon Washington.- — Federal Alarm. — Early Returns to the Valley. — Succeedinor 
Operations. — Battle of Kernstown. — Federal Defeat. — Early Returns to Maryland. 
— Sheridan Sent to the Valley. — Early Retires before him. — Battle of Winchester. 
— Early Defeated. — Fight at Fisher's Hill. — Early again Driven Back. — He Sur- 
prises and Defeats the Federals at Cedar Creek. — Sheridan Rallies his Aimy and 
Gains a Victory. — The Spring Campaign. — Sheridan Drives Early from the Valley 
and Forms a Junction with Grant. — Barbarism of the Valley Campaign . Page 352 

CHAPTER XIX. 

THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 

Reasons for Defending Richmond. — Beginning of the Siege. — Smith's Assault upon 
Petersburg. — The First Line Carried. — Attack on the Second Line. — Federal Suc- 
cesses. — The Confederates Retire to a New Line. — Assault of the i8th. — Federal 
Repulse. — Both Sides Litrench. — Defeat of Birney. — Wilson's Cavalry Raid. — 
He is Defeated and Driven Back. — Mining the Confederate Works. — Preparing 
for the Explosion. — Movements of Hancock and Sheridan. — The Charging Col- 
umns Ready. — Firing the Mine. — Effect of the Explosion. — Delay in the Assault. 
— The Charge Checked by the Confederate Artillery. — Infantiy Hurried up. — 
Frightful Slaughter of the Federals. — The Assault a Failure. — Observations upon 
the Mining Enterprise. — Results. — Colonel Carter's Reminiscences. — General Lee 
and the Sparrow. — A Telling Rebuke. — General Hampton's Story. — A Letter to 
Lee's Daughter P^ige 369 

CHAPTER XX. 

THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 

Grant's Purpose. — Extension of the Lines. — Difficulties of Lee's Position. — Collateral 
Operations. — Attack on Fort Fisher. — Its Failure. — Subsequent Successful Assault. 
— Progress of the Siege. — Loss of the Weldon Railroad. — Federal Repulse at 
Reams Station. — Butler Takes Fort Harrison. — Later Engagements. — General 
Lee's Appearance. — His Relations to his Soldiers. — Letter to his Daughter. — • 
Extracts from Colonel Taylor's Note-book. — Anecdote. — Lee's Opinion of War 
Editors. — Lee Appointed Commander-in-chief. — Peace Conference. — Its Failure. 
— President Davis's Address. — Lee's Plan of Action. — Overruled by the Authori- 
ties. — The Attack on Fort Steadman. — Its Partial Success and Final Failure- 
Grant's Advance. — Battle at White Oak Road. — Cavalry Fight. — The Federals 
Capture Five Forks. — Their Advance on Petersburg. — Checked by Longstreet. — 
Death of A. P. Hill Page 390 

CHAPTER XXI. 

FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 

The Last Day at Petersburg. — The Evacuation. — Richmond on Fire. — The Army in 
Retreat. — The Federals in Richmond. — Grant in Pursuit. — At Amelia Court- 



14 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

house. — The Food train Missing.— Perilous State of the Army. — Lee's Demean 

or. The Federals Thicken. — Skirmishing. — Cajnure of Kweils Corps. — Rations 

at Fannvilie. — Engagements with the Pursuers. — Reminiscence of Colonel Jones. 
— General Wise in his War-paint. — A Delegation to Lee from tlie Ofllccrs. — Gen- 
eral Pendleton Describes the Interview. — The Retreat Continued. — Correspondence 
between Lee and Grant. — Loss of the Stores at Appomattox. — Preparations for 
Battle. — The Advance on the 9th. — The Final Assault. — Colonel Venable's Rela- 
tion. — The Flag of Truce. — Lee's " Apple Tree." — Meeting of Lee and Grant. — 
Their Conversation. — Terms of Surrender. — Lee Greeted by his Army. — Extracts 
from Letter to Davis. — The Number of Effective Men. — The Army Disbanded. — 
Lee and Meade. — General Hunt's Intei-view. — Lee Returns to Richmond. — At 
Home Pcg^ 4^9 

CHAPTERXXII. 
GENERAL LEE AS A SOLDIER. 

Early Military Lnhors. — Engineering and Organizing Abilities. — Breadth of View. — 
Skill as a Str.ittgist and Tactician. — Diversity of Methods. — Influence Over his 
Men. — Ability in Defence ; in Attack. — Comparison with Other Soldiers of the 
War; with Celebrated Generals. — Lee as a Man. — His Guiding Principle. — 
Lack of -\mbition. — Sense of Justice. — Firmness in Decision. — His Spirit Re- 
flected in the Army. — Final Summary Poge 428 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
PRESIDENT OF -WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 

Return to Richmond. — Anecdote. — Devotion of his Friends. — Removes to Cartersville. 
— Offers of Aid. — Letter to Grant. — Idea of Writing a History of the W'ar. — Cir- 
cular, — Failure to Obtain Material. — Elected President of Washington College. — 
Provisional Letter of Acceptance. — Installed in the Office. — The Condition and 
History of the College. — New Studies Introduced. — Elective Studies Inaugurated. 
— Mode of Discipline. — His Influence over the Students. — Accuracy of Memory. — 
No Excesses Permitted to the Students. — The Christmas Vacation Reduced. — 
Ikeadth in Religious Views. — His Innate Piety. — Regard of the Faculty. — Refuses 
to Accept Gifts from the Faculty. — Lee's Estimate of his Powers. — His Lack 
of Undue Ambition Ptige 437 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 

Correspondence. — Requested to Enter Public Life. — Advice to Soldiers. — Declines Pub- 
licity. — Ofl'cr of Lucrative Situations.— Private Testimonials. — Character of Lee's 
Letters. — Social Intercourse. — Ixive of Children. — Anecdotes. — Ride to the Peaks 
of Otter.— Incident. — Home Life. — Fanning .Vdvicc. — Letter to CJ. \V. C. Lee. — 
Letter to his Daughter. — A Visitor's Descriinion. — Hospitality. — A 1'lea.sant Dinner. 
—Tomato-canning.— Another Visit.— War Relics.— An Accident.— The Saddle- 
blanket Page 456 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 1 5 

CHAPTER XXV. 
DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 

General Lee's Failing Health. — The Fatal Attack. — His Death. — Colonel Johnston's 
Testimony. — Mrs. Lee's Description of the Final Illness. — Effect of the News upon 
the South. — Procession to the Chapel. — Religious Observances. — The Funeral Cere- 
monies. — Great Meeting at Richmond. — Extracts from Addresses of Jefferson Davis, 
General Gordon, and Colonel Withers. — Testimony of Reverdy Johnson. — Letter 
from General Scott. — General Preston's Remarks. — The Lee Memorial Association. 
— The Valentine Recumbent Statue. — Ceremonies of its Reception. — Description 
of Statue and Chamber. — General Lee as a Christian. — His Feeling toward the 
North. — Selected Thoughts. — A Captain Rebuked J^iig^ 47l 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE world's ESTIMATE. 

Summary of Lee's Career. — His Character as a Soldier; as an Instructor. — Newspa- 
per Comments. — The New York Wot-Id, Herald, and Citizen. — Halifax Morning 
Chronicle. — Statement of Alexander H. Stephens. — Lee's Noble Aspect. — He 
Consents to Give up his Command. — Sent to West Virginia. — General Starke's 
NaiTation. — Chief of Staff to Mr. Davis. — Engineering Duty in the South. — Com- 
mander of the Army of Northern Virginia. — Roll-call of his Battles. — Swinton's 
Comment on the Army. — Resignation Correspondence. — Tribute of Philip Stan- 
hope Worsley. — Concluding Poem Page 487 



APPENDIX. 



Commands and Staff of General Lee. — Official Report of the Operations against Pope. — 
Organization of Army August 2S, 1862. — Coirespondence September i to 7, 1862. 
-Report of Mar)'land Campaign. — Abstract of Army Strength September 22, 1862. 
— Correspondence from September 8 to December 6, 1S62. — Report of Battle of 
Fredericksburg.- — Abstract of Return of December 10, 1862. — Organization of 
AiTny Decemlier 20, 1S62. — Correspondence January, 1S63. — Report of Battle of 
Chancellorsville. — Abstract of Return of May 20, 1863. — Report of Gettysburg 
Campaign. — Organization of Army during the Gettysburg Campaign. — Abstract from 
Return of July 20, 1863. — Report of Operations in November, 1863. — Con-espond- 
ence from February 5, 1863 to March 8, 1S64. — Correspondence during the Grant 
Campaign. — Strength of Army April 20 and July 10, 1864; Febniaiy 20 and 28, 
1865. — Organization of Army November 30, 1864. — Farewell Address to Army. — 
Report of Surrender. — Pai-ole List Poge 501 



LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS. 



PLATES. 

Portrait of Gkneral Lke, from the Painting by Elder, 

NOW IN the University of Vikoinia Fronlispiece. 

Portrait of Captain Lee, TAKEiN in 1852 To face page 65 

General Lee on his horse Traveller " " " 131 

Recumbent Statue ok General Lee, placed over Tomb at 

Lexington, Va " " " 484 



MAPS. 

U. S. Official J>L\p of the Seat of War in Virginia, Mary- 
land, AND Pennsylvania, showing all the Battle- 
fields OF the Army of Northern Virginia. . . . To face fage 103 



FAC-SLMILES OF GENERAL LEES FIELD-MAPS. 

Field-map of Richmond and its Defences , 

" " Harper's Ferry 

« " SlIAKPSnURG 

" " Fredericksburg 

«' " Chancellorsville ' 

" " Gettysburg 

" •• Mine Run " 

16 



To face 


/ 


ige 


171 
209 
217 


« li 






235 


.< « 






251 


M <l 






514 



MEMOIRS 

OF 

ROBERT E. LEE. 



CHAPTER I. 

GENEALOGY. 



The Lee Family. — Richard Lee Emigrates to Virginia. — " President Lee." — Elis Cele- 
brated Sons. — Henry Lee and his Descendants. — The Military and Civil Record of 
"Light-horse Harry." — An Affecting Incident. — Prominence of the Lee Family. 

IT is the boast of American society and civilization that men 
have risen to eminence in neariy all departments of life 
unaided by the advantages incidental to hereditary preferment. 
Nevertheless, the people of this country do not fail to place a 
proper value on respectable and illustrious lineage, and when a 
man in any way or through any circumstances has attained dis- 
tinction in the world, there is a natural curiosity in the minds 
of his countrymen to know both his origin and the history of 
those from whom he has descended. 

General Robert E. Lee comes of a family illustrious in both 
England and America — one, as history attests, worthy of him 
as he was worthy of it. But his renown is due mainly to the 
part he himself has played both in peace and war, which has 
at once reflected honor on the memory of his ancestors and 
added to his own name a noble distinction of which his descend- 
ants may justly be proud. 

To those who have the curiosity or desire to know '*from 
whence came this Virginian," it is proper to state that his 
ancestry may be clearly traced to the Norman Conquest. The 
founder of the family, Launcelot Lee, came originally from 

2 17 



l8 MEAfOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Lbudun, France. He entered England with William the Con- 
queror, distinguished himself at the battle of Hastings, and 
acquired an estate in Essex, 

A later member of the family, Lionel Lee, took part in the 
third Crusade, following Richard Cceut de Lion in 1192 to 
Palestine, at the head of a company of "gentlemen cavaliers." 
He displayed great gallantry at the siege of Acre, and in return 
foi his services was made earl of Litchfield, while another estate, 
afterward called " Ditchly," was bestowed npon the family. The 
armor worn by Lionel Lee in the crusade may still be seen in 
the Horse Armory of the Tower of London. 

The line of descent of General Lee can be traced directly 
from Richard Lee, a younger son of the earl of Litchfield, who 
■was the fifth from Sir Henry Lee, knight of the Garter in the 
reigii of Queen Elizabeth. This Richard Lee in 1641, during 
tTie reign of Charles I. of England, came to America as colo- 
nial secretary under the governorship of Sir William Berkeley. 
He was possessed of a handsome person, fine talents, and pop- 
ular manners, and by these qualities was enabled to'sj^cure 
influence over the colonists. He aided Sir William in keeping 
Virginia firm in her allegiance to the Crown during the civil 
war between the Cavaliers and Roundheads. After the triumph 
of the latter he was of great assistance to the governor in mak- 
ing the most advantageous terms with the Protector, Cromwell, 
through an acknowledgment of the authority of the Common- 
wealth, which in return conferred free sovereignty on Virginia, 

It will thus be seen that the Lees were at once and at this 
early period of history fully identified with the country of their 
adoption. 

The county of Westmoreland, with its diversity of hill and 
dale, its mild climate, fertile soil, and attractive scenery, at an 
early period won the attention of the Washingtons, Fairfaxes, 
Ivces, and other distinguished families, and they naturally 
established their homes in this attractive situation. Here they 
evinced many of the traits, characteristics, and customs of 
English society. PVcquently they made the countr>' ring with 
the merry .sound of the horn and the hound as they swept 
through field and wood in pursuit of the wily fox or the bound- 



GENEALOGY. 1 9 

ing stag. In the life and habits of these people and others oT" 
like descent and customs was formed the germ of that martial 
spirit which characterizes what is called the "chivalry of Vir- 
ginia." In later days General I^ee has been heard to relate 
with enthusiasm how as a boy lie had followed the hunt (not 
infrequently on foot) for hours over hill and valley, without 
fatigue. These exhilarating exercises tended to greatly 
strengthen the limbs, expand the chest, and give vigor to 
a constitution which in after-life rendered him able to endure 
the greatest hardships of VN^ar. 

Richard Lee, second son of the Richard above named, was 
born in Virginia in 1646. He was educated in England, grad- 
uated in law, and returned to Virginia, where he took an active 
part in the colonial legislation. His fourth son, Thomas Lee, 
was one of the first of the family to establish himself in the 
county of Westmoreland. He attained high distinction both 
in America and England, and grew to be one of the most prom- 
inent men in the early history of Virginia, in which province 
he became successively president of the council and governor 
of the colony, being the first native-born American who held 
the latter office under the British Crown. He is known in 
colonial history as "President Lee." The fine mansion of 
Stratford in Westmoreland county, the birthplace of several 
famous members of the family, was built for Thomas Lee by 
the East India Company, aided by an ample donation from the 
privy purse of Queen Caroline, his previous residence having 
been burned. This edifice still stands, and is very substantially 
built, the walls of the first story being two and a half feet 
thick, and those of the second story two feet. It contained 
originally about seventeen rooms, though one writer credits 
it with one hundred rooms, and another declares that the 
stables contained one hundred stalls for horses. 

Thomas Lee died in 1756. He left eight children, six sons 
and two daughters. Several of his sons occupied prominent 
places in the colonial history of America. Three of them, Rich- 
ard Henry, Francis Lightfoot, and Arthur Lee, deserve particular 
mention from their connection with our Revolutionary history. 

Richard Henry I^ee early entered the House of Burgesses of 



20 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Virginia, and afterward became a distinguished member of 
the Continental Congress. To him is due that stirring reso- 
lution of the loth of June, 1776, which proclaimed to the 
world that America was full-grown and ready to take its allot- 
ted place in the family of nations — the resolution "that these 
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and inde- 
pendent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to 
the British Crown; and that all political connection between 
them and Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally absolved." 

Francis Lightfoot Lee was also a member of the Continental 
Congress, and was one of the signers of the Declaration of 
Independence; while Arthur Lee was sent on an important 
foreign mission on behalf of the new republic. 

Returning to Richard Lee, of the second generation of the 
family in America, and the father of Thomas Lee just de- 
scribed, we must now consider the descent of his fifth son, 
Henry, the direct ancestor of the subject of these memoirs. 
Henry Lee filled no prominent place in colonial histor>'. His 
life was that of a student, though, like his brothers, he occu- 
pied a seat in the early councils of the colony. He married a 
Miss Bland, and had three children, of whom we are concerned 
only with the second son, Henry. 

This Henry Lee became a member of the House of Burgesses, 
and took an active part in all the exciting political events of 
the time. He was married in 1753 ^^ Lucy Giymes, reported 
to be a descendant of General Thomas Gr}-mes of Cromwell's 
army. He left a large family, six sons and five daughters, the 
oldest of whom, born in 1756, near Dumfries on the Potomac, 
bore the name of his father, and in addition to the distin- 
guished part he performed in the Revolutionary War attained 
tlie higher distinction of being the father of Robert E. Lee, 
the noblest figure of a long and illustrious line. 

At an early age tliis third Henry Lee in direct descent was 
sent to Princeton College, where he distinguished himself as 
a student. He was preparing for the practice of the law, and 
was just about embarking for England to pursue his studies, 
when hostilities with the mother-country changed his plans. 
He was then nineteen years of age. Abandoning his inten- 



GENEALOGY. 21 

tion of going to England, he raised a company of cavalty, and 
soon after the battle of Lexington joined Washington. His 
energy and ability quickly gained for him a high reputation. 
Speedily promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, he was 
assigned to the command of an independent corps compose<l 
of infantry and cavalry, known as "Lee's Legion." His ser- 
vices were conspicuous during the war, and at the close of the 
Revolution no one had acquired a more permanent and deserved 
reputation than "Light-horse Harry." About the year 1781 
he married his cousin, the daughter of Col. Philip Ludwell Lee 
of vStratford. Soon after the close of the war he was elected 
to Congress, and afterward became governor of Virginia, to 
which office he was three times elected. He was one of those 
who earnestly favored General Washington as the first Pres- 
ident. 

About the year 1790 he lost his wife, who had borne hinj 
four children, all of whom died in childhood except his son 
Henry. From the office of governor he returned to private 
life, and was subsequently married to Mrs. Anne Hill Carter, 
daughter of Mr. Charles Carter of Shirley. On account of the 
political agitation of the country he was again induced to enter 
public life, and in the winter of 179S-99 he became a member 
of the General Assembly. He was also re-elected to Congress, 
notwithstanding the tide of opposition then running against 
the Federals. 

^' On the death of General Washington he prepared the eulogy, 
by direction of Congress, in which occur the memorable words 
which have become indissolubly attached to the name of the 
hero of the Revolution: " First in war, first in peace, and first 
in the hearts of his countrymen." 

The children of his second marriage were Charles Carter Lee 
of Powhattan; Sidney Smith Lee, a commander in the United 
States navy in i860, and afterward of the Confederate States 
navy; General Robert Edward Lee; and two daughters, Anne 
and Mildred. 

Of these children, Robert Edward was born in the Stratford 
mansion, and in the same room in which were born two of the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence, Richard Henry and 



22 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Francis Iviqhtfoot Lee. In 1811, Henr>' Lee removed with his 
family to Alexandria for the purpose of educating his children, 
and whilst here was offered and accepted a major-general's com. 
mission in the United States army during the second war with 
England. In 1S14 he was in Baltimore, the guest of Mr. Alex- 
ander C. Hansen, at the time when the house of that gentleman 
was attacked by a mob. His visitor took part in the defence 
of the house, in which duty he received serious injuries, from 
whose effects he never recovered. 

About the close of the year 1817 declining health induced 
him to visit the West Indies, but finding that the tropical 
climate did not afford him the relief he expected, he determined 
to return to his native shores. While on his return voyage, fail- 
ing strength caused him to direct his course to the coast of 
Georgia, and to claim the hospitality of the daughter of his old 
friend and comrade. General Greene, who occupied lier father's 
residence on Cumberland Island. After lingering a short time 
at this hospitable mansion, his noble spirit took its flight to 
join those who had preceded him. Nearly half a century later 
that event was brought in the most striking manner to the know- 
ledge of the writer of this work, who was then accompanying 
General Lee, during the Civil War, on a tour of inspection along 
the coasts of Georgia and Florida. While passing through the 
channel that separates Cumberland Island from the main land, 
the steamer stopped at a plantation wharf, and the general then 
asked me to accompany liim on a sacred mission. After follow- 
ing for some distance a road shaded with live-oak and magnolia, 
we passed through a gate opening into extensive grounds dotted 
with groups of olive, orange, and lemon trees, intermingled 
with brilliant subtropical shrubbery. In the midst of these 
grounds arose an extensive pile of buildings whose unfinished 
state bore evidence that the design of the projector exceeded 
his means of execution. This was the residence of General 
Greene. We entered a spacious hall, and after admiring for a 
moment the richly-carved frames of the ample windows that 
lighted it and the stairway that wound its spiral course along 
the unfinished walls of shell and mortar, we descended a flight 
of steps into a garden, which, though neglected, exhibited sijnis 



GENEALOGY. 23 

of taste and cultivation. Passing on, we came to a dilapidated 
wall enclosing a neglected cemetery. The general then, in a 
voice of emotion, informed me that he was visiting the grave 
of his father. He went alone to the tomb, and after a few mo- 
ments of silence plucked a flower and slowly retraced his steps, 
leaving the lonely grave to the guardianship of the crumbling 
stones and the spirit of the restless waves that perpetually beat 
against the neighboring shore. We returned in silence to the 
steamer, and no allusion was ever made to this act of filial 
devotion. 

The brief genealogical record here given might have been 
greatly extended had it seemed desirable to present in full detail 
the posts of honor obtained and the distinguished services per- 
formed by the ancestors of Robert E. Lee. The few facts we 
have stated will suffice to show the prominent position held by 
the Lees in England, and their essential influence and import- 
ance in the colonial history of Virginia and in the struggle 
through which the independence of America was achieved. 
Always on the patriotic side, and doing noble duty alike in the 
legislative hall and on the battlefield, they stand high among 
the leaders in that series of great events through which the 
fetters of tyranny were broken and another star added to the 
galaxy of civilized nations. Alike in England and America 
this family has always occupied an honorable position and been 
held in high esteem, and the pages of its history are nowhere 
sullied by a deed of which any of its members need to be 
ashamed. From the date of its origin members of the family 
have gained distinction as warriors, until, through Launcelot 
Lee, Lionel Lee, and "Light-horse Harry," the culminating 
point is reached in Robert E. Lee, the greatest commander of 
modern times, and a military genius who may fairly be placed 
in comparison with the noted captains of the world as in some 
respects the noblest and ablest of them all. 



CHAPTER II. 

EARL V LIFE. 

Birth and Boyhood of Robert E. Lee. — Sent to West Point. — Descriptive Letter. — He 
is apix>inted Lieutenant of Engineers. — His Marriage. — Testimony of Friends as 
to his Character. — His Engineering Service at St. Louis. — Stationed in New York 
Harbor. 

ROBERT EDWARD LEE, the fourth child of General 
Henry Lee, was born at Stratford, the ancient manor- 
house of the Lee family in Virginia, on the 19th of January, 
1807. His name was taken from those of his maternal uncles, 
Robert and Edward Carter of Shirley. 

In order to avail himself of better opportunities for the edu-. 
cation of his children, General Lee left Stratford when his son 
Robert was four years old and removed to Alexandria. In this 
city the family lived successively on Cameron street, on Orinoco 
street, and in the house known as The Parsonage. Persons 
are yet living who remember Robert Lee in those his days of 
childhood, and who have an abiding recollection of his thought- 
fulness of character and of his earnestness in the performance 
of every duty. 

He was, indeed, in a somewhat trj'ing position for one of his 
tender years. His father had been compelled, through declin- 
ing health, to repair to the West Indies in search of relief, while 
his mother was a confirmed invalid. Of his brothers, one was 
a student at Harvard, another was in the navy ; one of his 
sisters was in delicate health, and for a considerable period 
absent from home, while the other was too young to be of 
much use in hou.schold duties ; so that many domestic cares 
fell upon Robert. Though but eleven years of age at the 
period of his father's death, the boy was old beyond his years, 
and of a thoughtfulness, a sense of filial obligation, and a 
warm affection for his parents that aided him to accept respon- 
34 



EARLY LIFE. 25 

sibilities and perform duties of wliich few boys of his age 
would have been capable. 

Little is known of the events of his early life, but that lit- 
tle redounds to his credit. His character at this period is 
admirably summarized in a passage of a letter written by his 
father from the West Indies: "Robert, who was alv/ays good, 
will be confirmed in his happy turn of mind by his ever-watch- 
ful and affectionate mother." 

It is undoubted, indeed, that the lessons of this judicious and 
loving mother bore an important part in the formation of the 
estimable character which her noble son in after years dis- 
played. She taught him in his years of childhood to "prac- 
tise self-denial and self-control, as well as the strictest economy 
in all financial concerns" — lessons which were destined to bear 
ample fruit in his subsequent life. 

As we have said, many of the cares of the household devolved 
upon the child, who did the marketing, attended to housekeep- 
ing duties, managed outdoor affairs, looked after his mother's 
horses, and acted the "little man" to an extent and with a 
discretion unusual in a boy of his age. 

His warm affection for his mother undoubtedly had its share 
in this devotion to duties usually distasteful to growing lads, 
and it was particularly shown in the pathetically earnest care 
which he took of this patient invalid. Discarding schoolboy 
frolics, he would hurry home from his studies to see that his 
mother had her daily drive, and might be seen carrying her to 
her carriage, affectionately arranging her cushions, and earnestly 
endeavoring to entertain her, gravely assuring her that unless 
she was cheerful she would derive no benefit from her airing. 

In confirmation of the statements here made we are fortu- 
nately enabled to give the testimony of near relatives of Robert 
E. Lee as to his youthful character and habits. From one of 
his cousins we have the following interesting remarks: 

"I remember him well as a boy at school to Mr. Leary at the 
Alexandria Academy, and afterward at school to Mr. Hallowell 
when his school was in the house now occupied by Mr. Turner, 
and his mother lived next door. I recollect his uniformly cor- 
rect deportment at school and elsewhere, and his attention to 



26 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

his studies. What impressed me most in my youthful days 
was his devotion to his mother, who, as you know, was for 
many years an invalid ; she used to say he was son and daugh- 
ter to her. He was her housekeeper, relieved her of all domes- 
tic cares, looked after the horses, rode out in the carriage with 
her, and did the marketing for the family." 

Another cousin offers the following testimony in a letter ad- 
dressed to ]\Irs. Lee after the death of her noble husband: 

"Aunt Lee's health was bad: your husband was everything 
to her. He kept house under his mother's directions. She was 
one of the most methodical and beautiful of managers, always 
cheerful and dignified. I think Robert's disposition was very 
like his mother's. 

^ "You remember Nat, who was Aunt Lee's dining-room ser- 
vant: after her death his health became very bad; your husband 
took him to the South, had the best medical advice, comfort- 
able room, and everything that could be done to restore him, 
and attended to him himself. When your husband was going 
to Mr. Hallowell's school he would come out at twelve o'clock, 
have their carriage gotten, and go out with aunt to ride, doing 
and saying everything to amuse her. In her last illness he 
mixed every dose of medicine she took, and he nursed her 
night and day. If Robert left the room she kept her eyes on 
the door till he returned. He never left her but for a short 
time." 

An incident related by one of his friends strikingly shows the 
high moral sense to which he had early attained, and the influ- 
ence which it exerted upon all with whom he came%into con^ 
tact. At that period life in Virginia retained much of the 
rollicking character of its eighteenth-century conditions, and 
the l)oy chanced, during a vacation, to find himself an invited 
guest in a liouse where these undesirable customs were kept up. 
The host was a fascinating gentleman, possessed of all graces 
of mind and manner, yet, while not dissipated, his mode of 
life was such as to shock the sterner sense of morality of his 
youthful visitor. Robert made no comment on what he saw, 
but his unspoken rebuke proved more efficacious than any 
words of reproach could have done. The night before his 



EARLY LIFE. 2/ 

departure his host came to his bedside, and in affecting lan- 
guage sought to excuse himself for the wild life into which he 
had fallen. He offered his sorrow for the loss of those dearest 
to him as a reason for habits which he could not seek to defend, 
and he impressively warned his young guest to beware of sim- 
ilar habits, advised him to persist in his commendable course 
of life, and earnestly promised that he would himself endeavor 
to reform if but to render himself worthy of the respect and 
affection of one of so estimable a character. 

In his school-duties Robert was as diligent, attentive, and 
methodical as at home. Mr. William B. Leary, an Irish gen- 
tleman, was his first teacher. Shortly after the war a meeting 
took place between the teacher and his now-famous pupil at 
Lexington, and again when General Lee was returning from, 
Georgia his old teacher came from a long distance to meet him, 
and they had a very pleasant interview. 

When the growing youth reached an age in which it became 
necessary to seriously consider his future life and vocation, he 
himself seems to have selected the military profession, and 
decided to make an application for admission to West Point. 
His object in this was partly the desire to relieve his mother of 
the burden of his support, but there is reason to believe that 
the army was his deliberate choice as a profession, and that his 
mind had a natural tendency toward military science, to which 
it proved in after years to be so peculiarly adapted. When it 
was fully decided that he should prepare himself for admission 
to West Point he was sent with this object to the school of Mr. 
Benjamin Hallowell, an able teacher of mathematics and well 
suited to give the youthful aspirant the necessary preliminary 
education. His record in this school can best be shown by the 
following letter from Mr. Hallowell: 

"Robert E. Lee entered my school in Alexandria, Va. , in 
the winter of 1824-25, to study mathematics preparatory to his 
going to West Point. He was a most exemplary student in 
every respect. Pie was never behind-time at his studies ; never 
failed in a single recitation ; was perfectly observant of the rules 
and regulations of the institution ; was gentlemanly, unobtru- 
sive, and respectful in all his deportment to teachers and his 



28 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

fellow-students. His specialty was finishing up. He imparted 
a finish and a neatness, as he proceeded, to everything he un- 
dertook. One of the branches of mathematics he studied with 
me was conic sections, in which some of the diagrams were 
very complicated. He drew the diagrams on a slate ; and 
although he well knew that the one he was drawing would 
have to be removed to make room for another, he drew each 
one with as much accuracy and finish, lettering and all, as if it 
were to be engraved and printed. The same traits he exhib- 
ited at my school he carried with him to West Point, where, 
I have been told, he never received a mark of demerit, and 
graduated at the head of his class." 

We may add here one further passage from the letter of his 
cousin to Mrs. Lee, which gives some interesting information 
on this point in Robert E. Lee's life: 

"I know your dead husband was most anxious to go to West 
Point, both to relieve his mother and to have a military educa- 
tion. Your aunt Lewis interested herself very much in obtain- 
ing his commission, and took him to Washington and intro- 
duced him to General Jackson. He was so much pleased with 
our beloved Robert that he got him his appointment." 

In 1825, when he was eighteen years of age, he entered West 
Point as a cadet. Concerning his life while in this institution 
we have little information. It was undoubtedly that of an 
earnest and diligent student, too absorbed in his studies to have 
many social relaxations or to indulge in any of those truant 
escapades which are apt to form the telling events in schoolboy 
life. In respect to his standing at this institution interesting 
information is volunteered by Colonel Macomb, U. S. A,, who 
entered the Military Academy in 1R28, the year before Lee's 
graduation. He fo\ind that Cadet Robert E. Lee was then the 
prominent figure in the corps of cadets, being adjutant of bat- 
talion. Yet the formality which has always existed between 
"plcbs" and older classes permitted only admiration at a dis- 
tance, and this admiration only ripened into intimate acquaint- 
anceship five years afterward when the two young men met in 
Washington. 

In the year 1829, ^^ the completion of his four years' course, 



EARLY LIFE. 2t) 

he graduated, bearing off the second highest honors of the 
institution. During his whole course he had never received a 
demerit mark for any breach of rules or neglect of duty. He 
was highly esteemed by his comrades, and was noted for stu- 
dious habits and commendable conduct. He avoided tobacco 
and intoxicating liquors, used no profane or immoral language, 
and throughout his whole student-life performed no act which 
his pious mother could not have fully approved. 

Throughout his whole life, indeed, he never used tobacco, 
and, though in rare cases he would drink a glass of wine, he 
strictly avoided whiskey or brandy and did his utmost to favor 
temperance in others. The intemperate habits of many of the 
persons under his command were always a source of pain to 
him, and several anecdotes are told of his quiet manner of 
administering reproof to young men who had over-indulged 
in strong liquor. Indeed, on more than one occasion he refused 
to promote officers addicted to intoxication, saying, "I cannot 
consent to place in the control of others one who cannot con- 
trol himself" 

Immediately after his graduation he received the appoint- 
ment of second lieutenant of Engineers in the army of the 
United States, and was employed for several years thereafter 
on the seacoast defences in engineering duty. 

It may be well to append at this point some interesting 
extracts from a letter which the writer has received from a 
near relative of General Lee, which are of special value as the 
testimony of one who was closely associated with him in his 
youth, and as serving to fill out the somewhat meagre informa- 
tion heretofore extant concerning the events of his early life : 

"My first recollection of Robert Lee was during his mother's 
residence in Alexandria. His father was absent at the time, I 
think, in the West Indies, from which trip he never returned. 
I have no recollection of ever seeing him. From my earliest 
remembrance of my aunt she was a very delicate woman, and 
was thus left at the death of General Lee with the entire charge 
of five children, Carter, Anne, Smith, Robert, and Mildred. 
Robert, when I first remember him, was, I should say, a youth 
of some fifteen or sixteen years. I was frequently with the 



30 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Arlington family at my annt's, bnt, being ver>' young, passing 
events made very little impression on my mind. Robert was 
six years my senior, and when there my intercourse was prin- 
cipally with Bella Carter, our cousin, who lived with them for 
a time, while Robert and Mildred would be engrossed with 
Mary Custis. i remember hearing Robert spoken of frequently 
as a youth of great promise, his devotion to his mother and 
the help he afforded her in all her business and household 
matters commented on with admiration — particularly his devo- 
tion to his sister Anne, afterward Mrs. Judge Marshall of Bal- 
timore. The first time I remember being struck with his manly 
beauty and attractiveness of manner was when he returned 
home after his first two }ears at West Point. He came with 
his mother and family on a visit to my father's.* He was dressed 
in his cadet uniform of West Point, gray with white bullet 
buttons, and every one was filled with admiration of his fine 
appearance and lovely manners. I think he was about nine- 
teen. Again, I remember being for some time with him at my 
grandfather Randolph's in Fauquier. I think it was the fall 
after he graduated. The house was filled with the young 
people of the family of both sexes. He was very much ma- 
tured since I had last seen him, splendid-looking — as full of 
life, fun, and particularly of teasing, as any of us. 

"But I have often said since he entered on his brilliant 
career that, although we all admired him for his remarkable 
beauty and attractive manners, I did not see anything in him 
that prepared me for his so far outstripping all his compeers. 
The first time this idea presented itself to me was during one 
of my visits to Arlington after my marriage. We were all 
seated around the table at night, Robert reading. I looked 
up and my eye fell upon his face in perfect repose, and the 
thought at once passed through my mind : 'You certainly look 
more like a great man than any one I have ever seen.' The 
.same idea presented itself to me as I looked at him in Christ 
Church, Alexandria, during the same visit. Again, he spent 
some time at my father's in the fall of 1831, shortly after his 
own marriage and just before mine. He was then, as of old, 
bright, animated, and charming. I did not .see him again 



EARLY LIFE. 3 1 

until, I think, the fall of 1836. He was returning from the 
Springs with his wife, who was in distressing ill-health, and I 
never saw a man so changed and saddened. It has always been 
painful to me to think of him as he was then. The last time 
I saw Robert Lee, except for a short time at Richmond on his 
way to the South the spring before his death, was at my own 
house the summer after the Mexican War. He was then looking 
very well, and was more than usually agreeable and interesting 
from his fund of anecdote connected with the war, which was 
of course at that time fresh in his memory. In closing I will 
make one more statement, which is, that I knew Robert Lee 
from the time I can first recollect, and I never remember hear- 
ing him censured for anything in my life." 

Another letter from the same writer furnishes the followinsr 
interesting quotation : 

*' There is one more trait in General Lee's character which I 
must mention here, which was his beautiful neatness and love 
of order. Young men are very apt to think it beneath them, 
and little^ to give much attention to these small matters, and I 
have often brought up to those of my own family the beaiitiful 
neatness of Robert Lee. His wife told me, after his return 
from the Mexican War, that he had brought back every article 
of clothing he had taken with him, and a bottle of brandy 
which he had taken in case of sickness, unopened.'''' 

The Mary Custis referred to in the foregoing letter was the 
daughter and heiress of Washington Parke Custis of Arlington 
and granddaughter of the wife of General Washington. For 
years Robert Lee had been an occasional visitor at Arlington, 
and while he was yet a boy had been strongly attracted to the 
lovely young heiress — an intimacy which ripened into love as 
the youthful pair approached years of maturity. Mary Custis 
had received a fine classical education, and with the accom- 
panying advantages of wealth and position was deemed by her 
father worthy of a match superior to that offered by a young 
man devoted to a military career. Yet the handsome cadet 
captured the heart of the Virginia heiress, and he returned to 
West Point from a visit home the plighted lover of Mary Custis. 
It was the first love for them both, and was destined to be a 



32 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

lasting one. Their marriage took place two years after his 
graduation, and was attended with an amusing circumstance 
which is worth relating. 

The wedding took place at Arlington on the evening of 
Thursday, June 30, 1831. The ceremony, which was witnessed 
by a large circle of guests, was performed in the right-hand 
drawing-room of that fine old mansion by the Rev. William 
Meade, afterward bishop of Virginia. The attendants on the 
bride and groom, as given by one of the bridesmaids, were the 
following : First bridesmaid and groomsman, Miss Catharine 
Mason and Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee ; second. Miss Mary 
Goldsborough and Lieutenant Thomas Kennedy ; third. Miss 
Marietta Turner and Lieutenant Chambers; fourth, Miss Angela 
Lewis and Mr. Tillman; fifth. Miss Julia Calvert and Lieutenant 
Prentiss; sixth, Miss Britannia Peter and Lieutenant Thomas 
Turner. 

The amusing circumstance above referred to, as related by a 
person present at the wedding, is the following: In the early 
evening preceding the hour fixed for the wedding a heavy 
thunderstorm came up, rather unfortunately for the Rev. ^Ir. 
Meade, who was yet on the road, and who reached the house 
thoroughly drenched. It was impossible for him to conduct a 
marriage ceremony without some change of raiment, and they 
were obliged to supply him with a suit of clothes belonging to 
Mr. Custis, the father of the bride. Unluckily for the fit of 
these garments, Mr. Custis was short and stout, the clergyman 
tall and thin, and he presented a highly ridiculous appearance 
to those who saw him in his borrowed plumage. However, the 
ample folds of the surplice covered all defects of raiment, and 
the guests generally were unaware of the awkward predicament 
of the dignified divine. 

Tliis was before the days of marriage-journeys, and the fes- 
tivities were concluded in the mansion, the ceremony being 
followed by a handsome supper, while the large bridal-party 
were entertained at Arlington until the evening of the following 
Monday, when an Entertainment was given at the house of 
General John Mason. The newly-married couple at once 
settled down to housekeeping in the good old style. 



EARLY LIFE. T^^t 

This matcli was con^dered a brilliant one for Lieutenant 
Lee, his wife being looked upon as a great heiress, possessed 
of a large landed estate and a multitude of slaves. Yet she has 
often been heard to declare that the advantage of the wedding 
was largely on her side, since her husband's management of her 
estate was so skilful and judicious as to make it more valuable 
and remunerative than she could possibly have done. His pro- 
fession, however, obliged him to be nearly always absent from 
home, which was probably a main reason for her father's objec- 
tion to the marriage. 

The property of Miss Custis embraced two mansions, with 
the accompanying lands: Arlington, on the Virginia heights 
opposite the city of Washington, and the White House, 
on the Pamunky River. Arlington is beautifully situated, 
and commands a view of Washington, Georgetown, and a 
long stretch of the Potomac, with a wooded background 
of distant hills and valleys. It was surrounded by groves of 
stately trees, except in front, where the hill slopes graceful!)- 
downward to the low lands bordering the river. This fine old 
mansion was seized by the Federal Government at the com- 
mencement of the Civil War, and occupied by the Federal troops 
as a camping-ground. It contained valuable relics, many of 
which were taken away, and never recovered by the famih'. 
The White House, on the Pamunky, was the scene of the mar- 
riage of General Washington with the widow Custis. This 
place was also occupied by the Federal troops, and burned — 
accidentally, no doubt, as some of the Federal officers took 
every precaution to preserve it on account of its historical 
associations. 

Years afterward, Mrs. Lee, desiring to see once more this be- 
loved home of her dearest memories, came alone to Arlington. 
Too much of an invalid even to get oiit of her carriage, she 
looked sadly around and asked for a cup of water from the 
spring, and then ordered the driver to take her away. The 
desecration which had come upon the beloved home of her 
youth and of so many years of happy married life was too great 
for the sorrowing invalid to endure. 

The fate of the two mansions of the Custis family strongly 

3 



34 MEMOIRS OF ROPERT E. LEE. 

illustrates the ravages of war. The White House, as we have 
said, was burned to the ground, and "not a blade of grass left 
to mark the culture of more than a hundred years." Arlington 
was desolated by the war, its groves cut down, its furniture 
carried off, its precious relics of Washington scattered over the 
North, and only the shell was left of the beautiful home of the 
past. The estate finally became the property of the United 
States Government, and the grounds were converted into a 
soldiers' cemetery. 

We may very briefly finish our account of General Lee's 
married life by stating that there were born to him seven chil- 
dren. These were, in order of birth, G. W. Custis, Ivlar}'', 
W. H. Fitzhugh, Annie, Agnes, Robert, and Mildred. Of 
these children, two are dead — Agnes, who died after her 
father, and Annie, who died October 20, 1862. That Gen- 
eral Lee was always exceedingly fond of his family is 
evidenced in his letters to his wife and children, examples 
of which will be given in a later portion of this work. 
They are full of expressions of affection and of wise fatherly 
advice, and prove that in the very tempest of war the heart 
of the great soldier was with his loved ones at home, and 
that he could turn from ordering some momentous movement 
in the field to write home words of tender sentiment and admo- 
nition, and hope of domestic bliss, as if his only cares were those 
of peaceful life. It is remarkable how little of war and how 
much of Christian feeling and family affection these letters 
contain. 

General Lee tells an interesting anecdote in connection with 
one of his sons (Custis), which may fitly be quoted here: When 
a very little child -his father took him to walk one winter's day 
in the snow, holding him by the hand. Soon the boy dropped 
behind. Lookiug over his shoulder, he saw Custis imitating liis 
every movement, with head and shoulders erect, putting his 
little feet exactly in his father's footprints. "When I saw 
this," said the general, " I said to myself, 'It behooves me to 
walk very straight, when this fellow is already following in my 
tracks.'" 

Shortly after his graduation Lieutenant Lee was sent on 



EARLY LIFE. 35 

engineering duty to Old Point, Virginia. Here he remained 
for several years. In 1835 he was assigned to a new field of 
duty, being appointed assistant astronomer on the commission 
for marking out the boundary-line between Ohio and Michi- 
gan. In 1836 he was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant, 
and in 1838 was made captain in the Engineer corps. 

In regard to his life during this period interesting informa- 
tion has been volunteered by some of his friends who were 
intimately associated with him at that time both profession- 
ally and socially. Mr. James Bveleth relates that he was a 
clerk in the Engineer department at Fortress Monroe v/hen 
Lieutenant Robert E. Lee reported there for his first service 
after graduating at the Academy, and from that time (1829) 
imtil 1834, Lee served at Fortress Monroe as assistant to Cap- 
tain Andrev/ Talcott, who was in charge of the construction 
of the fortifications for the defence of Hampton Roads. In 

1834, Lee was transferred to Washington as assistant to the 
chief engineer. Mr. Eveleth was also transferred, on July i, 

1835, as clerk in the Engineer department at Washington, thus 
keeping up his acquaintance with Robert E. Lee. During all 
this time Lee enjoyed the affectionate consideration and high 
appreciation of his brother-officers, as well as of all who came 
in contact with him. There never was a man more univer- 
sally beloved and respected. He was conspicuous in the mind 
of Mr. Eveleth for never having uttered a word among his 
most intimate associates that might not have been spoken 
in the presence of the most refined woman. It can always be 
said of him that he was never heard to speak disparagingl}'- of 
any one, and when au}^ one was heard so to speak in his pres- 
ence he would always recall some trait of excellence in the 
absent one. Mr. Eveleth calls to mind with peculiar interest 
the affectionate relations existing between Lieutenant Lee and 
Lieutenant J. E. Johnston, the latter being known to his inti- 
mates as Colonel Johnston. It is interesting to think of these 
two men passing on in unbroken friendship throughout their 
long and very distinguished careers. He has seen them meet 
after separation with the affectionate demonstrations of two 
school-friends. 



36 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Every incident relative to the life, associates, and habits of 
the young lieutenant at this period is of interest as a guide- 
post on the road to the great distinction which he afterward 
attained. We are fortunate in being able to give some further 
inforniaiion, obtained from his intimate friends. General Meigs 
describes his daily habits in the following words: 

"In 1836-37, Lieutenant Lee was stationed at Washington 
as assistant to Chief Engineer Colonel Gratiot, and, having 
married the daughter of G. W. Custis of Arlington, he resided 
at that place, riding his horse into town every morning in time 
for the opening of the office at nine o'clock. As all public 
offices in those days closed at three precisely, his figure, mount- 
ed upon a compact Virginia bay horse, was to be seen every 
afternoon on Pennsylvania Avenue on his return to Arlington. 
This habit of constant exercise in all kinds of weather, not on 
wheels, but in the saddle, no doubt contributed to the vigor of 
his health and the endurance which enabled him to stand the 
cares, toils, and exposures of many campaigns." 

Mrs. Kennan adds that often on his return from the city to 
Arlington he would stop and make a call on her family at their 
house in Tudor Place, Georgetown, and that he was always 
genial and ready to enter into the interests and pleasures of 
others. 

Colonel Macomb, whose remembrance of the cadet-life of 
General Lee we have already given, adds the following rem- 
iniscences of his life in Washington at the period which we 
have now reached. At that time the colonel had the good for- 
tune to be one of the "mess" at Mrs. Ulrich's, where the Riggs 
House now stands. The "mess" was composed of Joseph E. 
Johnston, James H. Prentiss, Thomas J. Lee, Augustus Can- 
field (who afterward married Miss Cass), James F. Izzard, and 
John Macomb. Lee was an occasional member of the "mess." 
Although married and residing at Arlington, yet, being on duty 
in the Engineer department, he found himself frequently 
under the necessity of remaining in Washington on account 
of the roads, which were at times impassable. Besides these 
young officers there were some distinguished iv.cn in the n:e.ss: 
Mahlon Dickerson, Secretary of the Navy; William C. Rives, 



EARLY LIFE. 37 

who had been minister to France, and who was at this time 
Senator from Virginia; Hugh Swinton Legar^ of South Caro- 
lina, an eminent lawyer, then member of Congress from South 
Carolina, but at an earlier period minister to The Hague; and 
Joel R. Poinsett, Secretary of War. The presence of the latter 
frequently brought General Eustis, his brother-in-law, into the 
membership of the "mess." Mrs. Ulrich felt great partiality 
for the young officers of the "mess," and would refuse all 
applications from persons whom she thought would not be 
acceptable and congenial to them. Under these circumstances 
it may be understood that the inmates of her house were excep- 
tionall}' agreeable to each other. Messrs. Legar^ and Dicker- 
son often discussed the Greek poets, etc. , to the edification of 
the young soldiers, whose training had been in a different line. 
An incident which illustrates the gayety of these young officers 
is here recalled: As lyieu tenant Lee was about to start for Ar- 
lington on one occasion on his spirited Virginia horse, seeing 
Macomb approach, he hailed him, saying, "Come, get up with 
me." To the surprise of I^ee, Macomb approached, put his 
foot in the stirrup, and mounted behind him. Thereupon they 
rode down Pennsylvania Avenue, and just as they were in front 
of the President's House they met the Hon. Levi Woodbury, 
Secretary of the Treasury, to whom they both bowed with great 
dignity. A more astonished gentleman has not been seen 
before or since. 

In the spring of 1857, Captain Macomb was ordered to Mex- 
ico. He went by the Southern route, and spent at San Antonio 
a delightful week with Colonel Lee, who was then stationed 
there as lieutenant-colonel of the Second Cavalry. They 
renewed their old acquaintance, with the custom of visiting the 
ladies, and had a lively time. This was Colonel Macomb's 
last interview with his old friend, whom he remembers of all 
the men of his acquaintance as the most beloved and admired 
by both men and women. No one was ever jealous of him ; 
all delighted to do him honor. Colonel Macomb recalls that, 
while stationed at Santa Fe, New Mexico, news came of the 
alarming illness of General Scott, which led, among the officers, 
to the discussion of his probable successor. It was universally 



38 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

agreed that Lee would be the man. This shows the estimation 
of his compeers.* 

As everything illustrative of the early life and the developing 
character of the great hero of the Civil War must possess an 
interest for his very numerous friends and admirers, we feel 
sure that we will be excused for adding to the reminiscences 
above given the following testimony from Mr. F. Schneider. 
It is of a different bearing from the foregoing, and clearly indi- 
cates important traits of character, showing a precision of idea, 
a clear conception of what he wanted, a close attention to 
minute details, and a faithful discharge of even the smallest 
obligation, which had much to do with the subsequent success 
of the man. 

I\Ir. Schneider had a blacksmith-shop on the corner of 
Twentieth and G streets. Upon the first occasion of his 
acquaintance (1835) Lieutenant Lee was riding into the city 
from Arlington to his office, and happening to see Mr. 
Schneider shoeing a horse, he dismounted and inquired into his 
manner of shoeing horses. Being satisfied, he gave particular 
directions and left his horse to be shod. When he returned 
from the office he lifted each foot of the horse carefully, then 
nodded his head, and said to Mr. Schneider, "You are the first 
man I have ever come across that could shoe a horse by my 
directions." From that time all the Arlington horses were 

* Colonel Macoml) was present at the marriage of Lieutenant Sidney Smith I-ee of 
the navy, iirother of Robert E. Lee, who married Miss Mason, in the old Christ Church 
at Alexandria. The party were first entertained at General John Mason's house at 
Claremont. They then went to .Arlington, where the festivities were continued. Lieu- 
tenant Robert Lee and his friends took part in this old Virginia frolic. Seven ycung 
men were bivouacked in one of the larger rooms at Arlington. Captain Canfield, one 
of the number, made much fun for the party. In the morning the negro servant made 
so much noise on the bare floor, bringing wood and making fires, that Canfield called 
out, " Moses, why not come up on the pony ?" At this point Mr. Custis threw the door 
wide open and called out, "' Sleep no more; Macbeth hath murdered sleep.' " 

Every night before the party retired punch was l)ounteously dispensed from a jninch- 
Ik)w1 which had belongetl to General Washington. In the bottom of the bowl was a 
painting of a ship, the hull resting in the bottom, the mast projecting to the 1 rim. The 
rule was to drink down to the hull — a nde strictly observed. 

As this bowl has a history, it may be stated that it was presented to General Washing- 
ton by (^)lonel Fitzhugh, a former aide-de-camp, who afterward left Virginia and settled 
in the Genesee Valley in Western New York, 



EARLY LIFE. " . 39 

sent to Mr. Schneider to be shod. When ordered to Mexico 
his high regard for Mr. Schneider led him to go from the War 
Department to his shop to bid him good-bye. The year before 
the Civil War repairing and fencing was done at Arlington, 
and Colonel Lee came to Mr. Schneider to have made a pecu- 
liar gate-latch that could be opened without dismounting. He 
wanted a dozen, and Mr, Schneider said, "Well, colonel, I 
will make one. If that pleases you, I will make eleven more." 
He came a few days after the one was ready for him. He took 
it with him and had it put on the gate, then came back and 
said, "Make the eleven. It is the very thing I want, and 
could not be improved." Since Mr. Schneider has retired from 
business one of the general's daughters was visiting at the 
surgeon-general's. She wanted a fan mended, and asked Gen- 
eral Barnes to send it to her^ father's friend, Mr. Schneider. 
This was done, and Mr. Schneider was most happy to repair 
the fan. Mr. Schneider says his heart always warmed at the 
sight of Lee: it was pleasant to serve him. He would listen 
to suggestions which Mr. Schneider felt free to make, and 
was always reasonable and just. Among the books of Mr. 
Schneider's extensive library is the Life of General Lee^ by 
John Bsten Cooke, and in his catalogue, printed by himself, he 
appends in a footnote the following incident: 

"In the fall of i860 the general rode over from Arlington to 
the iron-foundry of Mr. Schneider, corner of Eighteenth and 
Pennsylvania Avenue, and drew from his pocket the draft of a 
peculiar kind of coulter which he requested to be cast for him 
to use in breaking up a lot of heavy meadow-sod. The price 
of the coulter was fixed at two dollars, and the colonel's old 
market-man called for it a day or two after. A few months 
passed and the peaceful pursuits of agriculture were exchanged 
for the strife and turmoil of war. General Lee pitched his tent 
in the South, and the quiet scenes of Arlington knew him no 
more. Late in 1861, amid the stirring scenes that were enact- 
ing around him, whilst all the cares and responsibilities of his 
position were resting upon General Lee, Mr. Schneider received 
by the hands of a little boy two one-dollar gold-pieces with a 
brief note of apology." 



40 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

We now approach a somewhat important period in General 
Lee's life — that in which he was first to clearly show the material 
of which he was made and his fine ability as an engineer. In 
llie year 1837 he received orders to proceed to St. Louis, which 
city at that time was threatened with a serious disaster from the 
deflection of the main current of the Mississippi River to the 
Illinois side, and the danger of its cutting a new channel 
through the bottom-lands. Here he was to make surveys and 
consider the best means of averting this threatened peril, which 
would make of St. Louis an inland city, and to report to the 
Department at Washington. In addition, he was entrusted 
with other duties connected with the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi, the details of which we can best give in the words of 
General Meigs, quartermaster-general U. S. A., wdio, then a 
lieutenant, accompanied the young engineer as his assistant, 
and who furnishes for this work the following valuable account 
of their operations: 

In the summer of 1837, Lieutenant Robert E. Lee, corps 
of Engineers, was ordered by the Engineer department to 
proceed to the Mississippi River, and, with an appropriation 
made by Congress for the purpose, to make examination, plans, 
and estimates for the improvement of the navigation of the 
Mississippi at the harbor of St. Louis, where sandbars threat- 
ened to interfere with the use of the water-front of the city, 
known as the levee, upon which they were encroaching, and 
where the main channel of the river showed a tendency to 
change from the Missouri to the Illinois shore. He was also 
instructed to make surveys and plans for improving the navi- 
gjition of this river near the point where the Des ]\Ioines enters 
it from the west, and above and about the mouth of Rock 
River, which enters from the east. At both these points the 
river flows over ledges of rocks, with a narrow and tortuous 
channel. During the .season of low water all steamboats at 
these points were obliged to discharge at least a part of their 
cargo, which was ])laccd upon what were then known as "keel- 
boats" and towed by horses along the shores to the head of the 
rapids. The country about these rapids was only then being 



EARLY LIFE. 4 1 

surveyed and opened for settlement. No railroad had at that 
time crossed the AUeghanies. 

Lieutenant Lee left Washington about June, accompanied 
by Lieutenant Meigs as his assistant. They went by the way 
of the Pennsylvania Canal to Pittsburg, where they took a 
steamer and descended to Louisville, stopping at Cincinnati 
(both of these were then small cities, compared with what they 
are to-day). At Louisville they found a small steamboat which 
had just been completed under the supervision of Captain 
Shreeves, famous as the inventor and operator of the "snag- 
boat." His son-in-law, Captain Morehead, was the captain of 
the surveying boat; and here, with the aid of the boatmen, 
Lieutenant Lee organized and outfitted a strong surveying- 
party of river-men. The steamer proceeded to the Des Moines 
rapids, touching at St. Louis on the way. (St. Louis's prin- 
cipal distinction then was that it was the headquarters of the 
North-western fur trade. Ashley, Chouteau, and Sandford had 
there their principal offices, and thence despatched expeditions 
which penetrated the Rocky Mountains and fought battles in 
Oregon and Washington Territories with the Canadian voya- 
geurs and Scotch servants of the Hudson Bay Company.) 
Arrived at the lower or Des Moines rapids of the Mississippi, 
the party attempted to pass the rapids in their steamer, and 
quickly experienced the difficulties of the navigation by find- 
ins: themselves fast on the rocks of one of the lower channels. 
All efforts to float the steamer failed, and the party proceeded 
to make their survey of these rapids while using the steamer as 
a base of operations, the surveying-parties leaving the steamer 
in small boats in the morning and returning at night. 

Having completed the survey of the Des Moines rapids, 
they took passage in a steamer which they found at the head 
of the rapids, and ascended to Rock Island. There they dis- 
covered another steamer wrecked upon a rock in the Rock 
Island rapids; her hull was stove in and her lower deck Avas 
partly under water, but her upper cabin, with its staterooms, 
was dry and habitable. Holes made for removing the engines 
yawned in the cabin-floor. Lieutenant Lee made this wreck 
his base of operations during the survey of the upper rapids. 



42 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

From the stem, after the clay's work was over, the young men 
of the party replenished the larder by fishing- for blue catfish, 
pike, and pickerel. About the end of October the work on 
this part of the river was finished, and they returned to the 
Des Moines rapids on a passing steamer. At these rapids they 
found the banks lined with birch-bark canoes and Indian tepees, 
a tribe of Chippewas having assembled there to receive the fall 
distribution of presents from the agents. Owing to a rise in 
the river, they now found themselves able to float their own 
steamer, in which they returned to St. Louis. 

Here the second story of a warehouse on the levee was 
rented as an office, where the maps giving the results of tlieir 
surveys of the upper river were prepared. While the reduction 
of their notes to the form of maos was going on parties were 
placed in the field on each bank of the river. Signals were 
established, and the river was thoroughly triangulated and 
sounded from the mouth of the Missouri to some distance 
below St. Louis. These surveys were completed and mapped, 
and the party broke up. The men were discharged, and Lieu- 
tenant Lee and Lieutenant Meigs returned to Washington, 
laying up their steamer for the winter on the Ohio, and pass- 
ing thror.gh Wheeling by way of the Cumberland road. At 
Frederick, Md., they took cars on the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad, crossing some divides by horse-power. No locomo- 
tive had at that time reached Frederick. 

Lieutenant Lee made up his report, in which he recom- 
mended the improvement of the two rapids by the straighten- 
ing and widening of the channels and by blasting and moving 
the rocks which obstructed navigation. He recommended, in 
regard to the St. Louis problem, the proper course of the dikes 
to deflect the currents and to close at low water the eastern or 
Illinois channel by connecting Bloody Island with the eastern 
ghoro'. 

These reports and maps were published by Congress, which 
for many years continued to make appropriations for the exe- 
cution of the work designed and recommended by Lieutenant 
Lee. 

Probably the only sur\'ivor of that expedition is General 



EARL Y LIFE. 43 

Meigs, who takes pleasure in contributing this reminiscence to ; 
the memoirs of General Lee. It was the beginning of the ; 
permanent improvement of the upper Mississippi River. At I 
that time only a few log houses, traders' stores, and military 
posts existed on the shores of the rapids and for hundreds of 
miles above. The land had never been surveyed or brought 
into the market. 

The preliminary survey above described was not the whole 
of Lieutenant Lee's connection with the improvement of the 
Mississippi. For some years thereafter he superintended the 
progress of the work at the points designated. During the 
prosecution of this work at St. Louis there was much free crit- 
icism and adverse prediction indulged in by the people of the 
threatened city. Heedless of this public clamor, the young 
Engineer officer pursued the even tenor of his way, and finally 
convinced his critics by the best of logic, that of success, that 
there might be some intelligence and ability outside of political 
assemblies and newspaper offices. 

General Lee has described to the writer of this work the 
general method in which he achieved success in this difficult 
undertaking. His method was to force the current back into 
its original channel by driving piles and constructing cribs and 
wing-dams. The eddies thus created caused a deposit of sed- 
iment to be made between the dams, which gradually filled 
up the place where the wash-out had occurred with solid mat- 
ter, and diverted the unsteady stream back into its original 
course. 

Operations at the rapids also were prosecuted in accordance 
with the plans and under the directions of Lieutenant Lee, and 
an available channel gradually formed. Many years later, the 
commerce of the river requiring larger boats than could safely 
venture through the Des Moines channel, a ship-canal was con- 
structed on the western shore of the river at this place, not- 
withstanding the fact that railroads then lined both shores of 
the stream. The commerce thus made available has supplied 
the wants of the millions who have since made of the upper 
Mississippi and of the plains of the Red River of the North the 
granary of North America. Cities have sprung up which, like 



44 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Minneapolis and St. Paul, count their inhabitants by the hun. 
dred thousands; St. Louis, then a small town with a few thou- 
sand inhabitants, has grown into a noble city peopled by more 
than three hundred and fifty thousand souls; and the worthless 
prairie-land of that day has now been largely converted into 
city lots of immense value. It is not claimed here that the 
encrineerinsr skill of Lieutenant Lee was in anv sense the cause 
of this prosperity, but simply that he performed services that 
helped to render it possible. 

Although we have said so much in regard to the appearance 
and character of Robert E. Lee, yet General Meigs's testimony 
to that effect is so valuable, when we consider his opportunities of 
thoroughly knowing him, that we cannot omit it. He expresses 
himselfas remembering with pleasure and affection "his intimate 
associations with Lieutenant Lee, a man then in the vigor of 
youthful strength, with a noble and commanding presence, and 
an admirable, graceful, and athletic figure. He was one with 
whom nobody ever wished or ventured to take a liberty, though 
kind and generous to his subordinates, admired by all women, 
and respected by all men. He was the model of a soldier and 
the beau ideal of a Christian man." 

Some letters of General Lee, written at this period, are suf- 
ficiently characteristic to be of interest to the reader, and we 
may be excused for quoting them. One, written to his wife 
and dated " Louisville, June 5, 1839," contains the following 
passage : 

"You do not know how much I have missed you and the 
children, my dear Mary. To be alone in a crowd is very soli- 
tary. In the woods I feel sympathy with the trees and birds, 
in whose company I take delight, but experience no interest in 
a strange crowd. I hope you are all well and will continue so, 
and therefore must again urge upon vou to be very prudent and 
careful of those dear children. If I could only get a squeeze 
at that little fellow turning up his sweet mouth to ' kecse 
Baba'! You must not let him run wild in my absence, and 
will have to exercise firm authority over all of them. This 
will not require severity, or even strictness, but constant atten- 
tion and an unwavering course. Mildness and forbearance, 



EARL V LIFE. 45 

tempered by firmness and judgment, will strengthen their affec- 
tion for you, while it will maintain your control over them," 

We are fortunately enabled to add to this a letter of much 
value as detailing incidents in the life of the young lieutenant 
of Engineers while on duty in the West. The Dick referred 
to may remain incognito, as his personality is of no import- 
ance to the narrative. The letter is addressed externally to 
"Lieut. J. H. Johnston, Topographical Engineers, Washing- 
ton, D. C," but internally "My Dear Colonel," the title by 
which General Johnston was then familiarly known to his 
intimate friends: 

"St. Louis, 26th July, 1839. 

" My Dear Colonel : Upon my return here some few days 
since from the Rapids I found your letter of the ist. It did 
me good to hear of the boys, especially as it was all good. 
Kan's fishing-project I fear is more natural than feasible, and 
its merits in so benighted a place as Washington will never be 
appreciated. I now contemplate you, therefore, as one of the 
stars in General Scott's staff. While up the river I fell in with 
Dick, and escorted him from Galena to Burlington, his head- 
quarters. General Brooke happened at Galena while we were 
there, and, besides the pleasure of meeting him again, we had 
much sport in fighting the battles of Old Point over again. 
But it was done temperately and in a temperance manner, for 
the general has forsworn strong potations, and our refreshment 
consisted of only soda-water and ice-cream, delicacies that had 
been untasted by the general for the last nine years, and four 
times a day did we pay our respects to the fountain and freezer. 
Dick had been up to Dubuque to let out one of his roads, and, 
finding some spare days on his hands, ' accoutred as he was, ' 
he plunged into a pleasure-party for the Falls of St. Anthony 
that came along in fine spirits with music playing and colors 
flying. Would you like to hear of his apparel? A little short- 
sleeved, short-waisted, short-skirted, brown linen coat, well 
acquainted with the washboard, and intended for a smaller 
man than our friend; a faded blue calico shirt; domestic cloth 
pants; a pair of commodious brogans; and a hat torn, broken, 
and discolored. Now, hear him laugh as he presents himsell 



46 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

for a dance, arms akimbo, and you have him before you. 1 
believe, though, it was a concerted thing with him, for whom 
should he meet but his Indian friend ' Hole-in-the-Day ' and 
his faithful Red SJie^ who showed him his old blanket that she 
religiously wrapt herself in, but upon examining his fingers 
her good copper rings were not there! Ke complains bitterly 
of his present waste of life, looks thin and dispirited, and is 
acquainted with the cry of every child in Iowa. He is well 
practised in pork-eating and promiscuous sleeping, and is a 
friend to Quakers, or rather their pretty daughters 

"News recently arrived that the Sioux had fallen upon a 
party of Chippeways and taken one hundred and thirty scalps. 
The Holc-in-tJie-Day^ Dick's friend, had gone in advance with 
the larger party, and they did not come up with him. It is 
expected that this chief, who is represented as an uncommon 
man, will take ample revenge, and this may give rise to fresh 
trouble. You will see the full accounts in the papers 

" Bliss is well at the Rapids, with the whole fleet, and I hope 
jerking out the stones fast. 

"R. E. IvEE." 

We must pass with more rapidity over the few subsequent 
years of his career. As already said, he was made captain of 
Engineers in 1838. In 1840 he resumed his legitimate duties 
of military engineer, and in 1842 was sent to Fort Hamilton 
in New York harbor, where he was occupied for several 
years in improving the defences. In 1844 he was appointed 
on the board of visitors to the Military Academy at West 
Point. These services occupied him until the year 1846, when 
the breaking out of hostilities between the United States and 
Mexico opened a wider field for the exercise of his abilities as 
a military engineer, and offered his first opportunity for that 
practical education in the art of war which was afterward to 
bear such abundant fruit. 



CHAPTER III. 

THE MEXICAN WAR. 

Causes of ths War. — A Daring Scout. — Siege of Vera Cru^. — Cen-o Gordo. — Passage 
of the Pedregal. — Contreras, Churubusco, Chapultepec. — Letter from Mexico. — 
Testimony of Generals Wilcox and Hunt. — Encomium from General Johnston. 

IN 1846 war was declared between the United States and 
the neighboring- republic of Mexico — a war in which Rob- 
ert E. Lee bore a prominent part, and in which he gained great 
distinction both as an able engineer and as a gallant and daring 
soldier. His connection with this war forms so important a 
chapter in his history that some brief account of its causes 
and the general course of its events becomes here necessary. 

Texas while yet a sub-province of the republic of Mexico 
had attracted a considerable population of immigrants from 
the United States, who confided in the promise of the Mexi- 
can Cortes, promulgated in 1824, that as soon as it had gained 
sufficient importance it should be erected into an independent 
state of the republic, and be made "free, sovereign, and inde- 
pendent in whatever exclusively related to its internal govern- 
ment and administration." 

The foreign immigration which took place on the faith of 
this proclamation called forth in 1830 a counter-decree from 
Bustamente, then President or tyrant of the republic, in which 
he prohibited the ingress of foreigners. To execute his edicts 
he introduced a considerable force of Mexican soldiers into 
Texas, which was thus virtually placed under military rule. 

This act called forth strong opposition among the inhab- 
itants, and the soldiers were forced to leave the country. Bus- 
tamente's rule ended in 1832, he being succeeded by Santa 
Anna as President. Shortly afterward Texas petitioned to be 
erected into a separate state, as promised in' the act of 1824. 
Austin, the agent sent by the Texans to the capital city, being 

47 



48 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

f 
unable to obtain any reply to liis petition from the Mexican 
Government, wrote to the Texan authorities and advised them 
to organize a state government without waiting for the action 
of the Mexican Congress. 

This action was considered treasonable, and Austin was 
arrested and imprisoned for over a year. Santa Anna had 
meanwhile overthrown the Mexican constitution and made 
himself military' dictator of the "republic of Mexico," so 
called. The people of Texas resented this usurpation, organ- 
ized a state government, and raised troops to resist the invasion 
which they had every reason to expect. They were not mis- 
taken. Troops invaded the province, and an engagement took 
place at Gonzales on the 2d of October, 1835. 

This was the first step in a war which resulted in the inde- 
pendence of Texas. In the battle of San Jacinto, April 21, 
1836, the Mexicans suffered a complete defeat, and Santa Anna 
was taken prisoner. One of the terms of his release was the 
recognition of the independence of Texas, which had been 
erected into a republic on the lytli of March, with David G. 
Burnett for its first President. 

On the 3d of March, 1837, the independence of this new 
power was recognized by the United vStates, two years after- 
ward by France and England, and very soon by most of the 
European states. 

As early as August 4, 1837, Texas proposed to unite herself 
with the United States. This proposition was declined by the 
administration of President \'an Buren, and was not enter- 
tained till the term of President Tyler, when a resolution of 
Congress was passed settino^ forth the terms of a union of the 
republic of Texas with the United States. This proposition 
was formally adopted by the people of Texas assembled in 
convention on July 4, 1845, and a new constitution was formed 
preparatory' to the admission of the young republic as a State 
of the Federal Union. 

The independence of Texas had never been acknowledged 
by Mexico, and this action of the United States Government 
gave serious offence, which was evidenced by a remonstrance 
from General Almonte, the IMexican minister resident at Wash- 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 49 

ington, wlio immediately afterward demanded liis passports and 
left the country. All friendly intercourse between the United 
States and Mexico now ceased. Mr. Polk, who was then Pres- 
ident, apprehending an invasion of Texan soil, sent General 
Zachary Taylor, with about five thousand men, to guard the 
nev/ State of the American Union. Early in August, 1845, ^^ 
took position at Corpus Christi, near the mouth of the Neuces 
River. On the 13th of January, 1846, he was ordered to ad- 
vance to the Rio Grande, and reached the east bank of that 
river on March 28th, where he erected a fortress, called Fort 
Brown, directly opposite the Mexican city of Matamoras. 

On the 26th of April, General Ampudia, the Mexican com- 
mander, gave notice that he considered hostilities commenced, 
and on the same day a force of 63 American soldiers were attacked 
on the Texan side of the river, and all killed or captured. This 
was the first blood shed in the war. 

Two other battles took place on Texan soil — one near Palo 
Alto, where a Mexican army of about 6000 men was defeated; 
and the other at Resaca de la Palma, where the same army was 
utterly routed and the soil of Texas freed of its invaders. 

A few days afterward General Taylor crossed the river, took 
possession of Matamoras, and carried the war definitely into 
Mexican territory. Fifty thousand volunteers were called for, 
and the army of General Taylor was rapidly reinforced by 
recruits from Texas and the adjoining States. 

The plan of military operations now adopted at Washington 
was to invade Mexico on three different lines: one was from 
Matamoras to the interior, under the lead of General Taylor; 
another toward New Mexico and California, under the lead of 
General Kearney; while a third column, under General Wool, 
was to seize the northern departments of Mexico. With the 
latter column Captain Lee first entered the field of war. 

The young officer of Engineers remained with General Wool's 
command until ordered to join the expedition of General Scott, 
and while with it he performed very important service, as in- 
stanced in the story, related by himself, of a scouting-expedi- 
tion. This incident is of such interest as illustrative of tlie 
romance of war and of the daring of its hero that we hen; 
4 



50 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

briefly repeat it, as told by a friend who had heard him per- 
sonally relate it: 

'' Shortly before the battle of Buena Vista, General Wool, 
being ignorant of the position and movements of the enemy, 
bnt having been positively assnred that Santa Anna had crossed 
the mountains and was encamped with his whole army at a 
point only twenty miles distant, determined to send out a 
sconting-party to ascertain the truth of this report. Captain 
Lee, who was present, at once volunteered to perform this 
duty. His offer was accepted, and he was directed to procure 
a guide and order a company of cavalry to meet him at the 
outer picket-line as escort. By some means, however, he 
missed the picket-post and his escort, and ere long found him- 
self several miles beyond the lines with no company but his 
guide. This was a young Mexican who knew the countr}', 
and whom Captain Lee had promised the contents of a pocket- 
pistol if he should play false. 

Dangerous as it was to proceed alone, to return was to 
abandon the enterprise for that night, and the daring scout 
galloped on. At a point about five miles from the reported 
place of encampment of the IMexican army the moonlight 
displayed numerous tracks of mules and wagons in the road. 
No artillery-tracks were visible, but these might have been 
obliterated by the others, and there was abundant reason to 
conclude that a strong foraging- or reconnoitering-party had 
passed here. The information thus obtained would have sat- 
isfied many officers, yet it was not sufficiently positive for 
Captain Lee, who determined to go on till he reached the 
picket-posts of the enemy. 

To his surprise, he found no pickets. He concluded that he 
had missed them as he had those of his own army, and had 
ridden within the Mexican lines. In confirmation of this 
opinion, he soon found himself in view of what appeared to 
be large camp-fires on a hillside at no great distance. His 
guide, who was by this time in a pitiable state of fright, 
begged him earnestly to return, saying that there was a stream 
of water just beyond, and that he knew that Santa Anna's 
whole army was encamped on the other side. 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 5 1 

But the daring scout was not yet quite satisfied, and, direct- 
ing tlie guide to await his return, he galloped boldly forward. 
vSoon he perceived what appeared to be the white tents of a 
large encampment. Reaching the banks of the stream, he 
heard beyond it loud talking and the usual noises of a camp. 

By this time, however, he was near enough to be able to 
make better use of the moonlight, and discovered that his 
white tents were simply a large fiock of sheep^ and that his 
army was a train of wagons and the drovers of a large herd of 
cattle, mules, etc. Riding into their camp, he quickly learned 
from them that Santa Anna had not yet crossed the mountains, 
and that there were no Mexican forces in that locality. 

He galloped back with this important news to the army, 
where he found his friends in a state of serious apprehension 
as to his safety, the intended escort having reported his disap- 
pearance. "But," said General Lee, "the most delighted man 
to see me was the old Mexican, the father of my guide, with 
whom I had been last seen by any of our people, and whom 
General Wool had arrested and proposed to hang if I was not 
forthcoming." 

Though he had ridden forty miles that night, he was in the 
saddle again after a three hours' rest. He guided a body of 
cavalry to and far beyond the point to which he had gone the 
night before, and succeeded in ascertaining definitely the posi- 
tion, force, etc. of the enemy. 

The signal victory of General Taylor at Buena Vista, in 
which a force of 20,000 Mexicans under Santa Anna was put 
to rout by 5000 Americans, virtually ended the war in the 
northern Mexican states. Meanwhile, during January and 
February, 1847, General Scott was collecting a large force in 
the neighborhood of Tampico to operate against Vera Cruz 
and the city of Mexico. Captain R. B. Lee joined this force 
by the particular request of General Scott. 

About the last of February, General Scott embarked his 
troops and sailed for Vera Cruz, and on the 9th of March 
landed his army of 12,000 men a short distance south of that 
city, which he immediately proceeded to invest. The city was 
surrounded by a wall and defended by a powerful fortress, tlie 



52 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

castle of San Juan de Ulloa, the number of guns being about 
400. It was garrisoned by 5000 Mexican troops under General 
Morales. 

The establishment of batteries and the other details of the 
siege were directed by Captain Lee, who prosecuted his labors 
with such vigor that by the 2 2d the batteries were ready to 
commence the bombardment which resulted on the 29th in the 
surrender of Vera Cruz and the adjacent fortifications. For his 
services on this occasion Captain Lee was favorably mentioned 
by General Scott in his report of the siege of Vera Cruz. 
Having gained a secure base of operations, General Scott 
advanced toward the city of Mexico; but on reaching Cerro 
Gordo, the point where the National Road emerges from the 
Tierra Caliente, he found himself confronted by General Santa 
Anna with a numerous army, which this general had, in spite 
of his defeat at Buena Vista, thoroughly reorganized and put 
in position to oppose Scott's advance. 

Cerro Gordo was of such formidable strength that a direct 
attack was deemed injudicious, and therefore it became neces- 
sar>' to adopt other means for its reduction. In the words of 
General Scott, " Reconnoissances were pushed in search of some 
practicable route other than the winding, zigzag road among 
the spurs of mountains, with heavy batteries at every turn. 
The reconnoissances were conducted with vigor under Captain 
Lee at the head of a body of pioneers, and at the end of the 
third day a passable way for light batteries was accomplished 
without alarming the enemy, giving the possibility of turn- 
ing the extreme left of his line of defence and capturing his 
whole army, except the reserve, that lay a mile or two higher 
up the road. Santa Anna said that he had not believed a goat 
could have approached him in that direction. Hence the sur- 
prise and the results were the greater." 

A large force was sent along the route thus made passable, 
and, though it was discovered by the enemy before it had quite 
reached the point desired, it had gained a jDOsition which enabled 
it to storm and carry the heights of Cerro Gordo and rout the 
Mexican army, Santa Anna being defeated and forced to retire 
with great loss. General Scott, in his report of this battle, says: 



THE MEXICAN WAR, 53 

* ' I am compelled to make special mention of Captain R. E. 
lyce, Engineer. This officer was again indefatigable during 
these operations in reconnoissances as daring as laborious, and 
of the utmost value. Nor was he less conspicuous in plant- 
ing batteries and in conducting columns to their stations under 
the heavy fire of the enemy." 

An interesting incident which occurred during one of the 
reconnoissances mentioned by General Scott was related to the 
writer by John Fitzwalter, who acted as a guide to Captain Lee 
during this campaign, and who himself was so daring as to 
gain from the Mexicans the title of Juan Diablo, or, to put it 
in plain English, John the Devil. 

During the reconnoissance in question Captain lyce had venv. 
tured too far from his supporting column, and unexpectedly 
found himself in the midst of the enemy and in a position of 
great danger. He was forced to take refuge beneath a fallen 
tree, near which was a spring to which the Mexicans frequently 
came for water. While he lay hidden in this perilous covert 
hostile soldiers frequently passed over the tree, and even sat 
down on it and entered into conversation, without discovering 
the somewhat nervous individual beneath it. He was obliged 
to remain there until the coming of night enabled him to retire 
from the dangerous locality. 

It may not be amiss to mention at this point that Captain 
Lee was not the only one of his family who took part in these 
operations. His elder brother, Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee 
of the navy, served in the bombardment of Vera Cruz in com- 
mand of a detachment of seamen who worked the guns in the 
trenches. These guns were under the general direction of Cap- 
tain Lee, who has often been heard to relate with what anxiety 
after each discharge he would look to see if his brother was 
safe, and how reassured he felt when he saw his white teeth 
gleaming through, the smoke. 

Early in these operations Captain Lee had been appointed on 
the personal staff of General Scott, who had the greatest con- 
fidence in his judgment and ability, and was always strongly 
influenced by his opinion in council. 

In the subsequent campaign in the Valley of Mexico to Cap- 



54 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

tain Lee is mainly due the capture of Contreras and the reduc- 
tion of Churubusco — successes which opened the way for Gen- 
eral Scott to the walls of Mexico. 

A distinguished officer (General Henry J. Hunt) who partici- 
pated in the Mexican campaign thus describes the operations 
at Contreras: 

"On the 19th of August, 1847, General Scott's headquarters 
were at San Augustin, a small village four or five miles south 
of Churubusco. The main road running south from the city 
of Mexico forks at Churubusco, one branch goin_g to San 
Augustin, while the other runs in a south-westerly direction, 
and passes to the east of Contreras and of a somewhat elevated 
plateau beyond or south of Contreras. The distances from 
Churubusco to the plateau and from the plateau to San Augus- 
tin are each about equal to the distance from San Augustin to 
Churubusco. This triangular space, included between the two 
roads and a ridge of hills south of San Augustin as the third 
side, is called the Pedregal. This Pedregal is a vast surface of 
volcanic rocks and scoria broken into every possible form, pre- 
senting sharp ridges and deep fissures, exceedingly difficult 
even in the daytime for the passage of infantry, and utterly 
impassable for artillery, cavalr>', or single horsemen. There 
are occasional inter\^als, especially near San Augustin, where 
small fields have been made and tilled; but these little oases 
grow smaller and more infrequent toward the west, and a mile 
or two from the plateau cease altogether, so that the country 
from above Contreras to the range of hills on the south is an 
almost unbroken field of desolation, such as lava would pre- 
sent if in a state of ebullition. Indeed, it appears like a sea 
of such lava suddenly congealed, with here and there a clump 
of hardy bushes and dwarf trees which have managed to force 
an existence from the apparently sterile rocks. By taking 
advantage of the small open spaces a difficult, crooked, and 
hardly passable road — not much better than a mule-track — 
had been opened from San Augustin to the plateau, in front 
of which it joins the road from the city of Mexico. On this 
plateau General Valencia had intrenched his fine division, 
about six thousand strong, with twenty-four guns, which com- 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 55 

pletely commanded the approach from San Augustin. A mile 
or more north of Contreras and the neighboring hamlet of An- 
selda, and on the main city road, lay General Santa Anna with 
a portion of the reserves of the Mexican army. 

"On the morning of the 19th, General Scott ordered Pil- 
low's and Twiggs's divisions to move from San Augustin to- 
ward the plateau, the ground having been previously carefully 
reconnoitered by Captain R. E. Lee, assisted by Lieutenants 
Beauregard and Tower of the Engineers. Pillow was directed 
to improve the road with his force, and, if possible, make it 
practicable for artillery, while Twiggs was thrown in advance 
to protect the working-parties. 

"General Scott in his official report, written that same day, 
says: ' By three o'clock this afternoon the advanced divisions 
came to a point where the new road could not be continued 
except under the direct fire of twenty-two pieces of the ene- 
my's artillery (most of them of large calibre), placed in a camp 
strongly intrenched to oppose our operations, surrounded by 
every advantage of ground, and, besides, being reinforced 
hourly by immense bodies of cavalry and infantry, which, 
coming from the city over an excellent road beyond the vol- 
canic fields, were consequently entirely beyond the reach of 
,our cavalry and artillery. 

" 'Arriving on the ground an hour later, I found that Pil- 
low's and Twiggs's divisions had advanced to dislodge the 
enemy, picking their way (all officers on foot) along his front, 
and extending themselves toward the road from the city and 

the enemy's left The battle, though mainly stationary, 

continued to rage with great violence until nightfall.' 

"In the mean time, portions of Riley's, Persifer Smith's, 
Shields' s, and Cadwallader's brigades had made their way across 
the Pedregal to Contreras, whence they watched the approach 
of the Mexican troops from the city. Captain Lee accompa- 
nied these troops, and the nature of the ground can perhaps 
best be understood by the description given of it by one who 
passed over it at the time. 

" He says : ' Late in the morning of the 19th the brigade of 
which my regiment was a part (Riley's) was sent out from San 



56 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Augustin in the ^direction of Contreras. We soon struck a 
region over which it was said no horses could go, and men 
only with difficulty. 

'* 'No road was available; my regiment was in advance, my 
company leading, and its point of direction was a church-spire 
near or at Contreras. Taking the lead, we soon struck the 
Pedregal (a field of volcanic rock like boiling scoria suddenly 
solidified), pathless, precipitous, and generally compelling rapid 
gait in order to spring from point to point of rock, on which 
two feet could not rest, and which cut through our shoes. A 
fall upon this sharp material would have seriously cut and in- 
jured one, whilst the effort to climb some of it cut the hands. 

*' ' Such was the general character of the portion crossed by 
my regiment, and I believe by the brigades, though many, not 
pushing as I did, may have picked out a circuitous and better 
route. 

" 'Just before reaching the main road from Contreras to the 
city of Mexico we reached a watery ravine, the sides of which 
were nearly perpendicular, up which I had to be pushed and 
then to pull otheri}. 

" ' On looking back over this bed of lava or scoria, I saw the 
troops, much scattered, picking their way very slowly, while 
of my own company, some eighty or ninety strong, only five, 
men crossed with me or during some twenty minutes after. 

" 'With these five I examined the country beyond, and struck 
upon the small guard of a paymaster's park, which, from the 
character of the country over which we had passed, was deemed 
perfectly safe from capture. 

" ' My men gained a paymaster's chest well filled with bags 
of silver dollars, and the firing and fuss we made both fright- 
ened the guard with the belief that the infernals were upon 
them and made our men hasten to our support. 

" ' Before sundown all of Riley's — and, I believe, of Cadwalla- 
dcr's. Smith's, and Pierce's brigades — were over, and by nine 
o'clock a council of war, presided over by Persifer Smith and 
counselled by Captain R. E. Lee, was held at the church. 

" ' I have always understood that what was devised and finally 
determined upon was suggested by Captain Lee; at all events, 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 57 

the council was closed by his saying that he desired to return 
to General Scott with the decision of General Smith, and that, 
as it was late, -the decision must be given as soon as possible, 
since General Scott wished him to return in time to give direc- 
tions for co-operation. 

" 'During the council and for hours after the rain fell in tor- 
rents, whilst the darkness was so intense that one could move 
only by groping. 

" 'To illustrate: my company again led the way to gain the 
Mexican rear, and when, after two hours of motion, light broke 
sufficiently to enable us to see a companion a few feet off, we 
had not moved four hundred yards, and the only persons pres- 
ent were half a dozen officers and one guide. 

" 'Captain Lee left the council to join General Scott. His» 
tory gives him the credit of having succeeded, but it has always 
seemed incredible to me when I recollect the distance amid 
darkness and storm, and the dangers of the Pedregal which he 
must have traversed, and that, too, I believe, entirely unaccom~ 
panied. Scarcely a step could have been taken without danger 
of death ; but that to him, a true soldier, was the willing risk 
of duty in a good cause. I would not believe it could have 
been made, that passage of the Pedregal, if he had not said he 
made it.' 

"General Scott in the report from which we have already 
quoted, says of this same night: 'It was already dark, and 
the cold rain had begun to fall in torrents on our unsheltered 
troops. Wet, hungry, and without the possibility of sleep, 
all our gallant corps, I learn, are full of confidence, and only 
wait for the last hour of darkness to gain the position v/hence 
to storm and carry the position of the enemy. Of the seven 
officers despatched since about sundown from my position, 
opposite the enemy's centre, and on this side of the field of 
rocks and lava, to communicate instructions to the hamlet 
(Contreras), not one has succeeded in getting through those 
difficulties, increased by darkness. They have all returned. 

" ' But the gallant and indefatigable Captain Lee of the Engi- 
neers, who has been constantly with the operating forces, is 
just in from Shields, Smith, Cadwallader, etc. to report as 



58 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

above, and to request that a powerful diversion be made against 
the centre of the intrenched camp to-morrow morning. 

" 'Brigadier-general Twiggs, cut oif from the portion of his 
division beyond the impracticable ground, and Captain Lee, 
are gone to collect the forces remaining on this side, with which 
to make that diversion about five o'clock in the morning.'* 

"The troops were collected, the diversion made, and the result 
of the combined movement, made possible only by Captain 
Lee's services, was the brilliant victory of Contreras early on 
the following morning. 

"Subsequently, General Scott, whilst giving testimony before 
a court of inquiry, had occasion to refer to these operations, 
and he thus speaks of the service rendered on this occasion by 
Captain Lee: 

" 'Captain Lee, Engineers, came to me from the hamlet with 
a message from Brigadier-general Smith, I think, about the 
same time (midnight). He, having passed over the difficult 
ground by daylight, found it just possible to return to San 
Augustin in the dark — iJie gfcatcst feat of pJiysical mid moral 
courage performed by any individual^ in my knowledge^ pending 
the campaign.^ 

"When we remember that Captain Lee left the council-room 
at Contreras to pass over miles of such ground as we have de- 
scribed, in a pitch-dark night, without light or company, with 
the additional danger of wandering either to the right or left 
and thus falling into the hands of Valencia or Santa Anna, the 
risk of being met by some of those straggling bands of ]\Iex- 
icans which we had seen in the Pedregal, with no guide but 
the wind as it drove the cold rain in torrents against his face, 
or an occasional flash of lightning to give him a momentary 
glimpse of the country around him, — it will be acknowledged 
that General Scott, considering the object for which this was 
done, the manner of doing it, and the results, has characterized 
this deed of devotion by the only terms, exalted as they are, 
that could appropriately describe it."t 

* See Ex. Doc. No. 6j, Sfttat,-, isf Srssion jtoth Cfln:;., p. 73. 

t ('fncral Hunt h.xs given the following interesting incident which occurred at the 
meeting of the Miissachusetls IJranch Cincinnati Society, held at Boston, July 4, 1S71 : 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 59 

In tlie battle that followed the events so fully described by- 
General Hunt, Captain Lee bore an important part. The move- 
ment against the enemy commenced at three o'clock in the 
morning, a tedious, march through darkness, rain, and mud, 
under the guidance of Captain Lee, bringing the assailing 
columns by sunrise to an elevation in the rear of the ene- 
my's forces. An assault was at once made, the intrenchments 
of the enemy stormed, and in seventeen minutes after the 
charge was ordered the surprised Mexicans were in full 
flight and the American flag floating proudly over their 
works. 

The subsequent movements may be briefly described. The 
victory of Contreras being complete, General Scott next ad' 
vanced to Coyoacan, a strongly-fortified place, which Captain 
Lee was sent to reconnoitre with Captain Kearney's troop, 
First Dragoons, supported by Major Loring's rifle regiment. 
Another reconnoissance was sent under Lieutenant Stevens 
of the Engineers toward the stronglj'-fortified convent of San 
Pablo in the hamlet of Churubusco, one mile distant. Captain 
Lee, having completed his first reconnoissance, was next 
ordered to conduct Pierce's brigade, by a third road, to a 
point from which an attack could be made on the enemy's 
right and rear, thus favoring the movement on the convent 
and tending to cut off" the line of retreat to the capital. Shields 

" Upon that occasion General Silas Casey was admitted to the society. As usual, a 
speech of welcome was made. With admirable taste he ignored in his acknowledgment 
the Civil War, but gave them interesting points on the Mexican War (he commanded the 
stormers of Twiggs's division at Chapultepec), and in his speech he referred to me. So, 
as usual on such occasions, they had me up. I was ' dead broke ' on matter for a speech, 
but it occurred to me that, as the Pedregal was fresh in my mind, I would give them a 
little more Mexican history, and I recited, glibly enough, the story. Of course I did not 
mention the name of the hero. I saw that they all thought it was General Casey. I 
kept dark until the close, amidst repeated demands of ' Name him ! Name him ! ' When 
I got through and the name was again vociferously demanded, I replied, ' It is a name of 
which the old army was and is justly proud — that of Robert E. Lee, then a captain of 
Engineers, and since world-wade in fame as the distinguished leader of the Confederate; 
armies.' 

"For a moment there was unbroken silence, then such a storm of applause as is sel- 
dom heard. I remarked that I had been desirous to test the society, which represented 
all shades of political opinions, and was glad to see they could recognize heroism au<l 
greatness even in a former enemy." 



60 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

was ordered to follow Pierce closel)' and to take command of 
the left wing. 

The battle, thus ordered, soon raged violently along the 
whole line. Shields, in particular, was hard pressed and in 
danger of being overwhelmed by the hosts of the foe. Tidings 
of this threatened disaster were brought to General Scott by 
Captain Lee, who was at once ordered to conduct two troops 
of the Second Dragoons and the Rifles to the support of the 
left wing. The contest ended in the repulse of the enemy and 
a brilliant victory for General Scott's army. 

This victory was followed by another, on the 8tli of Sep- 
tember, at the ]\Iolino del Rey. The troops w^ere now rapidly 
approaching the capital city of Mexico, and the Engineer offi- 
cers, Captain Lee, Lieutenant Beauregard, and others, were 
kept engaged in reconnoissances, which they performed with 
great daring and success. Then succeeded one of the most 
daring exploits of the war, that brilliant charge by which were 
stormed the heights of Chapultepec, a steep hill bristling with 
walls, mines, and batteries, yet up which our infantry col- 
umns rushed with a fierj^ valor and impetuosity which the 
Mexicans were quite unable to withstand. The heights were 
carried and the enemy put to flight. 

In this brilliant affair Captain Lee was wounded, and, though 
eager to advance, was compelled to retire from loss of blood. 
In his official report General Scott again spoke of him in words 
of the highest compliment, remarking that he was "as distin- 
guished for felicitous execution as for science and daring," and 
further stated that "Captain Lee, so constantly distinguished, 
also bore important orders from me (September 13th) until he 
fainted from a wound and the loss of two nights' sleep at the 
batteries." 

It is evident, in fact, that General Scott had formed an ex- 
alted opinion of tlie valor and military genius of his young 
captain of Engineers. He makes, indeed, throughout the 
reports of his Mexican campaign frequent mention of three 
officers of the Engineer corps who were afterward to achieve 
high distinction in another field — Captain R. E. Lee, First 
Tvieutenant P. G. T. Beauregard, and Second Lieutenant G. 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 6 1 

B. McClellan. Yet there is every evidence that Captain lyce 
was his special favorite, and there is hardly a despatch in which 
his name is not honorably mentioned. We may add to the 
above the statement made by the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, that 
he "had heard General Scott more than once say that his suc- 
cess in Mexico was largely due to the skill, valor, and undaunt- 
ed energy of Robert E. Lee." Years afterward General Scott 
was heard to declare, "Lee is the greatest military genius in 
America." 

/ These brilliant services were not left without that recogni- 
tion which is most dear to the heart of a soldier. Lee was 
steadily promoted. His gallant conduct at Cerro Gordo brought 
him the brevet rank of major; his services at Contreras and 
Churubusco brought him the additional brevet of lieutenant- 
colonel ; and after Chapultepec he was nominated for the brevet 
rank of colonel — distinctions fully earned by his skill and 
valor. 

The victory last mentioned was immediately followed by the 
capture of the forts which guarded the roads leading into the 
city and the occupation of the Mexican capital. This virtu- 
ally ended the war. There was some guerilla warfare, but no 
battles of importance, after this achievement, the Mexicans 
giving up the contest as hopeless. 

The terms on which peace was granted, as is well known, 
were highly advantageous to the United States, and perhaps 
in no just sense disadvantageous to Mexico, for the provinces 
which were ceded to the United States, though they have been 
raised to such a high value by Anglo-Saxon enterprise and 
energy, were almost worthless in the hands of the supine Mex- 
icans. The indemnity which the Mexican Government received 
for these provinces was probably of more value to it, at that 
time, than the provinces themselves, and possibly the vast 
wealth in gold and silver which they contained might have 
yet been undiscovered had the Mexican rule continued, as it 
had remained undiscovered for previous centuries of Spanish 
dominion. 

The remarks here made are preparatory to a quotation which 
we design to make from a hitherto unpublished letter by Gen- 



62 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

eral Lee, in which he shows a shrewd political judgment and 
a correct idea of the proper method of dealing with vacillating 
diplomatists, though it savors rather of the soldier than of the 
politician. The letter also contains a passage indicative of 
General Lee's quiet love of a joke which is too good to omit. 
It is dated "City of Mexico, I2 April, 1848," and is written 
to one of his young lady-cousins. We quote only those parts 
of public interest, beginning with the witticism alluded to: 

"It seems that all in Alexandria are progressing as usual, 
and that nothing will stop their marrying and being given in 

marriage. Tell Miss she had better dismiss that young 

divine and marry a soldier. There is some chance of the lat- 
ter being shot, but it requires a particular dispensation of Prov- 
idence to rid her of the former. Since the reception of 5'our 
letter we have had the official notification of the ratification of 
the treaty by our Senate, brought on by Major Graham, and 
have learned of the arrival at Vera Cruz of the commissioner, 
Mr. Sevier, who has been preceded by the attorney-general, 
Mr. Clifford. I fear this hot despatch of envoys will cause 
the Mexicans to believe that we are over-anxious to accept 
their terms, and that they will be as coy, in proportion as we ap- 
pear eager, to ratify on their part. They are very shrewd, and 
it will be difficult to get them to act before trying the strength 
of the new commissioner and making an effort for a mitiga- 
tion of terms. The opportunity afforded them for pow-wow- 
ing they will be sure not to lose, but the time thus consumed, 
so precious to ns, we cannot regain. In my humble opinion 
it would have been better to have sent out the naked instru- 
ment to General Butler, with instructions to submit it to the 
Mexican Government, and if within the prescribed time they 
thought proper to ratify it to pav them down the three mil- 
lions and march the army home; but if not, to tear up the paper 
and make his arrangements to take the countr>' up to the line 
from Tehuantepec to Osaqualco or whatever other southern 
boundary they .should think proper for the United States. I 
think we might reasonably expect that they would lose no 
time in ratifying the present treaty. I might make a rough 
diplomatist, but a tolerably quick one." 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 63 

The same letter gives us some insight into the methods by 
which Colonel Lee managed to kill dull time during his long 
detention in the city of Mexico. We may be pardoned for 
making a further quotation: 

' ' I rode out a few days since for the first time to the church 
of Our Lady of Remedios. It is situated upon a hill at the 
termination of the mountains west of the city, and is said to be 
the spot to which Cortez retreated after being driven from the 
city on the memorable Nache Triste. I saw the cedar tree at 
Popotla, some miles nearer the city, in which it is said he 
passed a portion of that night. The ' trees of the Noche Triste, '" 
so called from their blooming about the period of that event, 
are now in full bloom. The flower is a round ellipsoid, and 
of the most magnificent scarlet color I ever saw. I have two 
of them in my cup before me now. I wish I could send them 
to you. The holy image was standing on a large silver mag- 
uey-plant, with a rich crown on her head and an immense 
silver petticoat on. There were no votaries at her shrine, 
which was truly magnificent, but near the entrance of the 
church on either side were the offerings of those whom she 
had relieved. They consist of representations in wax of the 
parts of the human body that she had cured of the diseases 
with which they had been affected. And I may say there were 
all parts. I saw many heads severed from the trunks. Whether 
they represented those that she had restored I could not learn. 
It would be a difficult feat." 

We should be glad to give further details of his life while 
thus detained in the city of Mexico waiting on the slow 
movements of diplomacy. But there is no such informa- 
tion extant. Undoubtedly he was not idle during those 
slow-moving months, but occupied himself in exploring the 
surrounding country and in studies incidental to his pro- 
fession. He was too full of health, vitality, earnestness, and 
ambition to be willing to rest content while there were new 
progress to make and new information to be attained; and as 
he was free from those small vices and cared not for those 
petty pastimes in which so many of his companions passed 
their hours of leisure, there can be no doubt that his energy 



64 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

took the direction of study and observation, and that he was 
steadily though unknowingly fitting himself for the great part 
which he was destined in the future to play. 

In fact, as regards this we are not confined to conjecture, but 
may relate an anecdote in point as told by General Magruder: 

" After the fall of Mexico, when the American army was en- 
joying the ease and relaxation which it had bought by toil and 
blood, a brilliant assembly of ofiicers sat over their wine dis- 
cussing the operations of the capture and indulging hopes of a 
speedy return to the United States. 

■ "One among them rose to propose the health of the captain 
of Engineers who had found a way for the army within the 
city, and then it was remarked that Captain Lee was absent. 
Magruder was despatched to bring him to the hall, and, depart- 
ing on his mission, at last found the object of his search in a 
remote room of the palace busy on a map. 

"Magruder accosted his friend and reproached him for his 
absence. The earnest worker looked up from his labors with a 
calm, mild gaze which we all remember, and, pointing to his 
instruments, shook his head. 

" ' But,' said Magruder in his impetuous way, 'this is mere 
drudgery. Make somebody else do it and come with me. ' 
" ' No,' was the reply — ' no, I am but doing my duty.' " 
It is but just to add that we are indebted for much of our 
information concerning Captain Lee's life and exploits in Mex- 
ico to General Wilcox, who has kindly prepared for this work 
a lonir and valuable series of reminiscences of the Mexican 
War, and of Lee's connection therewith. In addition to the 
laudatory quotations from Scott's reports. General Wilcox pre- 
sents some similarly favorable remarks from othei; prominent 
commanders in that war. General Persifer Smith, in his re- 
port of Contreras and Churubusco, says: "In adverting to the 
conduct of the staff I wish to record particularly my admira- 
tion of tlie conduct of Captain Lee of the Engineers. His 
reconnoissances, though pushed far beyond the bounds of pru- 
dence, were conducted with so much skill that their fruits were 
of the utmost value, the soundness of his judgment and his 
personal daring being equally conspicuous." General Shields, 




CAFTMK MoEoILEE, 



t'ROM A PORTRAIT TAKEN IN 18S2 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 65 

who with General Pierce attacked in the rear of Chunibusco, 
in his report says: "As my command arrived I established the 
right upon a point recommended by Captain Lee of the Engi- 
neers, in whose skill and judgment I had the utmost confi- 
dence. ' ' 

A testimonial to the same effect is given by General Twiggs 
in his report of the battle of Cerro Gordo, in which his division 
carried the heights and stormed the fortifications of the enemy. 
He remarks: "Although whatever I may say may add little to 
the good reputation of Captain Lee of the Engineer corps, yet 
I must indulge in the pleasure of speaking of the invaluable 
services which he rendered me from the time I left the main 
road until he conducted Riley's brigade to its position in rear 
of the enemy's strong work on the Jalapa road. I consulted 
him with confidence and adopted his suggestions with assur- 
ance. His gallantry and good conduct on both days, 17th and 
i8th of April, deserve the highest praise." 

Colonel Riley, in his report of the same engagement, says: 
"Although not appropriately within the range of this report, 
yet, coming under my immediate observation, I cannot refrain 
from bearing testimony to the intrepid coolness and gallantry 
exhibited by Captain Lee of the Engineers when conducting 
the advance of my brigade under the heavy flank fire of the 
enemy. ' ' 

General Twiggs, in his report of the battle of Contreras, 
further says: "To Captain Lee of the Engineers I have again 
the pleasure of tendering my thanks for the exceedingly valu- 
able services rendered throughout the whole of these opera- 
tions. ' ' 

General Wilcox first made the acquaintance of Robert E. Lee 
at the siege of Vera Cruz, and says of him at that time: "I was 
much impressed with his fine appearance, either on horse or 
foot. Then he was in full manly vigor, and the handsomest 
inan in the arinyy 

General Wilcox concludes: " I have given a brief outline of 

the operations in Mexico, in order that the references made to 

Captain Lee in the official reports of his superiors might be 

properly appreciated. It will be seen that the compliments 

5 



66 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

\von by liim were desen^ed — that lie was active, untiring, skil- 
ful, courageous, and of good judgment. He is referred to as 
making roads over difficult routes, locating and constructing 
batteries, bringing over the Pedregal in the night important 
information that enabled the commanding general to give 
orders exactly applicable to the field of Contreras, and which 
were so brilliantly executed at an early hour the next morning, 
and in which the diversion under Colonel Ransoin, directed by 
Captain Lee, had such good results, having been converted into 
a real attack. The quotations then show on what important 
missions he was sent during the conflict at Churubusco; that 
then he was sent to look at the base and hospital at Mixcoac, 
to see that it was made as secure as possible, for at it were the 
sick and wounded, reserve ordnance, etc. ; and, finally, that he 
was wounded at Chapultepec slightly, and pretty well worn out 
from excessive work by night and day. It could hardly have 
been otherwise than that a captain with such encomiums from 
his superiors would be greatly distinguished should occasion 
ever be presented. All who knew him were prepared to accept 
him at once as a general when he was assigned to the command 
of the Army of Northern Virginia, and his success, great as it 
was, was only what had been anticipated. 

"C. M. Wilcox." 

To General Hunt, who has already contributed so freely to 
this chapter, we are indebted for other reminiscences of Cap- 
tain Lee of a very interesting character. The first of the two 
anecdotes given below relates to an earlier period of Lee's life, 
but, as it is referred to in the second, an incident of the Mexi- 
can War, they are both given here. They yield important 
glimpses into the personal feelings and character of the sub- 
ject of this memoir : 

"In 1843-44, I was stationed at Fort Hamilton, New York 
harbor. Captain Lee was the Engineer officer in charge of the 
works there, and I saw much of him. He was then about 
thirty-five years of age, as fine-looking a man as one would 
wish to see, of perfect figure and strikingly handsome. Quiet 
and dignified in manner, of cheerful disposition, always pleas- 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 6j 

ant and considerate, lie seemed to me the perfect type of a gen- 
llemait. His family, then with him, consisted of Mrs. Lee, 
their little daughter Mary, and the two boys, Rooney (W. 
H. F.) and Custis, and formed a charming portion of our lit- 
tle society. He was a vestryman of the little parish church 
of Fort Hamilton, of which the post-chaplain was the rector, 
["and as thorough in the discharge of his church as of other 
duties. 

" But the Tractarian movement had reached America ; Tract 
No. XC. had been published. Puseyism was a bone of conten- 
tion. The excitement invaded our little parish, and it created 
feeling, for the ' Low-Church ' members vehemently suspected 
the rector of 'High-Church' views because of certain suspi- 
cious prayers that he used to which they had not been accus- 
tomed. From all this Captain Lee kept aloof, and, as he was 
altogether too important a member to make his views a mat- 
ter of indifference, various were the efforts made to draw him 
out — each party hoping for his powerful support — but with- 
out success, for he always contrived in some pleasant way to 
avoid any expression of opinion that would commit him to 
either faction. 

" One evening he came Into the quarters of one of us young- 
sters, where a number of officers and one or two of the neigh- 
bors were assenlbled. Soon the inevitable subject came up and 
was discussed with considerable warmth, and, on the parts of 
two or three, with some feeling. Captain Lee was quiet, but, 
to those who understood him, evidently amused at the efforts 
to draw him out. On some direct attempt to do so he turned 
to me and in his impressive, grave manner said, ' I am glad to 
see that you keep aloof from the dispute that is disturbing 
our little parish. That is right, and we must not get mixed 
up in it ; we must support each other in that. But I must 
give you some advice about it, in order that we may under- 
stand each other : Beware of Piissyism ! Pussyism is always 
bad, and may lead to unchristian feeling ; therefore beware of 
Pussyism P 

"The ludicrous turn given by his pronunciation, and its 
aptness to the feeling that one or two had displayed, ended the 



68 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

matter in a general burst of laughter, for the manner' more 
than the words conveyed his meaning. It became rather a 
joke at my expense, however, for sometimes when several of 
us met he would look at me in a grave way, shake his head, 
and say, ' Keep clear of this PiissyismP And that was as neat 
as they ever got to committing Captain Lee to a Church quarrel. 

"There were several young officers at Fort Hamilton at the 
time, some of whom afterward became prominent — notably 
Duncan, who so greatly distinguished himself in the IMexican 
War, and Sedgwick, between whom and Captain Lee a warm 
friendship existed, and who was killed at Spottsylvania fight- 
ing his old comrade. 

"After leaving Fort Hamilton I met Captain Lee but once 
or twice until he came to Vera Cruz with General Scott, in the 
spring of 1847, when our old relations, which had been as inti- 
mate as the difference in our ages would permit, were renewed. 
After the surrender of Vera Cruz there was a report that the 
churches in town would not be opened for service, for fear that 
they might be 'desecrated by the heretics.' The object and 
effect of this upon the people could be easily divined, and Gen- 
eral Scott sent to the proper authorities to borrow a couple of 
churches for the ensuing Sunday, as he had excellent chap- 
lains. The hint was taken, and the churches all opened. There 
was one outside the walls near which one of our batteries had 
been constructed, and the edifice was somewhat injured in the 
cannonade, but it too was opened. 

"As I had not been to church for a long time, I availed 
myself of this opportunity, but already on my arrival found 
the place crowded. As with all Catholic churches in that 
countr>', there were no pews. The congregation — mostly wo- 
men — were on their knees in the body of the church, whilst 
the galleries and all other available space were filled by our 
volunteers, full of curiosity, for but few of them had ever seen 
the Catholic service. It was but a few years since the ' Native 
American ' excitement, accompanied by violent demonstrations 
against Catholics, and the sacking of their churches in some- 
of our large towns, had raged, and the feeling was not >et en- 
tirely over. 



t"! 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 69 



(_*'I found not only that the church was full, but the door 
was blocked by a crowd of our soldiers. Patiently making 
my way, I finally got inside the door where I could see the 
altar. All present were on their knees or standing except on 
the left, where midway of the church a single bench had been 
brought and set against the wall. On this bench, in full uni- 
form, epaulettes, and sword, sat General Scott and his staff, 
the general himself at the end nearest the altar, then his aid. 
Lieutenant Williams, then Captain Lee, Lieutenants Beaure- 
gard, Say, etc. The bench seemed full, but a few minutes 
afterward, looking in that direction, I caught Captain Lee's 
eye. He was evidently looking for this opportunity, for he 
motioned me toward him and made a movement indicating 
that there was room for me beside him. I had been longer in 
Mexico than these new-comers, and in my dilapidated old 
campaign dress felt that I would be a little out of place in tha. 
brilliant party. However, standing was tiresome, and I grad- 
ually picked my way to the bench, and found that he had a 
place ready for me by his side. 

' ' It was evident that the service was a special one. Soon 
the acolytes were going round the church making the wor- 
shippers close up until a clear space was formed all round the 
congregation. Then one of the acolytes went to the altar, 
lighted a large thick wax candle, and brought it to General 
Scott. At first the general did not seem to comprehend it, 
but, taking in the situation, he took the candle and immedi- 
ately handed it to Mr. Williams. The volunteers stared with 
open mouths. It was understood that General Scott, if suc- 
cessful in his campaign, must be a Presidential candidate at 
the next election. Hostility to the Catholic Church was the 
element with the ' American ' party. The matter was getting 
interesting. In a moment or two the acolyte returned with 
another, but not so large or honorable a candle as the first. 
Finding the first one in the aid's hands and General Scott 
unprovided, he looked rather dazed, but acted promptly — blev/ 
out his light, went back to the altar, got another large one, 
and brought it to the general, who had to take it. I, being 
next to Williams, carefully looked away, and saw nothing 



70 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

until the acolyte returned with the smaller candle lighted for 
jnt\ which I took, and others were given to Captain Lee and 
the rest of the staff. 

"Then we were requested to rise, were wheeled 'by twos' 
to the left, which brought General Scott in front of me and 
Captain Lee on my right. Soon a side-door opened just in 
front of General Scott, and an array of priests in gorgeous 
vestments filed out and formed in our front. Everything was 
clear enough now — a Church procession, in which General 
Scott and his staff — including poor me in my shabby old un- 
dress — had the place of honor. I looked at Captain Lee. He 
had that dignified, quiet appearance habitual to him, and 
looked as if the carrying of candles in religious processions 
was an ordinary thing with him. The music — and very good 
music it was — commenced, and the procession moved round the 
church. We had passed the altar, when an idea occurred to 
me upon which I could not refrain from acting, and I touched 
Captain Lee's elbow. He very properly gave me a rebuking 
look, but upon my repeating the touch he bent his head to- 
ward me and wiiispered, 'What. is it?' — 'Captain Lee?' — 
'Well?' — ' I really hope there is no Pit ssyisni in all this?' I 
glanced at him ; his face retained its quiet appearance, but the 
corners of his eyes and mouth were twitching in the struggle 
to preserve his gravity. 

"After we got into the City of Mexico, I frequently met 
him, but he was always busy. In the ensuing spring he ex- 
amined the western part of the valley, and on his daily return 
to the city generally passed through Tacubaya, two miles west 
of it, where my battery was stationed, occupying a large haci- 
enda in the suburbs, with gardens and orange-groves in blos- 
som, in which there were great numbers of beautiful hum- 
ming-birds. It was a pleasant spot, and Captain Lee almost 
always stopped for half an hour with me to enjoy its beauties. 
I remember nothing special in these visits except his desire to 
heal the differences between General Scott and some of his 
subordinate officers and the efforts he was making in that 
direction, about which he conversed with me. He was a 
peacemaker by nature." 



THE MEXICAN WAR. 7 1 

We are fortunate in being able to add to the foregoing record 
the following highly valuable testimony, contributed expressly 
to this work by General Joseph E. Johnston, one of the ablest 
and most distinguished commanders in the Confederate army. 
Like all who knew Robert E. Lee, General Johnston testifies 
to his noble character and agreeable manner, and concludes 
with an interesting instance of his warm sympathy: 

" No one among men but his own brothers had better oppor- 
tunity to know General Lee than I. We entered the Military 
Academy together as classmates, and formed then a friendship 
.never impaired. It was formed very soon after we met, from 
the fact that my father served under his in the celebrated Lee's 
Legion. We had the same intimate associates, who thought, 
as I did, that no other youth or man so united the qualities that 
win warm friendship and command high respect. For he was 
full of sympathy and kindness, genial and fond of gay conver- 
sation, and even of fun, that made him the most agreeable of 
companions, while his correctness of demeanor and language 
and attention to all duties, personal and official, and a dignity 
as much a part of himself as the elegance of his person, gave 
him a superiority that every one acknowledged in his heart. 
He was the only one of all the men I have known who could 
laugh at the faults and follies of his friends in such a manner 
as to make them ashamed without touching their affection for 
him, and to confirm their respect and sense of his superiority. 

"I saw strong evidence of the sympathy of his nature the 
morning after the first engagement of our troops in the Valley 
of Mexico. I had lost a cherished young relative in that ac- 
tion, known to General Lee only as my relative. Meeting me, 
he suddenly saw in my face the effect of that loss, burst into 
tears, and expressed his deep sympathy as tenderly in words as 
his lovely wife would have done. J. E. Johnston. ' ' 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 

On Engineering Duty at Baltimore. — Made Superintendent of West Point. — Promoted 
Lieutenant-colonel of Second Cavalry. — Regiment Ordered to Texas. — Character 
of Indian Warfare. — Campaigning against the Comauches. — The Cortinas Raid. — 
Retui-n to Arlington. 

A FTER the conclusion of the treaty negotiations with Mex- 
-^^J^ ico, Colonel Lee returned home with the anny, and was 
again assigned to duty in the corps of military Engineers, 
and stationed at Soller's Point, near Baltimore, where he 
was placed in charge of the defensive works there constructing. 
His successive assignment to duty in connection with the erec- 
tion of fortifications at such important points as Hampton 
Roads, New York harbor, and Baltimore gives evidence that 
he was highly esteemed as a military engineer, and the charac- 
ter of the works upon which he was thus engaged still attests 
his ability in this direction. In fact, to his thorough train- 
ing in engineering science was added a quick and correct per- 
ception which enabled him to quickly grasp the military req- 
uisites of a situation and to make the best possible provision 
for its defence. 

An incident occurred during this period of his life which it 
will be of interest to transcribe, both as showing the high 
estimation in which he was then held as a soldier and his 
'exalted sense of the duty he owed to his country. It was 
related by Jefferson Davis in his address at the Lee Memorial 
meeting in Richmond, November 3, 1870: 

"He came from Mexico crowned with honors, covered by 
brevets, and recognized, young as he was, as one of the ablest 
of his country's soldiers. And to prove that he was estimated 
tlien as such, not only by his as.sociates, but by foreigners also, 
I may raentiun that when he was a captain of Engineers, sta- 

72 



THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. ^^ 

tioned in Baltimore, the Cuban Junta in New York selected 
him to be their leader in the revolutionary effort in that island. 
They were anxious to secure his services, and offered him every 
temptation that ambition could desire, and pecuniary emolu- 
ments far beyond any which he could hope otherwise to acquire. 
He thought the matter over,* and, I remember, came to Wash- 
ington to consult me as to what he should do. After a brief 
discussion of the complex character of the military problem 
■v^hich was presented, he turned from the consideration of that 
view of the question by stating that the point on which he 
wished particularly to consult me was as to the propriety of 
entertaining the proposition which had been made to him. He 
had been educated in the service of the United States, and felt 
it wrong to accept service in the army of a foreign power while 
he held his commission. / Such was his extreme delicacy, such 
the nice sense of honor of the gallant gentleman we deplore. 
But when Virginia, the State to which he owed his first and 
last allegiance, withdrew from the Union, and thus terminated 
his relations to it, the same nice sense of honor and duty which 
had guided him on a former occasion had a different application 
and led him to share her fortune for good or for evil." j 

For three years, from 1849 to 1852, Colonel Lee was engaged 
in the construction of the fortifications at Baltimore. His ser- 
vice there ended on September i, 1852, on which date he was 
appointed superintendent of the Military Academy of West 
Point, to succeed Captain Brewerton. In this position he 
remained till April i, 1855, when he was promoted to a com- 
mand in the cavalry arm of the service. This, under the law, 
incapacitated him for further duty as superintendent of West 
Point, and he was succeeded in that office by Major J. G. 
Barnard. 

His administration had been a highly efficient and successful 
one. He improved the discipline of the Acadeni}^ and brought 
it up as a military institution to a higher proficiency than it 
had ever previously attained. During his administration the 
course of study was extended, under order of the Secretary of 
War, dated August 28, 1854, to five years, and several improve- 
ments were made to the Academy and its surroundings. These 



74 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

consisted of a new wharf and road, a spacious and excellent 
riding-hall, etc. 

We may at this point fitly quote from a private letter written 
by Colonel Lee on August 6, 1853, to a young friend of his who 
was about to engage in business, as serving to show the per- 
sonal interest which he then and always took in whatever con- 
cerned the welfare of his friends and acquaintances. He ap- 
pears to have been — and was, in fact — the confidant and adviser 
of a great number of the young men belonging to the best class 
of Virginia families. To him they were constantly writing for 
information, assistance, encouragement, and advice, and upon 
his opinion they based their own actions: 

"I am glad to find that you have also a prospect of employ- 
ment with ]\Ir. Manning. Choose between them that which 
best afibrds a prospect of advancement and improvement. You 
are perhaps aware that a young man entering on railroad ser- 
vice, and bringing no experience, is expected to take a subor- 
dinate position, no matter what his qualifications, at the bottom 
of the ladder, and to prove by his work his capabilities for 
advancement. Bear this constantly in mind, my dear Conny, 
and work your own promotion. Recollect what depends on 
your exertions, and how much you owe your mother's love, 
sister's aflfection, the expectations of family and friends. You 
must excuse my anxiety on your behalf, my interest in 3our 
welfare, and my ardent desire to see you do justice to yourself 
and credit to your name." 

The great acquisition of territory that followed the IVIexican 
War and the frequent Indian outbreaks in the frontier States 
and Territories rendered an increase of the army necessary for 
the protection of the greatly-extended border-line and of the 
new population that was crowding into the fertile region of the 
West. Therefore, Congress in 1855 passed an act authorizing 
the raising of two new regiments of infantry and two of cav- 
alry. The principal grades in tlicse regiments were filled by 
selections from those officers who had most high'ly distinguished 
tliemselves in the war with Mexico. 

Of the two new cavalry regiments, the First was placed 
under the command of Colonel E. V. Sumner, with Brevet 



THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 75 

Colonel J. B. Johnston as lieutenant-colonel, while the same 
grade in the Second Cavalry, which was commanded by Colonel 
A. S. Johnston, was assigned to Brevet Colonel R. E. I^ee. As 
soon as these regiments were organized and equipped, the First 
Cavalry was assigned to Kansas, while the Second was sent to 
Western Texas for the defence of the settlers and domesticated 
Indians against the incursions of the nomadic tribes which 
infested those regions, and which embraced as their most for- 
midable members the Comanches, the Apaches, and their kin- 
dred tribes. 

During the fall and winter of 1855-56 the Second Cavalry 
was recruited and organized at Jefferson Barracks. Colonel 
Lee in this work brought to bear with great effect his fine 
power of organization and discipline. The winter at Jefferson 
Barracks was so severe that little could be done in the way of 
drilling and setting up the regiment, but when spring opened 
that branch of regimental work was pushed forward with great 
activity, and the regiment rapidly acquired proficiency in drill 
and the rules of discipline. Colonel Lee contributed much to 
this desirable end by his influence and example. When the 
spring had sufficiently advanced to ensure firm roads over the 
alluvial soil of Missouri and Arkansas the Second Cavalry 
began its long march to Western Texas. Colonel A. S. Johns- 
ton and Colonel Hardee were the only field officers present, Col- 
onel Lee and Major Thomas having obtained leave of absence 
to transact personal business. The route taken led the regi- 
ment past Forts Smith and Wachita. The latter fort was ^t 
that time garrisoned by two batteries of artillery; Major H. 
J. Hunt commanded the post. When the regiment approached 
the fort it was received with a salute of thirteen guns, which 
Colonel Johnston at the head of his regiment most grace- 
fully acknowledged. Johnston was in the prime of life, tall 
and graceful, with a superb military bearing. The regiment 
encamped in the vicinity of the fort. After completing their 
arrangements all officers partook of a collation that had been 
provided for them by the officers of Fort Wachita — an enter- 
tainment which was greatly enjoyed by both guests and hosts. 

"Johnston gave his regiment a day's rest ere he pro- 



76 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ceeded on his march. The officers of the regiment frequently 
spoke of Colonel Lee in the highest terms of praise, and seemed 
to look forward with pleasure to the time when he should join 
them. The writer, who was at that time stationed at Fort 
Wachita, was in a position to understand the character of the 
service that awaited the new cavalry regiment, and this it may 
be of interest to describe. 

The theatre on which this gallant regiment was to operate 
was the region embraced by the Rio Grande on the south and 
the Arkansas River on the north, and extending from the west- 
ern boundary of the Indian Territory to the eastern confines of 
New Mexico. This extensive territory was occupied exclu- 
sively by wild animals and Comanche Indians. 

The Comanches were the hereditary lords of this immense 
domain, and for generations it had been their custom to levy 
contributions on their neighbors with an unsparing hand. 
They were also in the habit of making frequent raids into the 
northern Mexican states, and sometimes extended their excur- 
sions to the confines of Louisiana and Arkansas, murdering 
and pillaging the defenceless inhabitants, and then returning 
to their strongholds with immense booty. They were often 
pursued, but, being well mounted on strong, active ponies, 
almost invariably eluded their pursuers. Since the admission 
of Texas into the Union and the acquisition of New INIexico 
and other INIexican territory, the United States had made con- 
stant efforts to suppress Indian depredations on our Western 
frontiers and in the newly-acquired territories. 

The system of defence adopted was the establishment of a 
chain of military posts on the Western frontier and in the In- 
dian country. The military establishment of the United States 
being on a very meagre scale, these posts were insufiiciently 
garrisoned to afford entire protection. At the time the Second 
Cavalry was ordered to Texas the Comanches had been unu- 
sually active in their predator}- excursions. It was therefore 
expected that the regiment would have to perform much ardu- 
ous service. A finer body of troops than the Second Cavalry 
was never seen. 

The colonel was a perfect soldier, and his subalterns were 



THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. "]"] 

nnsurpassed for ability and conduct As a proof of tlie superior- 
ity of these officers it may be said that this regiment turned out 
during the war more distinguished men than any other regi- 
ment in the army. Besides Johnston, Lee, Hardee, and 
Thomas, it furnished Van Dorn, Palmer, Hood, Fitz Lee, 
Stoneman, Kirby Smith, Fields, and others not remembered, 
all of whom became general officers in either the Confederate 
or the Federal service. 

As soon as the regiment reached its destination it was split 
up into detachments which were sent on expeditions in differ- 
ent directions. In order to illustrate the character of the service 
which it was required to perform, the writer may give an exam- 
ple that came within his personal knowledge. In the spring of 
1854 a party of emigrants was pursuing its way through the 
western part of Texas. It was accompanied by a newly-mar- 
ried couple, a Mr. and Mrs. Wilson. They were both young, 
and had determined to cast their lot in Western Texas. The 
party was discovered just before it reached its destination by 
a band of Comanches, who attacked and murdered all with 
the exception of Mrs. Wilson, whose youth and beauty excited 
the admiration of the Comanche chief. The news of this mas- 
sacre was reported at a military post by a mail-party the day 
after it happened. A mounted company was at once sent in 
pursuit of the marauders, accompanied by an experienced guide. 
On reaching the place of the massacre it appeared from signs 
that the Comanche band was large and had proceeded with 
its booty in a north-western direction toward the confines of 
New Mexico. A rapid pursuit was immediately instituted, 
and after many long and wearisome marches succeeded in over- 
taking the hostiles among the Pecos Hills, not far from Santa 
Fe. They were immediately attacked and defeated. Mrs. 
Wilson was found with them, and rescued and sent to Santa 
Fe, where she was kindly received and finally returned to her 
friends. 

The Second Cavalry was employed in the arduous and danger- 
ous duty thus assigned to it until the outbreak of the Civil War, 
and performed much useful service in repressing the activity 
of its savage foes and in punishing them for their outrages. 



78 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

The "memorandum-book" kept by Colonel Lee during this 
period furnishes interesting information concerning his own 
movements and those of the regiment, and from these notes 
and his letters we can gain a fair idea of his life during the 
Indian campaign. 

. F;:om these memoranda we learn that he left Alexandria on 
February 12, 1856, to join his regiment, and reached it at Fort 
]\Iason, Texas, on March 25th. He was then directed by 
Colonel Johnston to proceed to Camp Cooper — situated in the 
Comanche Reserve on the Clear Fork of the Brazos, thirty-five 
miles from its mouth — and take command of the first and fifth 
squadrons of the regiment, there stationed. He reached this 
post on April 9th, and writes under date of the 12th to the 
following effect: 

"We are on the Comanche Reserve, with the Indian camps 
below us on the river belonging to Catumseh's band, whom the 
Government is endeavoring to humanize. It will be uphill 
work, I fear. Catumseh has been to see me, and we have had 
a talk, very tedious on his part and very sententious on mine. 
I hailed him as a friend as long as his conduct and that of his 
tribe deserved it, but would meet him as an enemy the first 
moment he failed to keep his word. The rest of the tribe 
(about a thousand, it is said) live north of us, and are hostile. 
Yesterday I returned his visit, and remained a short time at 
his lodge. He informed me that he had six wives. They are 
riding in and out of camp all day, their paint and 'ornaments' 
rendering them more hideous than nature made them, and the 
whole race is extremely uninteresting." 

vShortly afterward Colonel Lee with five companies made an 
expedition to the head-waters of the Brazos and Wachita rivers, 
wliich occtipied him several months. The principal result of 
this expedition was the acquisition of geographical information, 
for at that time the Comanches were on their annual pilgrimage 
to the north of the Arkansas River in search of game for their 
winter supply of provisions. 

Of his subsequent life in Texas interesting glimpses are ob- 
tained from his letters. The Comanches seem to have made 
plentiful work for the soldiers. Thus on August 25, 1S56, he 



THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 79 

speaks of a party of these restless savages who had been on 
a mauranding expedition into Mexico, "which is a cloak to 
cover all their thefts and murders. ' ' They were then" seeking 
to steal north around the cavalry camp, divided into small par- 
ties to escape detection. He was about to send out a company 
of troopers in pursuit, with directions to follow them for twenty 
days if necessary. He says : ' ' These people give a world of 
trouble to man and horse, and, poor creatures ! they are not 
worth it." 

Again, in January, 1857, ^^ reports several encounters be- 
tween the troops and maurauding Indians, who were severely 
punished. ** It is a distressing state of things that requires the 
application of such treatment, but it is the only corrective they 
•understand, the only way in which they can be brought to keep 
within their own limits." 

During this period, however, he himself was absent from his 
command, having been summoned to Fort Brown, on the Rio 
Grande, to serve on a court-martial. Here his chief enjoyment 
seems to have been in the natural surroundings. He writes: 
' ' My daily walks are alone, up and down the banks of the river, 
and my pleasure is derived from my own thoughts and from the 
sight of the flowers and animals I there meet with. The birds 
of the Rio Grande form a constant source of interest, and are as 
numerous as they are beautiful in plumage. I wish I could 
get for you the roots of some of the luxuriant vines that cover 
everything, or the seeds of the innumerable flowers." 

He returned to Camp Cooper on April 18, 1857. On July 
23d orders came for Colonel Johnston to report in person at 
Washington and to turn over to his lieutenant-colonel the com- 
mand of the regiment. On October 21st Lee received notice 
by telegraph of the death of G. W. P. Custis, his wife's father, 
and returned to Arlington, reaching there on November nth. 

An ofiicer who served under him during this period writes 
of him as follows, bearing the same testimony as all of his 
friends: "He examined everything thoroughly and conscien- 
tiously until master of every detail, ever too conscientious to 
act under imperfect knowledge of any subject submitted to 
him. And with all his stern sense of duty he attracted the 



go MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

love, admiration, and confidence of all. The little children 
always hailed his approach with glee, his sincerity, kindliness 
of »ature, and cordial manners attracting their unreserved 
confidence. ' ' 

Returning to Texas after his visit home, he resumed com- 
mand of the regiment. As to the character of his life there we 
have already said enough. There were no serious encounters 
with the Indians, but a multitude of petty affrays, suflScient to 
break the monotony of camp-life, yet not of such importance 
as to claim special attention. He was in Washington again in 
the autumn of 1859, and on this occasion played a part in the 
famous "John Brown raid," which we shall describe in the 
next chapter. 

After this affair he returned to duty with his regiment, under 
orders from headquarters of February 9, i860, which assigned 
him to the command of the department of Texas. Reaching 
there on February 20th, he found work prepared for him in the 
pursuit of one Cortinas, a notorious brigand who had been 
crossing the Rio Grande and committing depredations on 
Texan soil. Efforts were made to overtake and arrest this 
land-pirate, but without success. The vicinity of Mexican 
territory and the supineness of the Mexican authorities gave 
him every opportunity to cross and recross the river at will, 
now making a raid into Texas, now seeking a covert in Mex- 
ico, after the established and time-honored custom of the brig- 
ands of the Rio Grande. 

Colonel Lee's journal contains the following notes in refer- 
ence to this troublesome individual: 

"March i6th. Continued my route, report having reached 
me that Cortinas was ascending the Rio Grande. 

"March 20th. Could get no account of Cortinas' s where- 
abouts, or learn that he had ever ascended the Rio Grande 
higher than La Mesa. 

"April loth. Resumed journey; nearly all the ranches on 
the road have been burned — those spared by Cortinas burned 
by the Rangers. 

"April nth. Resumed journey; reached the scene of Cor- 
tinas' s defeat by Major Heintzelman. 



THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 8 1 

' ' May 7th. Have been engaged corresponding with the Mex- 
ican authorities; succeeded in getting them to issue orders 

for the arrest of Cortinas He has left the frontier and 

withdrawn to the Ceritos with his property, horses, etc. ' ' 

These few extracts will give some slight idea of the difficul- 
ties experienced by these frontier garrisons, which had to guard 
with a few troopers a long and thinly-inhabited frontier, and 
were prevented, for fear of international complications, from 
following brigands and savages across the river into Mexican 
territory, while the Mexicans themselves made little or no effort 
to suppress these outrages — perhaps winked at them. 

Had Colonel Lee received the privilege of pursuing his foes 
upon Mexican soil, as some of his successors in the frontier 
department have done, the story of these marauders would 
probably have been a very different one. As he remarked in 
the letter quoted in our last chapter, he might have made "a 
rough diplomatist, but a tolerably quick one." 

Events, however, were arising which were destined to ab- 
ruptly end this active but unsatisfactory life on the frontier, 
and to bring him into a field of operations more worthy of his 
talents, and one destined to give him a worldwide fame. The 
detail of the causes and character of these events must be left 
to a subsequent chapter. 



CHAPTER V. 

A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 

Colonel's Lee's Views on Slavery. — The John Ilrown Raid. — Letters on Secession. — 
Mr. Lincoln Inaugurated. — Fort Sumter Bombarded. — Virginia Secedes. — Lee, 
Blair, and Scott. — Lee Resigns his Commission. — Appointed Commander-in-chief 
of the Virginia Forces, 

WE have in the preceding chapters covered the earlier 
events in the life of Robert E. Lee, and brought our 
work up to the date of the opening of one of the most stupen- 
dous events of modern times, the terrible Civil War between 
the Northern and Southern sections of the United States. It is 
now necessary to go back and briefly consider the preliminary 
events leading to this contest, and their effect upon Lee's beliefs 
and feelings, as expressed in letters from Texas dating back for 
several years before the era of secession. 

The most exciting political question of that era was the irri- 
tating one of slavery, which had aroused the feelings of con- 
testants on both sides of the much-debated problem to a degree 
of passion seldom before known in our Congressional chambers, 
and was dangerously heating the minds of the whole people, 
both South and North. This question, which a few years be- 
fore was confined to a few political fanatics, had rapidly spread 
over the Northern and North-western States, and now nearly 
divided the political parties of those sections. 

This rapid spread of abolitionism and of the spirit of dissen- 
sion caused the conservatives of both the North and the South 
to feel serious alarm for the safety of the Union. Colonel Lee 
was of the latter class, being ])y education a firm supporter of 
constitutional liberty. In a letter from Texas dated December 
27, 1856, he thus expresses himself: 

" .... I have just received the Alexandria Gazette from 
the 2otli of November to the 18th of December, inclusive. 

82 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 83 

Besides the usual good reading matter, I am interested in the 
relation of local affairs, and infer from the quiet and ordinary 
course of events that all is going on well, especially (I hope) 
at Arlington. 

"The steamer also brought the President's Message, the 
reports of the various heads of departments, etc., so that we 
are assured that the Government is in operation and the Union 

in existence I was much pleased with the President's 

Message. His views of the systematic and progressive efforts 
of certain people at the North to interfere with and change 
the domestic institutions of the South are truthfully and faith- 
fully expressed. The consequences of their plans and purposes 
are also clearly set forth. These people must be aware that 
their object is both unlawful and foreign to them and to their 
duty, and that this institution, for which they are irresponsible 
and non-accountable, can only be changed by theiJt through the 
agency of a civil and servile war. 

"There .are few, I believe, in this enlightened age who will 
not acknowledge that slavery as an institution is a moral and 
political evil. It is idle to expatiate on its disadvantages. I 
think it is a greater evil to the white than to the colored race. 
While my feelings are strongly enlisted in behalf of the latter, 
my sympathies are more deeply engaged for the former. The 
blacks are immeasurably better off here than in Africa, mor- 
ally, physically, and socially. (fThe painful discipline they are 
undergoing is necessary for their further instruction as a race, 
and will prepare them, I hope, for better things. 1 How long 
their servitude may be necessary is known and ordered by a 
merciful Providence. Their emancipation will sooner result 
from the mild and melting influences of Christianity than from 
the storm and tempest of fiery controversy. This influence, 
though slow, is sure. The doctrines and miracles of our Sa- 
viour have required nearly two thousand years to convert but 
a small portion of the human race, and even among Christian 
nations what gross errors still exist! While we see the course 
of the final abolition of human slavery is still onward, and give 
it the aid of our prayers, let us leave the progress as well as 
the results in the hand of Him who sees the end, who chooses 



/ 



84 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to work by slow influences, and with whom a thousand years 
are but as a single day. Although the Abolitionist must know 
this — must know that he has neither the right nor the power of 
operating, except by moral means; that to benefit the slave he 
must not excite angry feelings in the master; that, although he 
may not approve the mode by which Providence accomplishes 
its purpose, the results will be the same; and that the reasons 
he gives for interference in matters he has no concern with 
holds good for every kind of interference with our neighbor, — 
still, I fear he will persevere in his evil course. 

" . . . . Is it not strange that the descendants of those Pil-/ 
grim Fathers who crossed the Atlantic to preserv^e their own! 
"% *^ i freedom have always proved the most intolerant of the spirit- 

\ >*) j ual liberty of others ?' ' 
V ^ff^ The political excitement in 1857 continued to be increased 
* ■> >_ by the contest between the Pro-slavery and Free-soil parties for 
, j/^^political supremacy in Kansas, until it was at such a height 
'v^ ^1 ^r^W\2Lt argument was superseded by the pistol and the rifle. Sev- 

■ iXs^ 1 . eral bloody encounters ensued. The district was so overrun 

■ aH" jK>by riot and bloodshed that it became necessar}' to sustain the 
^ -^ \. civil authority by a large militar}' force. The troops soon 

^•y^ ended the disturbances, dispersed the political factions, and 
^^ , . forced their leaders, through fear of punishment, to flee from 

" y v/'the Territory. 

^ "^ j!K ' This event, however, served to greatly intensify the prevail- 
y*^ ^^\ ing political excitement. The Abolition party had already, 

^^\ in 1856, proved strong enough not only- to nominate a candi- 
date, John C. Fremont, for the Presidency, but to gain for him 
114 electoral votes, being but 60 votes less than those cast for 
James Buchanan, the successful candidate. In the internal 
between this election and that of i860 the strength of the Anti- 
slaver}' party rapidly augmented, and there was much reason to 
believe that it would be successful in its next effort. By 
the autumn of 1858 the country had become greatly aroused 
through the agitation incidental to the approaching Presiden- 
tial campaign and the heated debates in Congress. During 
the succeeding year this political excitement was raised to a 
dangerous pitch by an event which then occurred, and which, 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 85 

as Lee was directly connected with it, needs to be described 
more in detail. 

The event referred to is what is known in the history of that 
period as the "John. Brown raid." John Brown, a fanatical 
leader oi the Free-soil party, who with his sons had played a 
prominent part in the Kansas difficulties, had since the sup- 
pression of that outbreak been secretly engaged in organizing 
a plan for the production of a servile insurrection in the South. 
In October, 1859, ^'^"^ the aid of a party of sixteen whites and 
five blacks, into whom he had infused his own enthusiasm and 
reckless disdain of consequences, he actually invaded Virginia, 
and seized the Government arsenal and other buildings at Har- 
per's Ferry, with a desperate boldness that created the greatest 
consternation in the town and the surrounding country. 

The moment that news of this invasion reached Washington 
the Government authorities took active measures to oppose it 
and capture the insurgents. General Scott was absent from 
Washington at the time, but Colonel Lee happened to be pres- 
ent, having shortly before arrived from Texas on a visit to his 
family at Arlington. He was immediately sent for by the 
Secretary of War, and asked to take command of a battalion 
of marines and proceed to Harper's Ferry, at which point a 
force of militia, hastily gathered from the adjoining counties, 
had previously assembled. 

Colonel Lee, on arriving at Harper's Ferry, found that the 
insurgents had already failed in their main object, that of stir- 
ring up the slaves of the vicinity to join them as a nucleus for 
spreading the fire of insurrection throughout the negro popula- 
tion of the South. The o'ccupation of the Government build- 
ings under cover of night was the extent of their success, and 
they were here closely confined by the beleaguering militia. 
With a considerable degree of shrewdness, however. Brown had 
ordered the seizure of some of the principal citizens, whom he 
held as hostages in the engine-house in the armory yard, to which 
he had retired with his adherents. 

Colonel Lee on arriving at once stationed his marines around 
this building, and sent Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart, who accom- 
panied him, with a flag of truce to demand the surrender of the 



86 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

insurgents, promising to protect them and secure tliem a legal 
trial. This demand Brown refused to comply with, and required 
on his part permission to march out with his men, arms, and 
prisoners as far as the second toll-gate. At this point he pro- 
posed to release his prisoners, and would then be ready to fight 
the troops if he could not escape. 

It was out of the question to accept such a proposal. The 
envoy remonstrated with the insurgents, and tried to convince 
them of their folly. He only received for answer that if at- 
tacked they would kill their hostages. Among the latter was 
Colonel Lewis Washington, who resided in that neighborhood, 
and who at this moment boldly exclaimed, "Never mind zls — 
fire!" Colonel Lee is reported to have remarked, on hearing 
these words, "The old Revolutionary blood does tell." 

Before sending Lieutenant Stuart to hold this parley Colonel 
Lee had devised a scheme of action which was to be put into 
effect if the insurgents should refuse to surrender. In this 
event the lieutenant was directed to raise his arm as a signal, 
when the marines would rush upon the door of the engine- 
house, and so occupy the insurgents by the suddenness of tlieir 
attack as to save the lives of the prisoners. The scheme was 
successfully executed. The marines rushed upon the door, 
forced it in, captured the building, and released the hostages 
uninjured. The result here described is briefly but clearly 
given in Lee's memorandum-book: 

"Waited until daylight, as a number of citizens were held 
as hostages whose lives were threatened. Tuesday about sun- 
rise, with twelve marines under Lieutenant Green, broke in the 
door of the engine-house, secured the insurgents, and released 
tlie prisoners unhurt. All the insurgents killed or mortally 
wounded but four — John Brown, Stevens, Coppie, and Shields." 

The insurgents in their turn had fired upon tlieir in\aders 
with some effect. They would probably have been lynched by 
the excited citizens but for the presence of Colonel Lee and his 
marines. He handed them over to the civil authorities, as di- 
rected from Washington, and returned to Arlington. 

We have, in the preceding chapter, briefly described the life 
of Colonel Lee during the last year of his residence in Texas. 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 8/ 

Then in command of the department, he was, as we have seen, 
kept busily engaged in the pursuit of the brigand Cortinas and 
in other duties. In the midst of his arduous labors he from 
time to time cast anxious glances at the threatening aspect of 
the political horizon, and with a foreboding heart watched the 
cloud grow darker and more angry until the storm burst in the 
North and rolled South, whence it thundered back until the 
popular tempest rent the country in twain. The triumph of 
the party that had caused so much alarm throughout the South 
by the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency in i860 spread 
consternation among the conservatives of both sections, and 
especially among those of the South, since the radical hostility 
was directed principally at them. Nevertheless, there were 
many who hoped that the fears of the despondent were ground- 
less, and that the country would be saved. But when Congress 
assembled in December it was soon discovered that the spirit 
of conciliation had departed from the deliberative body of the 
nation, and that there was no prospect of an amicable settle- 
ment of the political questions that had divided the country; 
and therefore the Southern representatives advised their con- 
stituents to prepare for a withdrawal from the Union — peaceably 
if possible, forcibly if necessary. 

South Carolina, being the first to act, passed her ordinance 
of secession about the last of December, and the other Cotton 
States speedily followed her example. 

From Texas in January, 1861, Colonel Lee expresses him- 
self on the condition of the country as follows: 

"I received Everett's Life of General Washington^ which 
you sent me, and enjoyed its perusal. How his spirit would be 
grieved could he see the wreck of his mighty labors! I will 
not, however, permit myself to believe, until all the ground 
for hope has gone, that the fruit of his noble deeds will be 
destroyed and that his precious advice and virtuous example 
will so soon be forgotten by his countrymen. As far as I can 
judge from the papers, we are between a state of anarchy and 
civil war. May God avert both of these evils from us! I fear 
that mankind for years will not be sufficiently Christianized to 
bear the absence of restraint and force. I see that four States 



88 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

have declared themselves out of the Union: four more will ap- 
parently follow their example. Then, if the Border States are 
brought into the gulf of revolution, one half of the country 
will be arrayed against the other. I must try and be patient 
and await the end, for I can do nothing to hasten or retard it. ' ' 

From the above it may be observed with what pain and re- 
gret Colonel Lee witnessed the progressive steps leading toward 
the dissolution of the Union. In further illustration of this 
feeling, and of the political knowledge and wisdom of the 
writer, we may quote from another letter of the same date. 
It is addressed to his sou from ' ' Fort ]\Iason, Texas, Janu- 
ary 23, 1861," and contains the following highly interesting 
passage : 

"The South, in my opinion, has been aggrieved by the 
acts of the North, as you say. I feel the aggression, and am 
willing to take every proper step for redress. It is the princi- 
ple I contend for, not individual or private benefit. As an 
American citizen I take great pride in my country, her pros- 
perity, and her institutions, and would defend any State if her 
rights were invaded. But I can anticipate no greater calamity 
for the country than a dissolution of the Union. It would be an 
accumulation of all the evils we complain of, and I am willing 
to sacrifice everything but honor for its preservation. I hope, 
therefore, that all constitutional means will be exhausted be- 
fore there is a resort to force. Secession is nothing but revo- 
lution, i The framers of our Constitution never exhausted so 
much labor, wisdom, and forbearance in its formation, and 
surrounded it with so many guards and securities, if it was 
intended to be broken by every member of the Confederacy at 
will. It is intended for 'perpetual union,' so expressed in 
the preamble, and for the establishment of a government, not 
a compact, which can only be dissolved by revolution or the 
the consent of all the people in convention assembled. It is 
idle to talk of secession. Anarchy would have been estab- 
lished, and not a government, by Washington, Hamilton, Jef- 
ferson, Madison, and all the other patriots of the Revolution. 
.... Still, a Union that can only be maintained by swords 
and'bayonets, and in which strife and civil war are to take the 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 89 

place of brotherly love and kindness, has no charm for me. I 
■shall mourn for my country and for the welfare and progress 
of mankind. If the Union is dissolved and the Government 
disrupted, I shall return to my native State and share the mis- 
eries of my people,' and save in defence will draw my sword on 
none. ' ' ' 

In February, 1861, the seven Cotton States united them- 
selves into an independent republic under the designation of 
the Confederate States of America, and selected for its capital 
Montgomery, Alabama. The Border slaveholding States still 
adhered to the Union, hoping that after party passion should 
subside the final separation of the States would be prevented, 
and that the government under which they had attained a re- 
markable degree of v/ealth and prosperity would be preserved. 
At that time there was much speculation as to the policy Mr. 
Lincoln would adopt, and his inaugural address was awaited 
with impatience. At his inauguration on the 4th of March 
the address in which he declared his future policy was regard- 
ed as enigmatical, and various opinions were formed as to the 
probable course of the new President on the exciting ques- 
tions which agitated the country. It was generally believed 
that his course would be conservative; at least it was thought 
that "honest old Abe," as Mr. Lincoln was familiarly called, 
would be governed by a desire for conciliation. It is proba- 
ble that the intention of Mr. Lincoln was at first to adopt a 
national policy, as in his inaugural address, which seemed calm 
and dispassionate, he assured the country that he had no pur- 
pose to interfere with the institution of slavery zvhere it already 
existed^ and that, in his opinion, he had no right to do so. Yet 
he denounced the doctrine of the right of secession from the 
Union as unconstitutional, and declared his firm purpose to 
hold, occupy, and possess the places and property in the South 
belonging to the Federal Government. This announcement 
was received in the South as equivalent to a declaration of war. 

Wishing to effect an amicable adjustment of the questions at 
issue, especially that of the surrender of Fort Sumter, the new 
Confederacy sent commissioners to Washington for that pur- 
pose. They were, however, not officially received by ]\Ir. Lin- 



90 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

coin, -but were led to believe that his intentions toward the Con- 
federacy were amicable, and that he would in due time order a 
peaceable surrender of Fort Sumter. With that belief the com- 
missioners returned to Montgomery. Soon after the departure 
of the Confederate commissioners from Washington, Mr. Lin- 
coln sent a formidable expedition to Charleston harbor for the 
relief of the fort. As soon as the attitude of Mr. Lincoln was 
discovered at Montgomery the Confederate authorities ordered 
the immediate reduction of Fort Sumter. Before attacking the 
place General Beauregard demanded its peaceable surrender, 
which being refused by its commander. Major Anderson, the 
fort was assailed by all the Confederate batteries which could 
be brought to bear upon it. After a bombardment of thirty- 
two hours Major Anderson was forced to capitulate on the 13th 
of April, 1861. 

On the 15th of April, the second day after the fall of Fort 
Sumter, Mr. Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 
volunteers, and a few days later he issued proclamations ordering 
the blockade of the Southern ports and suspending the writ of 
habeas corpus. These acts were immediately resented by Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri by the with- 
drawal of these States from the Union and their entrance into 
the Southern Confederacy, while Kentucky refused to comply 
with the call for troops and declared a neutrality, Maryland 
also refused to furnish troops, but from her geographical posi- 
tion was forced to submit. On the other hand, the non-slave- 
holding States obeyed the President's proclamation and promptly 
furnished troops. 

Seeing the gigantic preparations which were being made by 
the United States to coerce them, the Southern States with 
similar activity prepared for their defence. The rupture which 
had thus divided the country reduced the officers of the army 
and navy to the alternative of either appearing in arms against 
their native States or of resigning their commissions in the 
service of the United States. All those of Southern birth, 
with few exceptions, adopted this latter course, and joined their 
fellow-countrymen " for weal or woe." Colonel Lee, who had 
been summoned from Texas to report in person to the com- 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 9I 

mander-in-chief at Wasliingtoii, readied that city on March 
ist, and was there at the time of the events above described. 

On the 17th of April, 1861, the ordinance of secession was 
passed in the convention of Virginia. This cast the die for 
Colonel Lee. The sentiments expressed in his letters and his 
strong sense of the debt of allegiance he owed to his native 
State effectually prevented him from remaining any longer an 
officer of the United States army, and obliged him by every 
sentiment of duty and affection to cast his lot with the State 
of his nativity and with the numerous friends and relatives who 
made this State their natal home. Yet his final decision was 
not reached without severe mental trouble, nor without efforts 
on the side of the Government to preserve his highly-valued 
services to the Federal army. In fact, an offer of a most allur- 
ing character, and which must have won over any one with less 
than his supreme sense of duty, was made to him — no less an 
offer, in short, than the supreme command of the Federal 
army. 

That this fact has been denied we are aware, yet there exists 
indubitable evidence of it. We have been fortunate enousrh to 
obtain a highly valuable letter from a near relative of General 
Lee describing a conversation with Mrs. Lee on this subject 
This letter, it is true, does not settle the point in question, but 
it gives information no longer attainable concerning General 
Lee's feelings and actions at that time which is of the utmost 
importance. We extract the most significant portions of this 
letter: 

' ' The first time I saw her (Mrs. Lee), shortly after the breaking 
out of the war, she related to me all that Robert Lee had suffered 
at the time of his resignation — that from the first commence- 
ment of our troubles he had decided that in the event of Vir- 
ginia's secession duty (which had ever been his watchword) 
would compel him to follow. She told me what a sore trial it 
was to him to leave the old army, to give up the flag of the 
Union, to separate from so many of his old associates {parizai^ 
larly General Scott, for whom he always felt the greatest 
regard), and to be censured by many whose good opinion he 
valued. She told me of the interviews between General Scott 



9- MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and himself, in which he nsed every argument he could bring 
to bear to induce him to remain with the Union, She men- 
tioned an interview he had with Blair, in which he taunted 
him with its being his dislike to parting with the negro which 
made him remain with the South. ) This accusation Robert 
Lee indignantly denied, saying that if he owned all the negroes 
in the South he would gladly yield them up for the preservation 
of the Union. She mentioned that General Scott, in one of 
their interviews, said that in the event of his resignation, which 
from his advanced age must soon become a necessity, if Robert 
had remained with the North he (General Scott) believed he 
would be given the command of the Union army. She did not 
say that any offer had been ipade by the Government, but that 
in the event of his resignation he (General Scott) felt sure that 
Robert Lee would be offered his position. This may have been 
only General Scott's own opinion, formed from his admiration 
and appreciation of his high qualities as a soldier. I remem- 
ber hearing at the time that General Scott had pronoimced him 
the officer who had most distinguished himself in the Mexican 
War, and also that' he had advised his Government to leave no 
stone unturned, if possible, to secure him to their side, saj'ing 
at the same time that Robert Lee would be worth fifty thousand 
men to them." 

; In regard to this offer of the command of the army by Mr. 
Blair to Colonel Lee, as referred to in the foregoing letter, we 
have positive corroborative evidence, submitted by a person to 
whom Mr. Blair himself stated it as a fact. This evidence 
occurs in a letter written by a well-known resident of Washing- 
ton, and from which we take the following extract: 

"I have never seen the account (of the offer to General Lee 
of the command of the Federal army) worded just as I had it 
from Mr. Blair. The following is an accurate — I think a very 
nearly verbatim — report of it: 

"Mr. Blair: I come to you on the part of President Lin- 
coln to ask whether any inducement that he can offer will pre- 
vail on you to take command of the Union army? 

"Coi.ONKL LkE: If I owned the four millions of slaves, I 
would cheerfully sacrifice them to the preservation of the 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 93 

Union, but to lift my hand against my own State and people 
is impossible." 

The most valuable testimony concerning this question, how- 
ever, is that of General lyce himself, as given in a letter ad- 
dressed to the Hon. Reverdy Johnson of date February 25, 
1868. In this letter he uses the following language: 

' ' I never intimated to any one that I desired the command 
of the United States army, nor did I ever have a conversation 
but with one gentleman, Mr. Francis Preston Blair, on the 
subject, which was at his invitation, and, as I understood, at 
the instance of President Lincoln, 

"After listening to his remarks I declined the offer he rnade 
me to take command of the army that was to be brought into 
the field, stating, as candidly and courteously as I could, that, 
though opposed to secession and deprecating war, I could take 
no part in an invasion of the Southern States. 

"I went directly from the interview with Mr. Blair to the 
office of General Scott — told him of the proposition that had 
been made to me and my decision. Upon reflection after re- 
turning home, I concluded that I ought no longer to retain any 
commission I held in the United States army, and on the 
second morning thereafter I forwarded my resignation to 
General Scott. 

"At the time I hoped that peace would have been preserved 
— that some way would be found to save the country from the 
calamities of war; and I then had no other intention than to 
pass the remainder of my life as a private citizen. 

"Two days afterward, on the invitation of the governor of 
Virginia, I repaired to Richmond, found that the convention 
then in session had passed the ordinance withdrawing the State 
from the Union, and accepted the commission of commander 
of its forces which was tendered me. These are the simple 
facts of the case." 

The Mr. Blair who made this offer to Colonel Lee has here- 
tofore been stated to have been Montgomery Blair, Postmaster- 
General of President Lincoln's Cabinet. The letter here 
quoted, however, settles the fact that it was Francis Preston 
Blair, Sr. , father of Montgomery Blair, who was then a member 



94 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Mr. F. P. Blair held no official 
position. 

In the interviews between General Scott and Colonel Lee it 
is stated that the veteran commander earnestly sought to per- 
suade the youno^er officer not to throw up his commission, 
telling him that it would be the greatest mistake of his life. 
But to all his pleadings Colonel Lee returned but one answer — 
that his sense of duty was stronger with him than any prospects 
of advancement, replying to the appeal not to send in his resig- 
nation in the following words: "I am compelled to: I cannot 
consult my own feelings in this matter." 

The final result of the endeavors here indicated was Colonel 
Lee's resignation of his commission in the United States army, 
as indicated in the following letter addressed to General Scott: 

"Arlington, Va., April 20, 1S61. 

"General: Since my interview with you on the 18th inst. 
I have felt that I ought not longer to retain my commission in 
the army. I therefore tender my resignation, which I request 
you will recommend for acceptance. It would have been pre- 
sented at once, but for the struggle it lias cost me to separate 
myself from a service to which I have devoted the best years' 
of my life and all the ability I possessed. During the whole 
of that time — more than a quarter of a century — I have expe- 
rienced nothing but kindness from my superiors and a most 
cordial friendship from my comrades. To no one, general, 
have I been as much indebted as to yourself for uniform kind- 
ness and consideration, and it has always been my ardent desire 
to merit your approbation. I shall carry to the grave the most 
grateful recollections of your kind consideration, and your 
name and fame will always be dear to me. 

"Save in the defence of my native State, I never desire 
again to draw my sword. Be pleased to accept my most 
earnest wishes for the continuance of your happiness and pros- 
perity, and believe me most truly yours, 

"R. E. Lee." 

From the foregoing letter it will be seen what anguish 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 95 

Colonel Lee must have felt in parting from his old commander 
and the service in which for thirty years he. had occupied an 
hojiorable and distinguished position, and which still allured 
him with the most brilliant prospects. All must acknowledge 
that no selfish or unpatriotic motive influenced him in refusing 
to draw his sword against his native State, to which from early 
boyhood he had been taught by the wisest and the purest in 
the land he owed his first allegiance. Here it is also just to 
remark that all of those who resigned their commissions in the 
service of the United States to cast their lot with their native 
States were influenced by the same pure and unselfish motives. 
On the same day in which this graceful and dignified letter 
was penned Colonel Lee wrote to his sister, Mrs. Marshall, then 
residing in Baltimore, expressing the same sentiments with the 
same earnestness and feeling: 

"My Dear Sister: I am grieved at my inability to see 
you. I have been waiting for a more convenient season, which 
has brought to many before me deep and lasting regret. Now 
we are in a state of war which will yield to nothing. The 
v/hole South is in a state of revolution, into which Virginia, after 
a long struggle, has been drawn; and, though I recognize no 
necessity for this state of things, and would have forborne and 
pleaded to the end for redress of grievances, real or supposed, 
yet in my own person I had to meet the question whether I 
should take part against my native State. With all my devo- 
tion to the Union, and the feeling of loyalty and duty of an 
American citizen, I have not been able to make up my mind 
to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home. 
I have therefore resigned my commission in the army, and, 
save in defence of my native State, with the sincere hope that 
my poor services may never be needed, I hope I may never be 
called on to draw my sword. 

"I know you will blame me, but you must think as kindly 
of me as you can, and believe that I have endeavored to do 
what I thought right. To show you the feeling and struggle 
it has cost me I send a copy of my letter to General Scott which 
accompanied my letter of resignation. I have no time for more. 



96 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

.... May God guard and protect you and }'ours, and shower 
upon you every blessing, is the prayer of your devoted brother, 

"R. E. Lee." 

That General Lee sacrificed much in this action need scarcely 
be said. In addition to the high position offered him in the 
United States army, he yielded his private fortune, with his 
beautiful home, Arlington, a home endeared by historic asso- 
ciations and by many years of happy married life, a home of 
unsurpassed beauty of situation, and adorned with all that men 
most value, now destined to be the sport of rude soldiers, its 
priceless relics scattered, its beautiful surroundings desecrated, 
its choicest attractions destroyed. That this would be its fate 
he could not well have doubted. That he might become a 
houseless wanderer upon the face of the earth was within the 
limits of probability. He was daring all, risking all, for a 
principle, yet duty was a far stronger force in his soul than 
earthly advancement, and there is nothing to show that these 
considerations ruled with him for a moment. Not, "What will 
be to me most profitable?" but, "What does duty command?" 
was the question which forced itself upon his attention, and 
the instant he had decided upon this vital point all lesser con- 
siderations dropped from his mind, and he gave himself heart 
and soul to the service of his native State. 

As soon as it was known that Colonel Lee had retired from 
the United States army the governor of Virginia tendered him 
the appointment of major-general and commander-in-chief of 
the forces of Virginia, and on the 23d of April, in the presence 
of the Convention and of a large assemblage of citizens, Mr. 
Janney, president of the Convention, presented to him his com- 
mission in the following address: 

" In the name of the people of our native State, here repre- 
sented, I bid you a cordial and heartfelt welcome to this hall, 
in which we may almost hear the echoes of the voices of the 
statesmen, the soldiers, and the sages of bygone days who have 
borne your name and whose blood now flows in your veins. 
We met in the month of February last charged ^\Hth the solemn 
^uty of protecting the rights, the honor, and the interests of 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 97 

tlie people of this commonweal th. We differed for a time as 
to the best means of accomplishing that object, but there never 
was at any moment a shade of difference among us as to the 
great object itself; and now, Virginia having taken her posi- 
tion, as far as the power of this Convention extends, we stand 
animated by one impulse, governed by one desire and one de- 
termination, and that is, that she shall be defended, and that 
no spot on her soil shall be polluted by the foot of an invader. 

"When the necessity of having a leader for our forces be- 
came apparent, all hearts and all eyes, by the impulse of an 
instinct which is a surer guide than reason itself, turned to the 
old county of Westmoreland. We knew how prolific she had 
been in other days of heroes and statesmen ; we knew she had 
given birth to the Father of his country, to Richard Henry 
Lee, to Monroe, and last, though not least, to your own gal- 
lant father; and we knew well by your deeds that her produc- 
tive power was not exhausted. Sir, we watched with the most 
profound and intense interest the triumphal march of the ami}' 
led by General Scott, to which you were attached, from Vera 
Cruz to the capital of Mexico.- We read of the sanguinary 
conflicts and the blood-stained fields,' in all of which victory 
perched upon our banners. Vv^e knew of the unfading lustre 
which was shed upon the American arms by that campaign, 
and we knew also what your modesty has always disclaimed.^ 
that no small share of the glory of those achievements was 
due to your valor and your military genius. 

"Sir, one of the proudest recollections of my life will be 
that I yesterday had the honor of submitting to this body the 
confirmation of the nomination, made by the governor of this 
State, of you as commander-in-chief of the naval and military 
forces of this commonwealth. I rose to put the question, and 
when I asked if this body would advise and consent to that 
appointment, there rushed from the hearts to the tongues of 
all the members an affirmative response, which told with an 
emphasis that could leave no doubt of the feeling whence it 
emanated. I put the negative of the question for form's sake, 
but there was an unbroken silence. 

" Sir, we have by this unanimous vote expressed our convic- 
7 



98 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

tions that you are at this day, among the living citizens of Vir- 
ginia, first in war, and we pray God most fervently that you 
may so conduct the operations committed to your charge that 
it may soon be said of )ou that you are first in peace, and when 
that time conies you will have gained the still prouder distinc- 
tion of being first in the hearts of your countrymen. 

" Yesterday your mother, Virginia, placed her sword in your 
hands upon the implied condition — which we know you will 
keep to the letter and in the spirit — that you will draw it only 
in defence, and that you will fall with it in your hand rather 
than the object for which it was placed there shall fail." 

To this he replied : 

"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
Profoundly impressed with the solemnity of the occasion, for 
which I must say I was not prepared, I accept the position 
assigned me by your partiality. I would have much preferred 
had your choice fallen upon an abler man. Trusting in 
Almighty God, an approving conscience, and the aid of my 
fellow-citizens, I devote myself to the service of my native 
State, in whose behalf alone will I ever again draw my 
sword. ' ' 

The impressiveness of the scene was much enhanced by the 
striking person and graceful manner of General Lee, who then 
appeared in the full vigor of manhood. Referring to the above 
scene, Hon. A. H. Stephens sajs: 

"All the force which personal appearance could add to the 
power and impressiveness of the words, as well as the senti- 
ments uttered by him, was imparted by his manly form and 
the great dignity as well as grace in his every action and move- 
ment. All these, combined, sent home to the breast of every 
one the conviction that he was thoroughly impressed himself 
with the full consciousness of the immense responsibility he 
had as.sumed. A more deeply interesting or solemn scene of 
the character I never witnessed." 

At this time General Lee was in the prime of a healthful and 
vigorous life. He was fifty-four years of age, a man of finely- 
shaped and well-knit bod>-, and of fully-developed faculties of 
mind. He was of graceful manner and grave and dignified 



A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 99 

bearing, though he could be kiud and even playful on occasion. 
All his previous life, all the training of mind and body he had 
undergone, had been devoted to the building up of a nature 
capable of a great enterprise, of physical powers and intel- 
lectual development fitted to the mighty work now before him, 
and he entered the arena of civil war fully prepared to under- 
take and to perform one of the most stupendous labors ever 
engaged in by mortal man. 



CHAPTER VI. 

OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 

Military Contrast of North and South. — General Lee organizes an Army. — Topography 
of Seat of War. — Lines of Operation. — Federal Advance. — Battle of Manassas. — . 
Result of the Victory. — The Author's First Interview with General Lee. 

AT the commencement of hostilities there was great inequal-^ 
l\. ity between the North and the South in all essentials ne- ' 
cessary for the vigorous prosecution of war. 

With the Northern States remained a thoroughly-organized 
government, with all of its machinery intact and capable of a 
rapid expansion to meet sudden emergencies. The army and 
navy, though small, had a complete organization, which formed 
a nucleus about which forces of any magnitude might be rap- 
idly gathered. There was also a treasury into which flowed 
the revenue of a wealthy and prosperous nation, ever ready to 
furnish the sinews of war. 

On the other hand, the Southern States were destitute of 
everything requisite even for defence, except the stout hearts 
and ready hands of their sons and the scanty supplies found in 
the arsenals and the navy-yards within their borders. 

On the secession of Virginia, Governor Letcher called into 
service the entire military force of the State, which consisted 
of an unorganized militia, a few companies of volunteers which 
had been previously armed and equipped, and the cadets of the 
State military institution, two or three hundred in number. 

The other Southern vStates were no better provided for than 
Virginia. The cadets and volunteers were the only available 
force that could be obtained for the seizure of the Gosport navy- 
yard and the arsenal at Harper's Ferry. 

When General Lee accepted the command of the forces of 
Virginia, he was not ignorant of her unprovided condition, and 

100 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. lOI 

lie was fully aware of the immense responsibility he assumed in 
undertaking her defence with the inadequate means at hand. 
But his native State was threatened with what he regarded as 
. an unjustifiable invasion, and by every principle of honor and 
^ the duties of citizenship he was bound to defend her with heart 
and hand against all odds. Being a thorough master of the 
"^ drt of war, he at once comprehended the situation and prompt- 
^^ ly adopted measures to provide for it. The governor's call for 
men met with a prompt response from all parts of the State, 
>^ and Ivce proceeded vigorously with the work of organization. 
CV) Companies were rapidly raised and equipped as well as circum- 
\Q stances would admit, and formed into regiments which were 
rr^ sent to the front for the occupation of important points, where 
they were brigaded and formed into divisions. There was no 
scarcity of men, but much difficulty was experienced in obtain- 
ing arms and equipments for the gallant volunteers. The lim- 
ited supply of arms possessed by the State was soon exhausted, 
and it became necessary to supply deficiencies by collecting all 
the private arms that could be found; so the sporting rifle and 
fowling-piece were necessarily substituted for the musket, 
while in the absence of the sabre the cavalry was armed with 
the lance fabricated by the artisans of the country. I^ee was 
not content v/ith simply providing for the present emergency, 
but caused steps to be rapidly taken for the manufacture of 
cannon and for providing ammunition and small-arms for the 
future use of the army. Notwithstanding the enormous dif- 
ficulties to be surmounted, the Virginia forces ere long rose to 
the proportions of a grand army. 

Among the inconveniences with which the commandintJ- 
general had then to contend was one which meets every per- 
son in a position of importance — that of solicitation to provide 
places of trust and emolument for relatives and friends on con- 
siderations of family ties and affectionate interest rather than 
of devotion to the public good. How he met demands of this 
kind the following letter will serve to show, as also to indi- 
cate the sentiments which then ruled in his mind. It is 
dated immediately after he assumed command of the Vir- 
ginia troops: 



102 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

"Richmond, 25 April, 1861. 

"My Dear : I have received your letter of 23d. I am 

sorry your nephew has left his college and become a soldier. 
It is necessary that persons on my staff should have a knov/- 
ledge of their duties and an experience of the wants of the 
service to enable me to attend to other matters. It would other- 
wise give me great pleasure to take your nephew, I shall 
remember him if anything can be done. I am much obliged 

to you for Dr. IM 's letter. Express to him my gratitude for 

his sentiments, and tell him that no earthly act could give me 
so much pleasure as to restore peace to my country. But I fear 
it is now out of the power of man, and in God alone must be 
our trust. I think our policy should be purely on the defensive 
— to resist aggression and allow time to allay the passions and 
permit Reason to- resume her sway. Virginia has to-day, I 
understand, joined the Confederate States. Her policy will 
doubtless, therefore, be shaped by united counsels. I cannot 
say what it will be, but trust that a merciful Providence will 
not dash us from the height to which his smiles have raised us. 
I wanted to say many things to you before I left home, but the 
event was rendered so imperatively speedy that I could not. 
"May God preserve you and yours ! Very truly, 

"R. E. Lee." 

Having proved his great powers of organization and adminis- 
tration. General Lee soon exhibited his remarkable skill as a 
tactician and strategist. Being well acquainted with the 
topography of Virginia, which was obviously destined to 
become a grand theatre of war, he skilfully availed himself 
of this knowledge for the approaching campaign. In order 
to show how this was accomplished, it is necessary in advance 
to describe the topography of a large portion of Virginia, so far 
as to delineate the natural features which Avere destined to 
influence military operations, such as mountains, rivers, val- 
leys, peninsulas, and swamps, and also roads. 

The Potomac, which formed a part of the eastern boundary, 
served as a primary base for the armies of invasion, and, taken 
in connection with the Chesapeake and with Hampton Roads, 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. I03 

afforded an easy line of communication between this base and 
the army operating in the country contiguous to those waters. 
The interior rivers, such as the Rappahannock and the Rap- 
idan, furnished good defensive lines and convenient inter- 
mediate bases for aggressive operations, and the York and the 
James became important auxiliaries to the armies that operated 
on the peninsula lying between those rivers. The Dismal 
Swamp, the Blue Ridge, and the successive ridges of the 
Alleghany Mountains were adapted to serve, in the hands of 
an able general, as powerful barriers and impenetrable masks 
for secret or delicate manoeuvring. The railroads and the 
principal turnpikes also bore an important part in giving 
character and direction to military operations. The grand 
theatre of war may be divided into five strategic divisions, 
which are distinctly marked out by the natural features of the 
country. First comes Western Virginia, lying between the 
Alleghany Mountains and the Ohio River; next in order is the 
Valley of Virginia; then the area embraced by the Blue Ridge 
and the Rappahannock ; then the peninsulas between that river, 
the York, and the James, and the country south of the James, 
including Petersburg; and lastly, the peninsula formed by the 
James and the Appomattox. 

Western Virginia being separated from the main theatre of 
war by mountain-barriers, and bordered on two sides by hostile 
territory, was difficult to defend. The Shenandoah Valley, 
being a wealthy region and well calculated for flank or turn- 
ing movements, became a favorite field of operations, while the 
other strategical divisions afforded fine fields for attack and 
defence and for manoeuvring. 

About the last of May, General Lee had organized, equipped, 
and sent to the field more than 30,000 men, and various regi- 
ments were in a forward state of preparation. At that time 
the Confederate authorities held his military capacity in such 
high estimation as to retain him at Richmond, which had then 
become the seat of government, as acting commander-in-chief 
of the Confederate forces until his services were urgently de- 
manded elsewhere. 

During the month of June the Federal plan of operations 



104 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE, 

became obvious and the Confederate line of defence developed. 
It was thought by the Washington authorities that the capture 
of Richmond would be the most speedy way to master the 
revolution. Therefore the United States put forth its strength 
for that purpose, and Richmond became the object of future 
operations. A defensive line was established by the Confed- 
erate military authorities, the left of which nestled among the 
mountains of Western Virginia, while its right rested on the 
Dismal Swamp, the line embracing the Shenandoah Valley, 
the Orange and Alexandria and the Manassas Gap railroads, 
the lower Potomac, Yorktown, and Norfolk. At the same 
time the Federal forces occupied an exterior line extending 
from the Ohio River to Fortress Monroe, and including a part 
of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the Potomac, the Chesa- 
peake Bay, and Hampton Roads. 

The effective Confederate force in Virginia by the last of 
June amounted to about 65,cx)0 men, distributed as follows: 
5000 in Western Virginia, under General Robert Garnett; 
15,000 in the Shenandoah Valley, under General J. E. John- 
ston; 20,000 at Manassas and Bull Run, commanded by General 
Beauregard; about 8000 at Acquia Creek and on the lower 
Potomac, under General T. H. Holmes; while the remainder 
were comprised within the commands of Magruder at York- 
town and Huger at Norfolk. 

At the same time, the Federal forces at Fortress Monroe, 
under Butler; at Washington, under McDowell; at Williams- 
port, under Patterson; and on the border of Western Virginia, 
under McClellan, aggregated at least 100,000 men. 

Although it was well known that the Federals had selected 
Richmond for their objective point, their real line of operation 
was still in obscurity. There was at Washington a diversity 
of opinion regarding the plan to be adopted: some proposed to 
establish the base of operations at Fortress Monroe, and then 
to proceed up the Peninsula by way of Yorktown and Wil- 
liamsburg; others recommended the assumption of a base at 
some convenient point on the Rappahannock, whence an ad- 
vance might be made by the shortest line to Richmond. 

But the majority favored the line of the Orange and Alex- 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. I05 

andria Railroad as far as Manassas Junction, and thence south- 
ward by Fredericksburg. This line was ultimately taken, for 
the reason that Washington would not be left uncovered while 
the army was forcing its way toward Richmond. 

The advantages of the several lines of operations suggested 
will appear during the progress of this narrative. About the 
I St of June a collision occurred between a part of the forces of 
Magruder and Butler on the Peninsula, and early in July Gar- 
nett was defeated in North-western Virginia by McClellan. 
These affairs were initiatory to the more serious conflict at 
Manassas. 

It may be said at this point that whilst there will necessarily 
be in this work much in which the subject of the memoir is 
not directly concerned, many scenes and incidents in which he 
did not personally appear, it should not be forgotten that it 
was his master mind and hand that first collected and prepared 
and set in motion from the smallest and most discouraging 
beginnings the means of defence that afterward became so 
mighty. 

As to the actual extent of these means of defence at the 
period of secession, some interesting information may be ob- 
tained from the statements of General Josiah Gorgas, the able 
chief of ordnance of the Confederate States. He remarks that 
when he assumed his place as chief of ordnance he found in 
all the arsenals within the Confederacy only 15,000 rifles and 
120,000 inferior muskets, with some old flint muskets at Rich- 
mond and Hall's rifles and carbines at Baton Rouge. There 
was no powder, except small quantities at Baton Rouge and at 
Mount Vernon, Ala. , relics of the Mexican War. There was very 
little artillery, and no cavalry arms or equipments. It is but 
just to this able ofhcer to state that his services in managing 
the ordnance department were invaluable to the Confederacy. 
He strenuously objected to the project of destroying the cotton 
and tobacco, and advised their use to purchase arms and muni- 
tions by aid of blockade-runners. It may be said that there 
was scarcely ever a demand on him which he was not prepared 
to meet, and that, in the words of General J. E. Johnston, '' He 
created the ordnance department out of nothing." 



I06 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

The Federal preparations by the ist of July were near com- 
pletion. At that time General McClellan with a large force 
advanced into West Virginia, while General Patterson entered 
the Shenandoah Valley at the head of twenty-five thousand 
men. General McDowell was at Washington with a splen- 
didly-appointed army, ready to cross the Potomac at that 
point. 

On the 8th of July, McClellan attacked and defeated a small 
Confederate force in West Virginia, killing its gallant com- 
mander. General Robert Garnett. Patterson had in the mean 
time advanced toward Martinsburg, meeting with but little 
opposition. From that place he slowly advanced, while Gen- 
eral Joseph E. Johnston retired toward the vicinity of Win- 
chester. 

While these operations were in progress in the Valley and 
West Virginia, Generals McDowell and Beauregard were pre- 
paring for the real contest on the line of the Orange and Alex- 
andria Railroad. By referring to the map of Virginia it will 
be perceived that the position of Manassas is one of consider- 
able strategic importance. The intersection of the IManassas 
Gap and the Orange and Alexandria railroads and the con- 
vergence of several common roads make it a place of easy 
concentration. The Warrenton and Leesburg turnpikes, the 
roads to Fredericksburg, and the important passes of the Blue 
Ridge were of great military importance, while the Manassas 
Gap Railroad afforded a rapid line of communication between 
the Valley and the position at Manassas. The occupation of 
this position by a large Confederate force doubtless confinned 
the Federals in the adoption of that route for their advance 
upon Richmond ; for to have taken either the route of the 
Peninsula or the one by way of the Rappahannock before 
having dislodged this force would have endangered the safety 
of Washington. The Federals' plan of operation being devel- 
oped. General Beauregard prepared to receive their attack. 
For that purpose he occupied a range of low hills about a 
mile in the rear of, and nearly parallel to. Bull Run, a small 
stream four miles east of Manassas Junction. His right rested 
on the Occoquan, his centre on the Orange and Alexandria 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. I07 

Railroad, and his left on tlie Warrenton turnpike. This turn- 
pike, continuing nearly parallel with the railroad, crosses Bull 
Run by a stone bridge of a single span of about thirty feet. 
This stream, flowing between steep banks, offers a formida- 
ble obstruction to an army advancing in battle array. It was 
strongly picketed with infantry from the stone bridge down, 
covering the entire Confederate front. For some distance 
above the bridge^, the stream was only lightly picketed with 
cavalry. Beauregard, impressed with the belief that the Fed- 
erals would direct their main effort against his right wing in 
order to force it back and turn his position on that flank, with 
the view of cutting off his communication with Richmond, 
directed his chief attention to that part of his line. For the 
greater security of this position, and for increased facility in 
gaining information, he established strong outposts at Fairfax 
Court-house and Centreville, points a few miles east of Bull Run, 

By the middle of July, McDowell was ready for the intended 
movement with the best appointed army that had 6ver been 
seen in America. It had been created under the fostering care 
of the President and under the eye of the veteran Scott. It 
therefore lacked nothing its critical commander could suggest 
in the way of equipments and means for transportation and sup- 
plies. On the 1 6th of July this proud army entered Virginia, 
confident of a triumphant march to Richmond. On the 17th, 
General McDowell drove in the Confederate outposts at Cen- 
treville and Fairfax Court-house, and on the i8th appeared in 
force before the Confederate lines on Bull Run. An active 
skirmish ensued, under cover of which the Federal commander 
made a critical reconnoissance. Finding that the Confederate 
centre and right were too formidable to admit of an encourag- 
ing hope of success, he abandoned the preconceived plan of 
forcing the right and withdrew his forces to Centreville, where 
he intended to operate by the road from Sudley Ford to Manas- 
sas, which was discovered to have been undefended by General 
Beauregard in his anxiety concerning his right. 

A battle being now inevitable. Generals Johnston and Holmes 
were directed to reinforce Beauregard. Such was the condition 
of affairs on the i8th of July. On the 19th and 20th the Fed- 



I08 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

cral arin\\ remained inactive except in making partial recon- 
noissances. This nnlooked-for delay enabled General T. H. 
Holmes to reach the vicinit}' of Manassas with his command, 
consisting of 1265 infantry, six pieces of light artillery, and 
one company of cavalry, 90 men. General J. E. Johnston also 
arrived about noon on the 20th iust. with a portion of Bee's 
and Bartow's brigades, numbering 2732 infantry, 300 cavalry 
under Stuart, and Imboden's and Pendletpn's batteries, to 
which were afterward added Barksdale's Mississippi regiment, 
which had arrived from Lynchburg, and Hampton's Legion 
of 600 men. Jackson's brigade, 261 1 strong, had reached 
Manassas Junction the evening previous, as had the Seventh 
and Eighth Georgia regiments. 

Early in the morning of the 21st, McDowell, contrary to the 
expectations of the Confederates, had crossed Bull Run at 
Sudley's Ford, and nearly gained their left before he was dis- 
covered. At this critical moment he was gallantly attacked by 
Colonel N. G. Evans with a small brigade, and held in check 
until Generals Bee, Bartow, and Hampton could put their troops 
in position. Leaving a force to opj^ose Evans, McDowell con- 
tinued to advance and attack General Bee. A brilliant conflict 
ensued, in which Bartow's regiment and Hampton's Legion 
participated. At length these troops were forced back until 
supported by the brigades of Cocke and Jackson. The inter- 
position of Jackson enabled Bee to re-form his brigade and 
continue the conflict. * The positions of the other part of the 
army being remote, reinforcements could not be readily sent to 
those engaged. Notwithstanding the great odds against them, 
these troops maintained their ground, until about the middle 
of the afternoon they were suddenh' reinforced by Kirby Smith's 
brigade, which had been detained by a railroad accident. Smith 
attacked vigorously on the flank of the Federals, who, being thus 

* It is to tliis event we owe a title that has become famous in history, that of Stofi^- 
wall Jackson. Bee approached Jackson, and pointed to the shattered columns that 
were huddled together in the woods, exclaiming, " General, they are beating us back.'' — 
" Sir, we'll give them the bayonet," replied Jackson. Bee, rushing back to his troojxs 
rallied them with the words, "There is Jackson standing like a stone wal! ; let us deter- 
mine to die here, and we will contjuer." In a few moments afterward Bee fell mortally 
wounded, holding in his hand the swoid which South Carolina had presented him. 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. IO9 

unexpectedly assailed at the moment when victory seemed in 
their grasp, paused, wavered, and then gave way. Being now 
pressed in front and flank, they fell into confusion; then a panic 
ensued, and the whole army became a disorganized mass, rush- 
ing wildly toward Washington. There was never a more com- 
plete victory, but it was dearly bought at the price of Bee, 
Bartow, and many other gallant soldiers. 

Pending the battle, Richmond was greatly agitated. The 
pale faces of the women and the anxious looks of the men 
plainly bespoke intense anxiety. The telegraph-oflice was couv. 
stantly surrounded by dense crowds eager to catch every item 
of news from the field of battle. At one time the despatch 
would state an advantage gained by the Confederates; then a 
gleam of joy would pervade the crowd and the good news would 
be proclaimed by an exultant shout. At another time it would 
tell that the Federals were gaining ground, when anxiety and 
doubt would dispel the previous joy, and the crowd would sink 
into gloomy silence and dark forebodings. As the day wore on 
several hours elapsed without news. The suspense was then 
agonizing. Conjecture suggested the most disastrous results, 
and at last rumor whispered that Johnston and Beauregard had 
been defeated, the telegraph had been seized, and McDowell 
was in full march upon Richmond. These groundless rumors 
filled the city with consternation, but about four o'clock they 
were succeeded by the intelligence that the enemy was giving 
away, and that Bee, Jackson, and others had held the field 
against all odds until the opportune arrival of Kirby Smith 
caused the defeat of the Federal army. A little later another 
telegram announced a glorious victory for the Confederates — 
that Johnston and Beauregard were masters of the field,, and 
that McDowell had been routed and his entire army was in 
rapid flight for Washington. This news created a reaction 
of feeling beyond description. The people were lifted from 
the depths of despair to the height of joy, and the city was 
filled with the wildest exultation. This, however, was soon 
moderated by the recollection that the sweetness of victory 
must necessarily be followed by the bitterness of grief. 

After the battle followed tidinofs of the casualties. First 



I lO MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

came news that Bee and Bartow were slain, and Jackson and 
Smith were wounded. Then followed the long lists of killed 
and wounded, composed of those less conspicuous in the army, 
but not less dearly loved at home. The perusal of these lists 
soon spread mourning throughout the land, and the natural 
respect for the bereaved checked all further demonstration of 
victor}\ Scenes of terror and grief such as those above 
described yield sad evidence to the fact that the miseries of 
war are by no means confined to the camp and field, but are 
yet more keenly felt at home. 

Some of the principal features of the Federal plan of the 
campaign were that McDowell with a powerful central army 
should advance on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, crush 
Beauregard at Manassas, and proceed by the most favorable 
route to Richmond, while Butler from Fortress Monroe threat- 
ened the Confederate forces on the Peninsula, and Patterson 
occupied Johnston in the Valley. In case the latter should 
retire beyond the Blue Ridge, Patterson was to promptly rein- 
force McDoweU. Johnston, however, skilfully eluded his adver- 
sary, and by rapid movements over the Manassas Gap Railroad 
joined Beauregard on the eve of battle with the greater part 
of his forces, leaving his antagonist in ignorance of his move- 
ments until it was too late for him to execute the latter part 
of his instructions. Therefore McDowell had to contend single- 
handed with the combined forces of Johnston and Beauregard. 
The rapid concentration of the Confederate forces and the 
splendid victory at Manassas are conclusive evidences of the 
masterly combination that led to those results. 

Soon after the battle of IManassas, Lee, Johnston, and Bean- 
regard were created generals, and General Lee was assigned to 
the command of the department of West Virginia. 

The signal defeat of McDowell, which was so complete as to 
paralyze the Federal plan of operations for months, has been 
the subject of much discussion, and the search for its causes 
has been productive of numerous theories, from which we shall 
select that of Mr. Stephens in his War betzvecn the States. He 
says: 

"Great as was the skill of Generals Johnston and Beauregard 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. I I I 

in the disposition and movements of their squadrons, that of 
McDowell was also very great. His whole plan of operations 
from the beginning to the end showed military genius of the 
highest order. The result, therefore, did not so much depend 
upon the superior skill of the commanders on the Confed- 
erate side as upon the high objects and motives with which 
they, as well as those under them, were inspired. Johns- 
ton and Beauregard were both often in the thickest of the 
fight, leading in person, with colors in hand, on to the charge 
regiments whose officers had fallen. They and those who fol- 
lowed them .... were animated by the sentiments uttered 
by Mr. Davis in his message at Montgomery and received the 
day before at Richmond. 

"The struggle with them was not for power, dominion, or 
dignity, nor for fame, but to resist palpable and dangerous 
assumptions of power and to repel wanton aggressions upon 
long-established rights. They fought for those principles and 
institutions of self-government which were the priceless her- 
itage of their ancestors. 

"On the other side, thousands of those who were sent on 
this expedition set out not only with reluctance, but with the 
consciousness that the whole movement was wrong. They had 
volunteered for no such purpose. They had tendered their ser- 
vices with the sole view of defending the capital. It was under 
the impression and belief, so extensively created at the North, 
that the Confederates intended to take Washington, that much 
the greater portion of this immense army had with very patri- 
otic motives rushed to the rescue. Their object was to defend 
their own rights against an expected assault, and not to make 
aggressions upon the rights of others." 

The period at which we have now arrived is that in which 
A. Iv. Long, the writer of this work, first entered into personal 
relations with General Lee — relations which ere long became 
intimate and were destined to continue throughout the war. 
Arriving in Richmond shortly before the battle of Manassas, 
he, in company with Colonels Loring and Stevenson and Lieu- 
tenant Deshler, all of whom had resigned their commissions in 
the United States army, waited upon General Lee to offer their 



I 1 2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

services to the Confederacy. Loring and Stevenson, being old 
acquaintances of the general and superior in rank to their two 
companions, naturally received his attention first. This gave 
the writer an opportunity of observing his personal appearance 
and surroundings. The impression received it v/ill be of inter- 
est to describe after we have detailed the incidents of the inter- 
view. 

Having ended his interview with Loring and Stevenson, the 
general addressed himself to Deshler and Long. His words 
were few, but directly to the point. After a few commonplace 
remarks he informed Long that he had been appointed major 
and chief of artillery of the Army of North-western \^irginia; 
that Colonel Loring had been created brigadier-general and 
assigned to its command, and that Long should report to him 
for further orders. Stevenson received the appointment of 
colonel and assistant adjutant-general for the Army of North- 
western Virginia. Deshler was made captain of artillery and 
assigned to the same army. When this interview was about 
concluded. General Lee remarked that it was necessary to strike 
the enemy in North-western Virginia without delay, and asked 
Loring when he would be ready to set out for his command. 
Loring replied that two or three days would be necessary for 
his preparation. 

In this, Major Long's first interview with General Lee, he 
was struck with the ease and grace of his bearing and his 
courteous and mild but decided manner; and the high opinion 
he then formed of him was fully sustained in the intimate rela- 
tions which afterward existed between them. Though at that 
time he had attained the age of fifty-four years, his erect and 
muscular frame, firm step, and the animated expression of his 
eye made him appear much younger. He exhibited no exter- 
nal .signs of his rank, his dress being a plain suit of gray. His 
office was simply furnished with plain desks and chairs. There 
were no handsomely-dressed aides-de-camp or staff officers filling 
the anteroom. There was not even a sentinel to mark the mili- 
tary headquarters. His only attendants were Captain Walter 
Taylor — afterward Colonel Taylor — adjutant-general of the 
A.rmy of Northern Virginia, and two or three clerks. 



OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. II3 

General Lee was remarkable for his rapid clespatcli of busi- 
ness and ready appreciation of character — qualities which are 
indispensable to a commander-in-chief. Having been appoint- 
ed, as has been stated, major-general and commander-in-chief 
of the Virginia forces a few days after the secession of that 
State, he entered with alacrity upon the arduous duty of form- 
ing an army from new levies. Such was his wonderful talent 
for organization that in the space of two months he was able to 
equip for the field sixty regiments of infantry and cavalry, 
besides numerous batteries of artillery, making an aggregate 
of nearly 50,000 men. Nor was equipment for service the 
whole of the duty performed. The valiant behavior of these 
new troops not long afterward on the field of Manassas showed 
that the essential of drill had by no means been neglected, and 
that, though inferior to their antagonists in equipment, they 
were their superiors in most of the qualities which go to the 
making of effective soldiery. They formed the germ and rudi- 
ment of that gallant Army of Northern Virginia which was to 
prove its mettle on many a hard-fought field, and under the 
lead of its great commander to win a glory from which its 
final fate can in no just sense detract. 

8 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 

General Gamett Defeated. — De Lagnel's Adventure. — Loring's Operations. — General 
Lee takes Command. — The Cheat Mountain Ambush. — Its Failure. — Letter to 
Governor Letcher. — Movements on the Kanawha. — West Virginia Abandoned. — 
Description of Traveller. 

BEFORE proceeding to describe the operations in North- 
western Virginia it will be necessary-' to glance at the con- 
dition of that section and the previous military operations that 
had been carried on within its limits. This section of Virginia 
did not cordially coincide in the ordinance of secession that had 
been passed by the State Convention, inasmuch as a consider- 
able part of its inhabitants were opposed to secession, or, in 
other words, were Unionists. A large number, however, of its 
most influential citizens were ardent Southern supporters, and 
there was also an intermediate class, indifferent to politics, 
which was ready to join the party which might prove the 
strongest; besides, it soon became apparent that the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railroad v/as destined to exercise an important in- 
fluence on military movements; therefore this section became 
an object of interest to both sides. At first, the Confederate 
colonel Portei'field was sent with a few companies to operate on 
the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, but this force was too small 
and illy provided with the es.sentials for service, so that it could 
effect nothing. vShortly afterward General Robert Gamett was 
sent by the Confederate authorities to seize the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad and to confirm the North-we.stern Virginians in 
their allegiance to the State. Gamett, with a force of about 
5000 men, reached the railroad in June and occupied Laurel 
Hill. About the same time General IMcClcllan crossed the 
Ohio into North-western Virginia with the view of gaining 
the adherence of its inhabitants to the Federal Government 

lU 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1^5 

and to protect the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Having a 
greatly superior force, he made it his first object to attack Gcir- 
nett before that general could be reinforced (Colonel Pegram 
with a considerable detachment being defeated by General 
Rosecrans with a part of McClellan's force), and Garnett was 
obliged to retreat in order to save the rest of his little army. 
McClellan pursued, and, overtaking the rear-guard at Crad- 
dock's Ford, a skirmish ensued, in which Garnett was killed. 
The adjutant-general, Captain Corley, assisted by other 
members of Garnett' s staff, safely continued the retreat, and 
placed the remnant of the army where it could rest and recruit. 
An adventure may be related in connection with Garnett' s de- 
feat which exhibited great courage, endurance, and address. 
De Lagnel was an old army officer, and commanded the artil- 
lery of Pegram 's detachment. When attacked by Rosecrans 
at Rich Mountain he fought his guns with great gallantry and 
effect; his men behaved well until the enemy began to close 
upon them; they then fled, leaving De Lagnel almost alone. 
Undaunted by the desertion of his men, he served a gun him- 
self until disabled by a severe wound. Then, amid the con- 
fusion of a defeat, he escaped to a laurel-thicket near by, in 
which he concealed himself until the enemy had disappeared. 
He then found shelter under the roof of a friendly mountaineer. 
His kind host and hostess concealed and attended him until his 
wound was healed and his strength restored. He then deter- 
mined to join the Confederate forces, which had again entered 
North-western Virginia, but to do so it was necessary to pass 
through the Federal lines. To accomplish this, he concluded 
to assume the character of a mountaineer, being supplied by 
his host with a herder's garb with the exception of shoes. 
Then, with a well-filled wallet over his shoulder and a staff in 
his hand, he bade adieu to his kind friends and launched forth 
into the mountains. After wandering among them for several 
days he fell in with the Federal pickets. On being questioned 
by them, he so well sustained the character he had assumed 
that all the pickets were easily passed until he reached the last 
outpost that separated him from his friends. Here he was 
more strictly examined than he had hitherto been, but by his 



I I 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

wit fully sustained the character he had adopted, and was told 
to continue his way; but just as he was about to depart one of 
the guards observed his boots, which, though soiled and worn, 
still exhibited signs of a fashionable make. Upon this the 
examination was renewed, and with all his ingenuity he could 
not escape detection; his boots had betrayed him. These 
traitors were drawn off, and in the leg of one the name of 
" De Lagnel " was found, and he was at once recognized as 
the officer whose disappearance at Rich Mountain had led to 
so much inquiry. He was sent as prisoner of war to the Fed- 
eral headquarters, where he was courteously received. (It may 
be here remarked that General IVIcClellan was always distin- 
guished for courtesy and kindness to those whom the chances 
of war placed in his power.) 

The defeat of General Garnett left McClellan in undisputed 
possession of all North-western Virginia. In order to secure 
his acquisition, he strongly occupied some of the principal 
mountain-passes and took other measures for its permanent 
occupation. A few days later the total defeat of McDowell at 
Bull Run considerably changed the order of things. McClel- 
lan was called to take the command of the Army of the Poto- 
mac, and the greater part of his force was withdrawn, leaving 
only a few thousand men to hold North-western Virginia. The 
result of McClellan' s success in that quarter proved to be of 
much greater importance than was at first apprehended, by 
disheartening its loyal inhabitants and encouraging the doubt- 
ful or indifferent to give their adhesion to the Federal Govern- 
ment. The Confederate authorities, being aware of the import- 
ance of Western Virginia at that time both in a political and 
military point of view, determined to send there a force suffi- 
ciently strong to reoccupy and retain possession of it. There 
had been assembled in the neighborhood of Staunton five or 
six thousand men for the purpose of reinforcing General Gar- 
nett. These troops were ordered to advance on the 15th of 
July, under the command of General Henr}' R. Jackson, on 
the Parkersburg turnpike, to re-enter Western Virginia, and to 
occupy some convenient posifion until the remainder of the 
forces intended to operate in that quarter should arrive. Lor- 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. H? 

ing, whom we have seen assigned to the command of the Army 
of North-western Virginia, was an officer of considerable repu- 
tation. He had served with distinction in the Mexican War, 
had subsequently become colonel of a regiment of mounted 
rifles, and for several years prior to his resignation had com- 
manded the department of New Mexico, where he acquired an 
experience in mountain-service. His appointment therefore 
gave general satisfaction. His staff was composed chiefly of 
experienced officers — Colonel Carter Stevens, adjutant-gene- 
ral; Major A. L. Long, chief of artillery; Captain Corley, chief 
quartermaster; Captain Cole, chief commissary; Lieutenant 
Matthews, aide-de-camp, and Colonel Starke, volunteer aide- 
de-camp — and as the country was full of enthusiasm on account 
of the recent victory at Manassas, he was about to enter upon 
his new field of operations under the most favorable auspices. 

General Loring, accompanied by his staff, left Richmond on 
the 22d of July, the day after the battle of Manassas. On the 
24th he arrived at Monterey, a small village about sixty miles 
west of Staunton, where he found Jackson, who informed him 
tliat on arriving at the Gieenbrier River he had found Cheat 
Mountain Pass so strongly occupied by Federals that he deemed 
it unadvisable to attempt to carry it by a direct attack. So he 
retired, leaving Colonel Edward Johnson, with the Twelfth 
Georgia regiment and Anderson's battery, to occupy the Alle- 
ghany Mountain Pass, and, posting Rust's Arkansas regiment 
and Baldwin's Virginia regiment in convenient supporting dis- 
tance of Johnson, he established himself at Monterey, with FiUk- 
erson's and Scott's Virginia regiments, the First Georgia regi- 
ment (Colonel Ramsey's), IMajor Jackson's cavalry, and Shoe- 
maker's battery. Having heard of a pass about forty miles 
west, near Huntersville, by which Cheat Mountain might be 
turned, he sent Colonel Gilliam with his own Virginia regi- 
ment and Colonel Lee's Sixth North Carolina regiment, being 
a force of about 2000 men, to occupy this pass, and had ordered 
the remaining troops intended for the Army of North-western 
Virginia to proceed direct from Staunton to Huntersville. This 
was the condition of affairs when General Loring arrived at 
Monterey and assumed command. He remained several days 



I 18 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

in the neighborhood of INIonterey, examining the conditiou of 
the troops and reconnoitcring the position of the enemy on 
Cheat Mountain. Cheat Mountain Pass is a narrow-gap near 
tlie top of the mountain whose natural strength had been 
greatly increased by the art of engineers since its occupation 
by the Federals. It was approachable from the east only by 
the Parkersburg turnpike, which, ascending the rugged side 
of the mountain, enters this narrow defile and winds its way 
through it for nearly a mile before it begins the western 
descent. 

The Federals, finding this pass unoccupied, and foreseeing the 
importance the Parkersburg turnpike would be to the Confed- 
erates in their attempt to reoccupy West Virginia, seized it and 
fortified it, and now held it with a force of about 2500 men. 
The remainder of the Federal force was in the vicinity of Bev- 
erly, a village a few miles west of Cheat River. General 
Loring, having satisfied himself that a direct attack on Cheat 
Mountain Pass was impracticable, and that there was no force 
of the enemy near the west base of Cheat Mountain except that 
of Beverly, determined to take command of the force which 
had been ordered to rendezvous at Huntersville and advance 
by the pass that Colonel Gilliam had been directed to occupy 
to the rear of the enemy's position on Cheat Mountain. 
He therefore directed Jackson to advance his whole force, 
which at this time amounted to 6000 men, to the Greenbrier 
River, and hold himself in readiness to co-operate when the 
advance was made from Huntersville, and then proceeded to 
that place to make arrangements for the proposed move- 
ment. When Loring arrived at Huntersville, about the 
ist of August, he found already there Maney's, Hatten's, 
and Savage's Tennessee regiments, Campbell's Virginia regi- 
ment, a battalion of Virginia regulars, 400 strong, commanded 
by Colonel Munford, Major W. H. F. Lee's squadron of cav- 
alry, and Marye's and Stanley's batteries of artillery. Colonel 
Gilliam was at Valley Mountain Pass, fifteen miles west of 
Huntersville, with two regiments, and two other regiments, 
Burke's Virginia and a Georgia regiment, were en route from 
Staunton. The force of Loring: on the Huntersville line 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. II9 

amounted in round numbers to 8500 effective men. The gen- 
eral's staff were particularly active in their efforts to prepare 
for a speedy advance. Colonel Stevenson, adjutant-general, 
and Captains Corley and Cole, chief quartermaster and com- 
missary, being experienced officers, rendered valuable service 
in organizing the troops and in collecting transportation and 
supplies. Major A. L. Long, in addition to his duties as chief 
of artillery, had assigned him those of inspector-general. The 
troops were well armed and equipped, all of them were accus- 
tomed to the use of arms, and many were expert marksmen, 
and a large proportion had received military instruction in the 
various volunteer companies of which they had been members. 
The troops were in fine spirits, and desired nothing more than 
to be led against the enemy. It was obvious to all those about 
the general that the success of the proposed movement depend- 
ed upon its speedy execution. It was impossible that the occu- 
pation of Valley Mountain by a force as large as that of Gilliam 
could escape the observation of the Federals, and its position 
woiild expose the design of the Confederates. Delay would 
enable the Federals to seize all the important passes on the 
route, and fortify them so strongly that they would effectually 
arrest the advance of any force. Yet, notwithstanding the great 
value of time in the execution of the movement contemplated 
by General Loring, he seemed to regard the formation of a 
depot of supplies at Huntersville and the organization of a 
supply-train as a matter of first importance. He appeared 
to overlook the fact that the line from Huntersville to Bever- 
ly, only forty miles long, was to be only temporary — for so 
soon as Cheat Mountain Pass was opened he would receive 
his supplies from Staunton over the Parkersburg turnpike — 
and also that the country along his line abounded in beef 
and grain. 

While Loring is preparing to advance we will take a view 
of affairs in other quarters. After the withdrawal of McClellan, 
General Rosecrans was assigned to the command of the depart- 
ment of Western Virginia. At the same time a large portion 
of the troops in that department were witlidrawn for the defence 
of the capital. The Federal force in Western Virginia at the 



I20 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

time Loring assumed command of the Army of North-western 
Virginia was only about six or seven thousand men, about half 
of which, under the command of General Reynolds, occupied 
the Cheat Mountain Pass. The other portion, commanded by 
General Cox, was designed for operations on the line of the 
Kanawha. General Rosecrans was one of the most energetic 
and skilful of the Federal commanders. As soon as he found 
himself in command of the department of Western Virginia he 
set about increasing his force and strengthening his position. 
Taking advantage of the political disaffection among the West- 
ern Virginians, he obtained many recruits, which, with recruits 
from other quarters, rapidly increased his force. The Confed- 
erate authorities in the mean time, being informed of the 
advance of General Cox to the Kanawha, sent a force of about 
5000 men to oppose him under the command of General Wise, 
and appointed General Robert E. Lee to the command of the 
department of Western Virginia. He had displayed such re- 
markable administrative ability in the organization of the Vir- 
ginia troops that he was retained at the head of the Confederate 
military bureau till the time of his appointment to the command 
of this department. Although aware of the difficulties to be 
met with in a mountainous country like Western Virginia, he 
unflinchingly accepted this new command, and entered upon 
his arduous task with no other feelings than those for the good 
of his country. When Lee arrived at Huntersville, he found 
General Loring busily engaged in forming his depot of supplies 
and organizing his transportation-train. Several days had 
already elapsed, and several days more woiild be necessary 
before he could complete his preparations for an advance. The 
arrival of Lee at Huntersville as commander of the department 
took Loring by surprise. Having been his superior in rank in 
the old army, he could not suppress a feeling of jealousy. Lee 
was accompanied by his aides-de-camp. Colonel John A. Wash- 
ington and Captain Walter H. Taylor. After remaining sev- 
eral days at Huntersville without gaining any positive infor- 
mation from Loring in regard to the time of his probable 
advance, he proceeded to join Colonel Gilliam at Valley Moun- 
tain. He took with him Major Lee's cavalry, not as an escort, 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 121 

but for the purpose of scouting and reconnoitering. It had 
now been eight or ten days since Gilliam had first arrived at 
Valley Mountain Pass. At that time he learned from the 
inhabitants and his scouts that the road to Beverly was unoc- 
cupied. But within the last day or two a force of the Federals 
had advanced within less than a mile of his front, and then 
retired. Lee <it once busied himself about gaining information 
respecting the position of the enemy. He soon learned that 
the Federals had taken possession of a strong pass ten miles in 
front of Valley Mountain, and were actively engaged in forti- 
fying it. When Loring arrived, about the 12th of August, the 
Federals had been reinforced, and this position had been so 
greatly strengthened that General Lee deemed it unadvisable 
to attempt a direct attack, so the only course now to be pursued 
was to gain the Federal flank or rear. 

General Lee, as we already know, had been disting^iished in 
the Mexican War as a reconnoitering officer, and Scott had 
been mainly indebted to his bold reconnoissances for the 
brilliant success of his Mexican campaigns. Rank and age 
had not impaired the qualities that had formerly rendered him 
so distinguished. He brought them with him to the mountains 
of Virginia. There was not a day v/hen it was possible fot 
him to be out that the general, with either Colonel Washington 
or Captain Taylor, might not be seen crossing the mountains, 
climbing over rocks and crags, to get a view of the Federal 
position. Ever mindful of the safety of his men, he v^^ould 
never spare himself toil or fatigue when seeking the means 
to prevent unnecessary loss of life. By way of illustrating his 
boldness as a reconnoitering officer, an anecdote may be related 
as told by Captain Preston, adjutant of the Forty-eighth Vir- 
ginia regiment (Colonel Campbell's). The regiment being on 
picket, he, seeing three men on an elevated point about half a 
mile in advance of the line of pickets, and believing them to 
be Federals, asked his colonel to let him capture them. Per- 
mission being obtained, he selected two men from a number of 
volunteers who had offered to accompany him, and set forth to 
capture the Federal scouts. Dashing through the brushwood 
and over the rocks, he suddenly burst upbn the unsuspecting 



122 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

trio, when lo! to his amazement, General Lee stood before 
him! 

To add to the difficulties of a campaign in the mountains, 
the rainy season set in: it began to rain about the middle of 
August, and continued to do so without much cessation for six 
weeks; in the mean' time, the narrow mountain-roads became 
saturated and softened, so that the passage of heavy trains of 
wagons soon rendered them almost impassable: while the wet 
weather lasted any movement was simply impossible. The 
troops, being new and unaccustomed to camp-life, began to 
suffer from all the camp-diseases. Typhoid fever, measles, and 
home-sickness began to spread among them, so that in the 
course of a few weeks nearly one-third of the army was ren- 
dered Jiors de combat by sickness. Amid this accumulation of 
difficulties Lee preserved his equanimity and cheerfulness; 
his chief^ aim now was to ameliorate as much as possible 
the sufferings of his men. During this period of inactivity he 
exerted himself to find a practicable route leading to the rear 
of Cheat Mountain Pass, the route by which Loring had 
proposed to reach it being now effectiially closed. The 
possession of the pass was of great importance to the Confed- 
erates, as the Parkersburg turnpike was the principal line over 
which operations could be successfully carried on in North- 
western Virginia. Individual scouts were emplo\cd, both from 
among the well-affected inhabitants and the enterprising young 
soldiers of the army: Lieutenant Lewis Randolph, of the Vir- 
ginia State regulars, was particularly distinguished for the 
boldness of his reconnoissances. Early in September, Gene- 
ral Jaclcson reported to Loring that Colonel Rust, Third 
Arkansas regiment, had made a reconnoissance to the rear of 
Cheat Mountain Pass, and had discovered a route, though diffi- 
cult, by which infantry could be led. Soon after Colonel Rust 
reported in person, and informed General Lee of the practica- 
bility of reaching the rear of the enemy's position on Cheat 
Mountain, from which a favorable attack could be made, and 
requested the general, in case his information was favorably 
considered, to permit him to lead the attacking column, to 
consist of his regiment and such other troops as the general 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 23 

might designate. Another ronte was in the mean time dis- 
covered, leading along the western side of Cheat Mountain, by 
which troops could be conducted to a point on the Parkersburg 
turnpike about two miles below the Federal position in the 
pass. This being the information that General L-ee had been 
most desirous of obtaining, he determined to attack the enemy 
without further delay. The opposing forces were at this time 
about equal in numbers. Loring's force was now 6000, Jack- 
son's about 5000 strong. Reynolds's force had been increased 
to about 11,000 men; of these, 2000 were on Cheat Mountain, 
and about 5000 in position on the Ivcwisburg road in front of 
lyoring. The remainder of Reynolds's force was held in re- 
serve near the junction of the Parkersburg turnpike and the 
Lewisburg road. 

Lee determined to attack on the morning of. the 12th of 
September, The plan was that Colonel Rust should gain 
the rear of the Federal position by early dawn and begin 
the attack. General Anderson, with two Tennessee regi- 
ments from Loring's command, was to support him, while 
Jackson was to make a diversion in front. Cheat Mountain 
Pass being carried, Jackson with his whole force was to 
sweep down the mountain and fall upon the rear of the 
other Federal position; General Donaldson with two regiments 
was to gain a favorable position for attacking the enemy on the 
Lewisburg road in flank or rear; and Loring was to advance by 
the main road on the Federal front. In case of failure Ander- 
son and Donaldson were to rejoin Loring, and Rust was to find 
his way back to Jackson. The troops gained their designated 
positions with remarkable promptness and accuracy in point of 
time, considering the distance and the difficulties to be over- 
come. Colonel Rust's attack on Cheat Mountain was to be the 
signal for the general advance of all the troops. It was anxiously 
expected from early dawn throughout the day. On every side 
was continuously heard, " What has become of Rust?" "Why 
don't he attack?" " Rust must have lost his way." The Ten- 
nesseeans under Anderson became so impatient that they re- 
quested to be led to the attack without waiting for Rust, but 
Anderson thought that he must be governed by the letter of 



I -4 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

his instructions and declined granting the request of his men. 
Thus we see a plan that offered every prospect of success come 
to naught by the failure of a subordinate officer to equal the 
expectations of his commander. Anderson and Donaldson, 
finding that their situation was becoming critical, being 
liable to discovery and being between two superior forces, 
rejoined Loring on the 13th. On the same day Colonel 
Rust reported in person his operations, which amounted to 
this : lie had heard nothing of Anderson ; he passed the day 
watching the Federals, who were in a state of unconscious 
security, and then retired, his presence not having been sus- 
pected. When Rust rendered his report. General I,ee, per- 
ceiving the deep mortification he felt at the great blunder 
he had committed, permitted him to rejoin his regiment. A 
council of war was then held, in which it was decided that the 
position of the Federals was too strong to be attacked in front 
with any reasonable prospect of success, and that a flank attack 
was now out of the question, inasmuch as the Federals had 
been aroused by the discovery of the danger which had so 
recently threatened them. The troops were therefore ordered 
to resume their former positions. During the operations just 
related there had been but little skirmishing, and the Confeder- 
ate loss had been slight. One circumstance, however, occurred 
which cast a gloom ov'er the whole army. Colonel J. A. Wash- 
ington while making a reconuoissance fell into an ambuscade 
and was killed. He had by his soldierly qualities and high 
gentlemanly bearing gained the esteem of all. Too much 
praise cannot be bestowed upon the troops for their courage 
and patient endurance in this campaign, and Colonels Burke, 
Gilliam, Campbell, Lee, Munford, Maney, Hatten, and Savage 
were worthy of the gallant fellows that it had fallen to their 
lot to command. 

The failure of this well-devised operation was due to one 
of those errors of judgment to which all warlike movements 
are liable, and through which many a neatly-laid scheme has 
come to naught. The system of operations had been clearly 
defined in General Loring's order of September 8th, but the 
unavoidable difficulty in producing concert of action between 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 25 

divided troops, and the hesitation of each commander to act 
on his own responsibility, stood in the way of success, and 
caused an inglorious withdrawal of the ambushed forces, from 
whom such a very different result was reasonably expected. 

In this connection may be given General Lee's stirring ap- 
peal to the patriotism of the troops, issued at the same time 
with General Loring's special order to the commanders of the 
columns of attack : 

" Headquarters, Valley Mountain, 
" September 8, 1861. 

"The forward movement announced to the Army of the 
North-west in Special Order No. 28, from its headquarters, of 
this date, gives the general commanding the opportunity of 
exhorting the troops to keep steadily in view the great prin- 
ciples for which they contend, and to manifest to the world 
their determination to maintain them. The eyes of the coun- 
try are upon you. The safety of your homes and the lives of 
all you hold dear depend upon your courage and exertions. 
Let each man resolve to be victorious, and that the right of 
self-government, liberty, and peace shall in him find a defender. 
The progress of this army must be forward. 

"R. E. Lee, 
''''General commajiding:^'' 

We here append a letter from General Lee to Governor 
Letcher bearing upon this campaign, which has been so 
variously criticised and generally misunderstood: 

"Valley Mountain, Sept. 17, 1S61. 

"My Dear Governor: I received your very kind note of 
the 5th inst. just as I was about to accompany General Lor- 
ing's command on an expedition to the enemy's works in front, 
or I would have before thanked you for the interest you take 
in my welfare and your too flattering expressions of my abil- 
ity. Indeed, you overrate me much, and I feel humbled 
when I weigh myself by your standard. I am, however, very 
grateful for your confidence, and I can answer for my sin- 



I 26 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

cerity in the earnest endeavor I make to advance the cause I 
have so much at heart, though conscious of the slow progress 
I make. 

" I was very sanguine of taking the enemy's works on last 
Thursday morning. I had considered the subject well. With 
great effort the troops intended for the surprise had reached 
their destination, having traversed twenty miles of steep, rug- 
ged mountain-paths, and the last day through a terrible storm, 
which lasted all night, and in which they had to stand drenched 
to the skin in the cold rain. Still, their spirits were good. 
When morning broke I could see the enemy's tents on Valley 
River at the point on the Huttonsville road just below me. It 
was a tempting sight. We waited for the attack on Cheat 
Mountain, which was to be the signal, till 10 a.m.; the men 
were cleaning their unserviceable arms. But the signal did 
not come. All chance for surprise was gone. The provisions 
of the men had been destroyed the preceding day by the storm. 
They had nothing to eat that morning, could not hold out an- 
other day, and were obliged to be withdrawn. The party sent 
to Cheat Mountain to take that in the rear had also to be with- 
drawn. The attack to come off from the east side failed from 
the difficulties in the way; the opportunity was lost and our 
plan discovered. 

" It is a grievous disappointment to me, I assure you. But 
for the rain-storm I have no doubt it would have succeeded. 
This, governor, is for your own eye. Please do not speak of 
it; we must try again. Our greatest loss is the death of my 
dear friend Colonel Washington. He and my son were recon- 
noitering the front of the enemy. They came unawares upon 
a concealed party, who fired upon them within twenty yards, 
and the colonel fell pierced by three balls. My son's horse 
received three shots, but he escaped on the colonel's horse. 
His zeal for the cause to which he had devoted himself carried 
him, I fear, too far. 

"We took some seventy prisoners and killed some twenty- 
five or thirty of the enemy. Our loss was small besides what 
I have mentioned. Our greatest difficulty is the roads. It has 
been raining in these mountains about six weeks. It is impos- 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 27 

sible to get along. It is that which has paralyzed all our 
efforts. 

*' With sincere thanks for your good wishes, 

"I am very truly yours, 

"R. E. Lee. 

" His Excellency Gov. John Letcher." 

We will now examine into the condition of affairs on the line 
of the Kanawha. 

General Wise entered the Kanawha Valley in August. Gen- 
eral Cox was then near Charleston. After some manoeuvring, 
Wise fell back to the junction of the New River and the 
Gauley, where he was joined by General Floyd, whose force 
now numbered between eight and ten thousand men. Being 
uncertain whether Cox would advance up the New River line 
or upon that of the Gauley, he posted a force under Wise on 
the New River line, while he occupied a favorable position on 
the Gauley. At Carnifex Ferry, Floyd and Wise were in easy 
supporting distance of each other, but there was no cordiality 
between them. About the 15th of September, General Floyd, 
seeing that it was the evident intention of Rosecrans to attack 
him, ordered Wise to his support; which order Wise failed to 
obey, and Floyd was left to receive alone the attack of a greatly 
superior force, which, however, he succeeded in repulsing with 
considerable loss, but, being still unsupported by Wise, he was 
obliged to retire. xA-mong the casualties on the side of the 
Confederates, Floyd had received a painful wound in the arm. 
Wise having finally joined Floyd, ^they fell back to a position 
on the James River and Kanawha turnpike, near the Hawk's 
Nest. 

About the last of September, General Rosecrans, having 
reinforced Cox, took command in person and advanced on the 
James River and Kanawha turnpike, gradually pushing back 
Floyd and Wise in the direction of Lewisburg, it being his 
intention to turn the Confederate position on Valley Mountain 
and the Greenbrier River. Such was the condition of affairs 
on the line of the Kanawha at the close of the Valley Mountain 
campaign. Lee, perceiving that the operations on the Kanawha 



128 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

were not progressing favorably, determined to take control of 
affairs in that quarter himself He therefore directed Loring 
to detach Gilliam with his own regiment (the battalion of State 
regulars) and a section of artillery to occupy Valley Mountain 
Pass, and proceeded with the remainder of his force to rein- 
force General Floyd. General Lee arrived at Meadow Bluff 
about the 7th of October, where he found Floyd. Meadow 
Bluff is a small village near the eastern base of Sewell Moun- 
tain. Floyd had proposed making a stand there, but Wise had 
halted on the top of the mountain, five miles in rear, where 
he had determined to fight. The hostility that had previously 
existed between the two generals had not been diminished by 
the affair of Carnifex Ferry; the arrival of General Lee was 
therefore fortunate, as it most probably prevented a disaster, 
since Rosecrans was advancing, and would have been able to 
strike both Wise and Floyd in detail. Lee found Wise occupy- 
ing the eastern crest of Sewell Mountain. Being satisfied with 
the position, he determined to hold it and give battle to Rose- 
crans if he persisted in advancing. So he ordered Floyd to 
return and support Wise. Lee had barely time to complete his 
arrangements when Rosecrans appeared on the opposite crest. 

Each army now occupied a mountain-crest nearly parallel, sep- 
arated by a gap or depression forming a notch in the mountain 
about a mile wide, over which it was difficult to pass except by 
the James River and Kanawha turnpike, which crosses it. Both 
positions were naturally very strong. The Confederate force 
being greatly inferior to that of the Federals, and Rosecrans 
having assumed the offensi^ve, Lee naturally expected to be 
attacked before Loring could come up; he therefore actively 
employed his skill as an engineer in adding to the natural 
strength of his position. Rosecrans, discovering the formidable 
preparations of the Confederates, prudently forbore to attack 
them. The arrival of Loring on the 9th placed General Lee's 
force almost on an equality with that of the Federals. 

The force of Lee now amounted to about 15,000 men. The 
troops were in fine spirits and anxious to be led to the attack, 
but the general, ever mindful of the safety of his men, re- 
strained their ardor. On one occasion, when several of his 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 29 

commanders were urging an attack, he remarked: "I know, 
gentlemen, you could carry the enemy's lines, but we cannot 
spare the brave men who would lose their lives in doing it. 
If Rosecrans does not attack us, we will find a way to reach 
him that will not cost us so dearly." After waiting several 
days for General Rosecrans to attack, he began to make prepa- 
rations for a flank movement to gain Rosecrans' s rear, who no 
longer manifested a disposition to continue the aggressive. 
Floyd and others who had a good knowledge of the routes in 
the vicinity of Sewell Mountain reported to Lee a practicable 
route for artillery and infantry leading about ten miles to the 
rear of the Federal position. Upon this information he con- 
ceived the plan of sending a column of 5000 men by this 
route at night, to fall at dawn upon the Federals' rear, while a 
strong demonstration was being made in front. Had this plan 
been executed, it would most likely have been successful, but 
Rosecrans escaped the trap by a night retreat. Great was the 
disappointment of the troops when they discovered that the 
Federals had retired and the prospect of a battle had van- 
ished. 

As soon as the retieat of the Federals was discovered pursuit 
was ordered, but Lee soon perceived that it would be impossi- 
ble to overtake Rosecrans and bring him to a successful engage- 
ment in the rough, mountainous country through which he was 
retreating; and, not wishing to harass his troops unnecessarily, 
he ordered them to return to their several positions, and Rose- 
crans was allowed to pursue his retreat unmolested to the Ka- 
nawha Valley. Lee knew that with the bravery of his troops 
and the strength of his position he could repel any attack that 
the Federals could make, while, on the other hand, if he 
attacked them in their position the result, even if success- 
ful, would be attended with great loss. He therefore deter- 
mined to give Rosecrans every opportunity to attack before 
taking the offensive himself, which, as we have seen, Rose- 
crans prevented by abandoning his own plans and retreating. 

The season was now so far advanced that it was impossible 
to continue active operations in Western Virginia. Snow had 
already fallen and the roads had become almost impassable. 



130 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Lee therefore deemed it necessary to withdraw the troops from 
Sewell Mountain. About the ist of November the dijSerent 
columns were sent to their various destinations. 

The campaign had been pronounced a failure. The press and 
the public were clamorous against him. No one stopped to in- 
quire the cause or examine into the difficulties that surrounded 
him. Upon him alone were heaped the impracticability of 
mountains, the hostility of the elements, and the want of har- 
mony of subordinate commanders. The difficulties to be en- 
countered in Western Virginia were so great and the chances 
of success so doubtful that the Confederate authorities aban- 
doned the idea of its further occupation. Therefore the greater 
part of the troops that had been serving in Western Virginia 
were ordered where their services would be more available, and 
Ivce was assigned to the command of the department of South 
Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. 

While the operations on Big Sewell were in progress Rey- 
nolds made a descent from Cheat Mountain and attacked the 
Confederate position on the Greenbrier. This attack was 
promptly met by General H. R. Jackson, and repulsed with 
considerable loss. Soon after his return to Huntersville, Gen- 
eral Loring was instructed to report to General T. J. Jackson 
(Stonewall Jackson), then commanding in the Shenandoah 
Valley, to participate in a contemplated winter campaign. 
About the same time Major Long received orders from the 
War Office to report to General Lee in the department of 
South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. 

The inactivity of the forces on the Potomac that succeeded 
the battle of Manassas had a powerful influence on the cam- 
paign in Western Virginia, as it permitted the Federals to 
collect a force sufficiently powerful to render insurmountable 
difficulties which, under the most favorable circumstances, were 
exceedingly embarrassing. Had the Confederates made an ad- 
vance across the Potomac and boldly threatened Washington in 
August or September, the nervous fear which then possessed 
the Federal authorities for the safety of that city would have 
caused them to draw forces from all quarters to defend their 
capital. The pressure on Lee in Western Virginia would have 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 131 

Jins been relieved, and it is within the scope of military prob- 
ability that he would have regained all that had been lost in 
that section, and have taken measures for its future preserva- 
tion and the permanent occupation of the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad, which became of such immense importance to the 
Federal Government as the connecting-link between the West- 
ern States and the Eastern theatre of war. 

In connection with this West Virginia campaign we may 
revert to another matter of considerable interest, that relatino- 
to Lee's favorite horse "Traveller," a noble animal which 
attained almost as much celebrity in the Army of Northern 
Virginia as the gallant form which he bore through so iiiany 
fields of battle. He was purchased during this campaign, and 
served his master royally throughout the whole duration of the 
war and for many years afterward. We are fortunately able to 
give a history and description of this celebrated charger from 
Lee himself. It was dictated to his daughter Agnes, with cor- 
rections in his own handwriting, apparently in response to some 
artist v/ho had asked for a description of the animal. The en- 
thusiasm with which the general speaks of his companion of 
so many days of peril and hardship shov/s the spirit of a true 
horseman and a nature capable of kindly affection and compan- 
ionship for every creature with which he came into intimate 
relations: 

" If I was an artist like you, I would draw a true picture of 
'Traveller,' representing his fine proportions, muscular figure, 
deep chest and short back, strong haunches, flat legs, small 
head, broad forehead, delicate ears, quick eye, small feet, and 
black mane and tail. Such a picture would inspire a poet, 
whose genius could then depict his worth and describe his en- 
durance of toil, hunger, thirst, heat, cold, and the dangers and 
suffering through which he has passed. He could dilate upon 
his sagacity and affection and his invariable response to every 
wish of his rider. He might even imagine his thoughts through 
the long night-marches and days of battle through which he has 
passed. But I am no artist, and can only say he is a Confcdcr- 
"f^'^ate g7'ay. I purchased him in the mountains of Virginia in the 
autumn of 1861, and he has been my patient follower ever since 



132 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

— to Georgia, the Carolinas, and back to Virginia. He carried 
me through the seven days' battle around Richmond, the Sec- 
ond Manassas, at Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, the last day at 
Chancellorsville, to Pennsylvania, at Gettysburg, and back to 
the Rappahannock. From the commencement of the campaign 
in 1864 at Orange till its close around Petersburg the saddle was 
scarcely off his back, as he passed through the fire of the Wil- 
derness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and across the James River. 
He was almost in daily requisition in the winter of 1864-65 on 
the long line of defences from the Chickahominy north of Rich- 
mond and Hatcher's Run south of the Appomattox. In the cam- 
paign of 1865 he bore me from Petersburg to the final days at 
Appomattox Court-house. 

. *'You must know the comfort he is to me in my present 
retirement. He is well supplied with equipments. Two sets 
have been sent to him from England, one from the ladies of 
Baltimore, and one was made for him in Richmond; but I think 
his favorite is the American saddle from St. Louis.* Of all his 
companions in toil, 'Richmond,' 'Brown Roan,' 'Ajax,' and 
quiet ' Lucy Long, ' he is the only one that retained his vigor 
to the last.f The first two expired under their onerous burden, 
and the last two failed. You can, I am sure, from what I have 
said, paint his portrait." 

To General Lee's description of his noble horse ma}'^ be added 
some few further particulars of his appearance and history. He 
was sixteen hands high, of a dark iron-gray color, and when 
purchased about five years old. He was strong and active, but 
perfectly docile, and as calm as his master under fire. General 
Lee had always a strong affection for him, which he manifested 

* This saddle has its story, which is worth relating. When Colonel Lee resigned from 
the United States amiy and repaired to Richmond to offer his ser\ices to his native State, 
his baggage, which had just reached New York, was seized by the authorities. Among 
his effects was a saddle of peculiar form which he preferred to all others. He immedi- 
ately wrote to St. Louis, to the maker, desiring to have another like it if he was willing 
to take the risk of receiving his pay. The saddle was at once sent, and the .soldier did 
not let the busy occupation of war make him forget to send the full price to the maker 
Jhrough a safe channel. He rode tliis saddle all through the war and throughout his 
after-life. 

\ The horse ridden by Lee in the Mexican War- was named " Grace Dailing." 



THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 33 

on many occasions. Six years after the war "Traveller" had 
become almost milk-white, having grown hoary with age 
and honors. He died very soon after the decease of his 
master, his death arising from lockjaw caused by his tread- 
ing on a nail which penetrated his foot and could not be 
withdrawn. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 

General Lee in Charleston. — A Great Conflagration. — Topography of the Coast. — Its 
Defences. — General Lee's Engineering Operations. — His Mode of Life. — Ordered 
• back to Riclimond. 

HAVING received orders to report to General Lee on tlie 
South Atlantic coast, the writer arrived in Charleston 
on the eve of the great fire that laid half of that beautiful city 
in ruins. The fire-alarm was heard by him on his way to the 
Mills House, but as fires are of frequent occurrence in cities, 
he gave little heed to it, as the conflagration seemed small and 
at a great distance from the hotel. General I,ee had arrived a 
little before from his headquarters at Coosawhatchie. Soon 
after the arrival of Major Long he reported to Lee, who was 
in the hotel-parlor with Captains Taylor and Ives and some 
others. After a short conversation all separated for the night, 
little thinking that they would soon be compelled to seek 
safety in flight. Before retiring they observed that the fire 
had increased in volume, but it was not yet of sufficient mag- 
nitude to cause uneasiness. About eleven o'clock the general 
had Major Long called, who found him viewing the fire from 
the parlor window. To their amazement, it had acquired the 
proportions of a conflagration enveloping a quarter of the city. 
General Lee remarked that as the fire seemed beyond control 
and was advancing toward the hotel, it would be necessary to 
prepare to leave at a moment's notice. Mrs. Long was informed 
how matters stood, and in a few minutes was ready and repaired 
to the parlor, where she found Mrs. Washington, the wife of 
Captain Washington of General Lee's staff". By this time many 
of the guests of the hotel had assembled in the parlor, com- 
menting anxiou.sly on the terrible prospect. In order to get a 
better view of the desolating scene, General Lee, Major Long, 

134 



THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 1 35 

and some others assembled on the roof of the hotel, which 
towered far above the adjacent houses. From this position a 
scene of awful sublimity met the eye: more than one-third of 
the city appeared a sea of fire, shooting up columns of flame 
that seemed to mingle with the stars. From King street east- 
ward to the river, extending back more than a mile, stores and 
dwellings, churches and public buildings, were enveloped in 
one common blaze, which was marching steadily and rapidly 
across the city. The mind was held fascinated by the fierce 
rage of the devouring element, until the thought was turned 
upon the helpless victims that crowded the streets as far as the 
eye could reach bending beneath the household goods that had 
been rescued from destruction, and struggling with might and 
main to gain a place of safety. Wagons, carts, and all kinds 
of vehicles loaded with every conceivable article were pressing 
women and children in dense masses to the sidewalks, and 
sometimes the combustible articles with which the carts and 
wagons were loaded became ignited by the sparks that swept 
from time to time along the streets, thus increasing the con- 
fusion that reigned among the bewildered multitude. Turni»ig 
from the human misery below to the increasing fury of the 
conflagration, the question arose. Why has the demon of de- 
struction been permitted to rage an unopposed destroyer of the 
Queen City of the South Atlantic, transforming her matchless 
beauty to hideous ruin? The reservoir, which was supplied 
by the water of the bay, had been drained by the receding tide, 
and the fire companies had been depleted by the demands of 
war; consequently, the city became a helpless victim. 

The fire had by twelve o'clock reached the immediate vicinity 
of the hotel, and the flames were lapping themselves about the 
opposite houses. Just as the party was about to descend from 
its post of observation a body of soldiers appeared, headed by 
General Ripley (these were the troops brought by their gallant 
leader from Sullivan's Island to rescue the city). Now the 
flames were about to meet their first real opposition, and the 
hotel, whose huge bulk covered an important district, claimed 
especial attention. On returning to the parlor the ladies were 
found with bundles and babies ready to decamp. 



136 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

It was indeed time to move, for the hotel had become a scene 
of great confusion, and the heat from without was oppressive, 
while the only remaining chance of escape was by a back stair- 
way through the cellar. General Lee took one baby in his 
arms and Major Long took another, they being preceded by a 
guide with a lantern to light the way. Mrs. Long and Mrs. 
Washington, accompanied by Taylor and Ives, brought up the 
rear. On emerging from the cellar the group were met by the 
glare and heat of the burning buildings on the opposite side 
of the street. An omnibus was a few yards distant, into which 
all hurried, and were driven off amid a shower of sparks and 
cinders to the. house of Mr. Alston on the Battery, which, in 
the absence of the family, was kindly put at General Lee's dis- 
posal by young Mr. Alston, who had remained in the city. 
The fire was subdued during the night, and the morning 
revealed a hideous ruin extending from tl;ie Ashley to the 
Cooper River, and bearing fearful testimony to the magnitude 
of the conflagration. The hotel was saved, and after order was 
restored its comfortable quarters were resumed. But the scene 
without was entirely changed: the superb edifices of the pre- 
vious day had been converted into smoking beams and totter- 
ing walls, and the happy people of the day before were mourn- 
ful spectators of the desolation that surrounded them. In this 
impressive manner Major Long was introduced to a companion- 
ship with General Lee which was destined to last throughout 
the war. 

The defences of the coast, embracing numerous vital points, 
chiefly occupied General Lee's attention during his period of 
service in this southern department. The character of the 
work to be done and the method in which he performed it 
here call for description. 

The line of coast extending from the entrance of Chesapeake 
Bay to the mouth of the Rio Grande presents innumerable 
bays, inlets, and harbors, into which vessels could run either 
for predatory incursions or with the intention of actual inva- 
sion. The Federals having the command of the sea, it was 
certain that they would take advantage of this open condition 
of the coast to employ their naval force as soon as it could be 



THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 137 

collected, not only to enforce the blockade which had been 
declared, but also for making inroads along our unprotected 
ocean border. That the system of defence adopted may be 
understood it is necessary to describe a little in detail the to- 
pography of the coast. 

On the coast of North Carolina are Albemarle and Pamlico 
Sounds, penetrating far into the interior. Farther south, Cape 
Fear River connects with the ocean by two channels, the 
south-west channel being then defended by a small enclosed 
fort and a water battery. On the coast of South Carolina are 
Georgetown and Charleston harbors. A succession of islands 
extends along the coast of South Carolina and Georgia, sep- 
arated from the main land by a channel which is navigable 
for vessels of moderate draught from Charleston to Fernandina, 
Florida. There are fewer assailable points on the Gulf than 
on the Atlantic. Pensacola, Mobile, and the mouths of the 
Mississippi were defended by works that had hitherto been 
regarded as sufficiently strong to repulse any naval attack that 
might be made upon them. Immediately after the bombard- 
ment and capture of Fort Sumter the work of seacoast defence 
was begun, and carried forward as rapidly as the limited means 
of the Confederacy would permit. Roanoke Island and other 
points on Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds were fortified. Bat- 
teries were established at the south-east entrance of Cape Fear 
River, and the works on the south-west entrance of that river 
were strengthened. Defences were constructed at Georgetown 
and at all assailable points on the north-east coast of South Ca- 
rolina. The works of Charleston harbor were greatly strength- 
ened by earthworks and floating batteries. The defences from 
Charleston down the coast of South Carolina and Georgia were 
confined chiefly to the islands and salient points bearing upon 
the channels leading inland. Defensive works were erected at 
all important points along the coast. Many of the defences, 
being injudiciously located and hastily erected, offered but lit- 
tle resistance to the enemy when attacked. These defects were 
not surprising when we take into consideration the inexperience 
of the engineers and the long line of seacoast to be defended. 
As soon as a sufficient naval force had been collected by the 



138 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Federals, an expedition under the command of General But- 
ler was sent to the coast of North Carolina, and captured sev- 
eral important points. A second expedition, under Admiral 
Dupont and General T. W. Sherman, was sent to make a de- 
scent on the coast of South Carolina. On the 27th of Novem- 
ber, Dupont attacked the batteries that were designed to defend 
Port Royal harbor, and almost without resistance carried them 
and gained possession of Port Royal. This is the best harbor 
in South Carolina, and is the strategic key to all the South 
Atlantic coast. Later, Burnside captured Roanoke Island and 
established himself in Eastern North Carolina without resist- 
ance. The rapid fall of Roanoke Island and Port Royal struck 
consternation into the hearts of the inhabitants along the entire 
coast. The capture of Port Royal gave the Federals the entire 
possession of Beaufort Island, which afforded a secure place of 
arms for the troops, while the harbor gave a safe anchorage for 
the fleet. Beaufort Island almost fills a deep indenture in the 
main shore, from which it is separated for the greater part of 
its extent by a narrow channel which is navigable throughout. 
Its northern extremity extends to within a few miles of the 
Charleston and Savannah Railroad. The main road from Port 
Royal to Pocotaligo crosses the channel at this point. The 
evacuation of Hilton Head, on the south-w^estern extremity of 
Beaufort Island, followed the capture of Port Royal. This 
exposed Savannah, only about twenty-five miles distant, to an 
attack from that direction. At the same time, the Federals 
having command of Helena Bay, Charleston was liable to be 
assailed from North Edisto or Stono Inlet, and the railroad 
could have been reached without opposition by the road from 
Port Royal to Pocotaligo. 

Such was the state of affairs when General Lee reached 
Charleston, in the early part of November, 1861, to assume 
the command of the department of South Carolina, Georgia, 
and Florida. His vigorous mind at once comprehended the 
essential features of the situation, and with his accustomed 
energy he prepared to overcome the many diflficulties that pre- 
sented themselves. Directing fortifications to be constructed 
QU the Stono, the Edisto, and the Combahee, he fixed his head- 



THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 1 39 

quarters at Coosawliatcliie, the point most threatened, and di- 
rected defences to be erected opposite Hilton Head and on the 
Broad and Salcatchie to cover Savannah. These were the 
points requiring immediate attention. He superintended in 
person the works overlooking the approach to the railroad from 
Port Royal, and soon infused into his troops a part of his own 
energy. The works he had planned rose with magical rapidity. 
A few days after his arrival at Coosawliatcliie, Dupont and 
Sherman sent their first reconnoissance in that direction, which 
was met and repulsed by shot from the newly-erected batteries; 
and now, whether the Federals advanced toward the railroad 
or turned in the direction of Charleston or Savannah, they 
were arrested by the Confederate batteries. The people, seeing 
• the Federals repulsed at every point, regained their confidence, 
and with it their energy. 

We may, at this point, introduce a letter addressed to two of 
his daughters shortly after his journey South, as it gives, in 
his own words, his opinion of the preceding state of the coast 
defences, together with some interesting matter relating to his 
home life: 

"Savannah, 22 Nov., 1861, 

" My Darling Daughters: I wish I could see you, be with 
you, and never again part from you. God only can give me 
that happiness. I pray for it night and day. But my prayers, 

I know, are not worthy to be heard I am much pleased 

at your description of Stratford and your visit there. I.t is en- 
deared to me by many recollections, and it has always been the 
desire of my life to be able to purchase it. Now that we have 
no other home, and the one we so loved has been for ever des- 
ecrated, that desire is stronger with me than ever. The horse- 
chestnut you mention in the garden was planted by my mother. • 
I am sorry the vault is so dilapidated. You do not mention 
the spring, one of the objects of my earliest recollections. 
How my heart goes back to those happy days ! . . . . This is 
my second visit to Savannah. I have been down the coast as 
far as Amelia Island to examine the defences. They are poor 
indeed, and I have laid oj0f work to employ our people a month. 



140 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

I hope our enemy will be polite enough to wait for us. It is 

difficult to get our people to realize their position 

" Your devoted father, 

"R. E. Lee." 

The most important points being now secured against imme- 
diate attack, the general proceeded to organize a system of sea- 
coast defence different from that which had previously been 
adopted. He withdrew the troops and material from those 
works which had been established on the islands and salient 
points, which he could not defend, to a strong interior line, 
where the effect of the Federal naval force would be neutral- 
ized. After a careful reconnoissance of the coast he designated 
such points as he considered it necessary to fortify. The most 
important positions on this extensive line were Georgetown, 
Charleston, Pocotaligo, Coosawhatchie, and Savannah. Coosaw- 
hatchie, being central, could communicate with either Charles- 
ton or Savannah in two or three hours by railroad, so in case of 
an attack they could support each other. The positions between 
Coosawhatchie and Savannah, and those between Charleston 
and Coosawhatchie, could be reinforced from the positions con- 
tiguous to them. There was thus a defensive relation through- 
out the entire line. 

At this time there was great want of guns suitable for sea- 
coast defence. Those in use had been on the coast for more 
than thirty 3^ears, and were of too light a calibre to cope with 
the powerful ordnance that had been introduced into the Fed- 
eral navy. It was therefore desirable to arm the batteries now 
constructed with heavy guns. The ordnance department being 
prepared to cast guns of the heaviest calibre, requisitions were 
made for eight- and ten-inch columbiads for the batteries bor- 
■ dering on the channels that would be entered by gunboats. 
The heavy smooth-bore guns were preferred to the rifle cannons 
for fixed batteries, as experiments had shown that the crushing 
effect of the solid round shot was more destructive than the 
small breach- and deeper penetration of the rifle-bolts. The 
difference of range was not important, as beyond a certain dis- 
tance the aim could not be accurate. By the last of December 



THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. I4I 

many batteries had been completed and other works were being 
rapidly constructed. When the new year of 1862 opened there 
was a greater feeling of security among the people of South 
Carolina and Georgia than had been felt for several months. 

The information received from every quarter led to the belief 
that the Federal Government was making preparations for a 
powerful attack upon either Charleston or Savannah. In an- 
ticipation of this attack every effort was made to strengthen 
these places. General Ripley, who commanded at Charleston, 
and General Lawton, the commander at Savannah, ably sec- 
onded Lee in the execution of his plans, while Generals Evans, 
Drayton, and Mercer assisted him at other points. The ord- 
nance department, under the direction of its energetic chief. 
Colonel Gorgas, filled with wonderful promptitude the various 
demands made upon it. This greatly facilitated the comple- 
tion of the defences. 

The Federal troops on Beaufort Island were inactive during 
the months of December, January, and February, and the fleet 
was in the offing blockading Charleston and Savannah. About 
the ist of March the Federal gunboats entered the Savannah 
River by way of the channel leading from Hilton Head. The 
small Confederate fleet was too weak to engage them, so they 
retained undisputed possession of the river. They then estab- 
lished batteries to intercept the communication between Fort 
Pulaski and the city of Savannah. This fort commands the 
entrance to the Savannah River, twelve miles below the city. 

A few days after getting possession of the river the Federds 
landed a force under General Q. A. Gillmore on the opposite 
side of the fort. General Gillmore, having completed his bat- 
teries, opened fire about the ist of April. Having no hope of 
succor. Fort Pulaski, after striking a blow for honor, surren- 
dered with about 500 men. 

The house at Coosawhatchie selected by General Lee for 
headquarters was of just sufficient capacity for himself and 
military family, which consisted of Captain Thornton Wash- 
ington, adjutant-general, Captains Walter H. Taylor and Man- 
igault, aides-de-camp. Captain Ives, engineer officer. Captain 
Walker, cavalry officer, and Major A. L. Long, chief of artil- 



1^2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

lery. Though not habitually present, may be added Captain 
vStephen Elliot, whose perfect knowledge of the coast enabled 
him to render the most valuable service. The general was as 
unpretending in the interior arrangement of his quarters as 
were his exterior surroundings. His simple camp-equipage 
and that of his staff comprised the entire furniture of the 
house. The table-service consisted of a neat set of tin-ware, 
plates, dishes, and cups made to fit into each otl:er for conve- 
nience in packing. The bill of fare corresponded in frugality 
to the plainness of the furniture. The general occupied the 
head of his table, and always seasoned the meal with his good- 
humor and pleasant jests, often at the expense of some member 
of the staff who seemed to miss the luxuries of the table more 
than himself. 

The extensive line of operations that demanded his attention 
caused Lee to be almost constantly on the move, first at one 
place, and then at another, where important work was in prog- 
ress. It was remarkable how his quiet, confident manner 
stimulated the men to exertion whenever he came among 
them. On these occasions he more forcibly impressed one 
with the magnetic influence of the power of genius over in- 
feriors than in any man the writer of this memoir ever saw. 

When inspecting the defences of Charleston harbor the mind 
of the writer naturally was carried back to the time of his first 
acquaintance with Fort IMoultrie. At that time the political 
harmony of the country was agitated by a ripple of discontent 
which was soon dispelled, and Charleston was permitted ten 
years of uninterrupted prosperity. Then she stood in her 
wealth, beauty, and commercial importance queen among the 
cities of the Southern Atlantic. Now war had closed her spa- 
cious harbor and the flames had consumed her wealth and de- 
stroyed her beaut)-. Though oppressed by misfortune, she still 
proudly bore her crest, determined to preser\-e her honor un- 
tarnished to the close of her existence. 

It was only necessary to perfect the defences on James and 
John's Islands to entirely secure Charleston from attack sea- 
ward. This being done, this city was enabled, with the skill 
of the engineer and the bravery of the troops under the direc- 



THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 1 43 

tion of Generals G. T. Beauregard, Sam Jones, and others, to 
sustain, considering the power of the engines brought against 
her, one of the most remarkable sieges on record. 

About the middle of March, Lee was directed to proceed to 
Richmond-. By that time he had established a strong interior 
line of defence extending from Winyaw Bay to the mouth of 
St. Mary's River. This line, being bravely and skilfully de- 
fended, proved to be an impenetrable barrier to the combined 
efforts of the land and naval forces of the enemy constantly 
employed on the coast, until it was carried by Sherman in his 
unopposed march through Georgia and South Carolina. In 
order that the importance of this series of defensive works 
may be understood, it is necessary to know what it accom- 
plished. It protected the most valuable agricultural section of 
the Confederacy, ensured the safety of Charleston and Savan- 
nah, and covered the principal line of communication between 
the Mississippi and the Potomac. Besides these important 
results it produced a desirable effect by diffusing among the 
inhabitants a sense of security they had not felt for many 
months. 

When Lee took his departure the command devolved upon 
General Pemberton, a brave and experienced officer. He was 
well acquainted with the plan of operation adopted, and was 
therefore able to advance successfully the works that necessarily 
remained incomplete. Major Long remained on duty with 
Pemberton until May, when he received orders to report to 
General Lee in Richmond. At that time a general depression 
was felt throughout the Confederacy, caused by the results fol- 
lowing the battle of Shiloh, the death of General Albert Sid- 
ney Johnston, the fall of New Orleans, and the tremendous 
losses occasioned by the evacuation of Yorktown and Norfolk. 

The Southern campaign of General Lee which we have just 
described presents a remarkable example of a successful oppo- 
sition of science and art to mere physical power. With sur- 
prising strategic ability he selected the important points of a 
long and difficult line, and with equal tactical skill adopted 
measures for their defence. The infantry was disposed for 
mutual support, while the artillery, in groups of a few guns, 



144 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

was placed in batteries at intervals, so as to cover extensive 
districts, and at the same time to be able to bring a heavy con- 
centric fire on intermediate points. This combination was the 
most effective that could have been devised to prevent the in- 
cursion of gunboats. 

We may also observe that there is a striking contrast between 
the vigor and energy displayed on the one side and the supine- 
ness manifested on the other. The Federal commander, in- 
stead of making after his easy capture of Port Royal a rapid 
movement toward the railroad at Pocotaligo and Charleston by 
the Edisto, or toward Savannah by way of Hilton Head — in 
either of Vvhich movements he would at that time have met 
with little or no opposition — contented himself with gathering 
the harvest of cotton found on Beaufort Island and providing 
a refuge for the fugitive slaves from the neighboring planta- 
tions; thus giving a petty financial enterprise and a negro sen- 
timentality precedence over military operations of the highest 
importance; while his active opponent erected, unmolested, an 
insurmountable barrier to his future advance. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 

The Defences of the Peninsula. — Cruise of the Merrimac. — Siege of Yorktown by 
McClellan's Army. — General Johnston's Plan of Operations. — It is not Accepted. — 
Retreat of the Confederate Army. — Battle of Williamsburg. — Surrender of Nor- 
folk. — The Federal Fleet Repulsed. — Battle of Seven Pines. — General Lee takes 
Command. 

BEFORE proceeding with this narrative it may be well to 
review previous operations, especially those that had taken 
place on the Peninsula and about Norfolk. To gain a clear 
idea of them a description of the peninsula embraced by the 
York and James rivers, Hampton Roads, and Chesapeake Bay 
is necessary. Its principal natural features are — the Chick- 
ahominy, a stream of considerable length; the Warwick, an 
estuary of the James which rises in the neighborhood of York- 
town; and the primeval forest, interspersed with farms and 
plantations. Its surface is generally level, except along the 
Chickahominy and the James, where it is diversified by low 
ranges of hills. The strip between the Warwick and Hamp- 
ton Roads is marshy and easily inundated. Old Point, Hampton 
Roads, Yorktown, Williamsburg, Newport News, and Sewell's 
Point are also included in its topography. Norfolk, situated 
on the Elizabeth River a few miles from its junction with 
Hampton Roads, is surrounded by a flat, sandy country, bor- 
dered on the south by the Dismal Swamp, and terminated on 
the north and east by Hampton Roads and Chesapeake Bay. 
The town of Portsmouth and> Gosport navy-yard lie on the 
Elizabeth River, directly opposite. 

The first act of the governor of Virginia upon the secession 
of the State was to seize the Gosport navy-yard and provide 
for the security of the James and York rivers. This measure 
was of the highest importance, as the safety of the capital and 



146 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of an important portion of the State depended on their security. 
The vessels of war captured in Norfolk harbor and the immense 
quantity of naval stores found at the navy-yard were of incal- 
culable value to the Confederacy. The defences of Norfolk 
and the mouth of the James River were assigned to General 
Huger, while tliose of Yorktown and the Peninsula were en- 
trusted to General Magruder. These officers had obtained hig-h 
distinction in the United States army, and the zeal and energy 
they exhibited in the new work to which they had been 
assigned fully entitled them to the highest confidence of the 
Confederacy. 

The Federals, at the same time, were also active in their 
preparations on the Peninsula. General Butler appeared almost 
simultaneously with Huger and Magruder at the head of large 
forces, for the double purpose of defending Fortress Monroe 
from Confederate attack and of operating either against Nor- 
folk or Yorktown as circumstances might suggest. On the 
8tli of June, 1861, Butler sent a strong reconnoitering party 
toward Yorktown. This force was met at Big Bethel Church, 
a few miles from the village of Hampton, by Colonel D. H. 
Hill, with a detachment of infantry, supported by Colonel 
G. W. Randolph's battalion of artillery, and was repulsed with 
heavy loss. This was the first conflict of arms since the fall of 
Fort Sumter, and, although small in point of numbers, its moral 
effect was considerable by inspiring the Confederates with con- 
fidence, while it had a depressing influence iipon the Federals. 

After this affair the Federals made no other demonstration 
on the Peninsula until the ensuing spring. During the interim 
Magruder and Huger applied themselves with skill and industry 
to the completion of the defences of their respective positions, 
while the naval department was active in its preparations at 
the Gosport navy-yard. Magruder first occupied himself in 
.securing the command of the York River by the erection of 
strong batteries at Yorktown and Gloucester Point, where the 
river is less than a mile wide; then he completed his laud- 
defences to the Warwick near its head, subsequently extending 
them down that river to its mouth. The strip of land between 
the Warwick and the James, being marshy, could be easily 



' / 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 



147 



rendered difficult, if not impracticable, for military movements 
by inundation, for which purpose dams had been built on the 
Warwick. General Huger, on his part, protected Norfolk on 
the land side by a system of defences extending from the Dis- 
mal Swamp to the Elizabeth River, and secured that river and 
the mouth of the James by strong batteries, the most important 
of which were those on Crany Island and Sewell's Point. Being 
connected by a part of the James, the works of Magruder and 
Huger formed a continuous defensive line from the Dismal 
Swamp to Yorktown, of such strength that its reduction could 
only be accomplished by the tedious process of a siege, and 
could be turned only on the right by way of Albemarle Sound, 
and on the left by the Rappahannock River. In either case, 
through their possession of an interior line, the Confederates 
could have easily anticipated such a movement. Referring 
to the part of this line traversing the Peninsula, General 
Magruder says: 

"Deeming it of vital importance to hold Yorktown on the 
York River, and Mulberry Island on the James River, and 
to keep the enemy in check by an intervening line until the 
authorities might take such steps as should be held necessary 
to meet a serious advance of the enemy in the Peninsula, I felt 
compelled to dispose my forces in such a manner as to accom- 
plish these objects with the least possible risk under the cir- 
cumstances of great hazard which surrounded the little army I 
commanded. I had prepared, as my real line of defence, posi- 
tions in advance at Harwood's and Young's mills. Both flanks 
of this line were defended by boggy and difficult streams and 
swamps. In addition, the left flank," reaching to the York 
River, was defended by elaborate fortifications at Ship's Point, 
connected by a broken line of redoubts crossing the heads of 
the various ravines which ^mpty into the York River and 
Wormley's Creek, and terminating at Fort Grafton nearly in 
front of Yorktown. The right flank was defended by the for- 
tifications at the mouth of the Warwick River and at Mulberry 
Island Point, and the redoubts extending from the Warwick to 
the James River. Intervening between the two hills was a 
wooded country about two miles in extent. This wooded line, 



14S MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

forming the centre, needed the defence of infantry in sufficient 
force to prevent any attempt on the part of the enemy to break 
through it. In my opinion, this advanced line with its flank 
defences might have been held by 20,000 troops. With 25,000 
I do not believe it could have been broken by any force the 
enemy could have brought against it." 

On examining the theatre of operations embracing Norfolk 
and Yorktown, it will be observed that those places bear a 
defensive relation to each other, so that the fall of one would 
necessarily involve the evacuation or capture of the other. 
While the military authorities at Washington were discussing 
the several lines of operation of which Richmond was the ob- 
jective point, that by way of Norfolk was suggested ; but as 
the Peninsula presented not only a shorter line, but also fewer 
difficulties than the Norfolk one, it was adopted as the field of 
operation, McClellan in answer to the question, "During the 
early part of last winter could not a force of 30,000 or 40,000 
men have been concentrated suddenly at Fortress Monroe, and 
Norfolk captured and the Merrimac destroyed without incur- 
ring any great hazard to us?" said, "Such a thing was pos- 
sible, but would have been difficult, and I do not think it would 
have promoted the general objects of the war. I looked upon 
the fall of Norfolk as a necessar}'^ consequence of a movement 
upon Richmond." Question: "Would not the destruction of 
the IMerrimac have been a great pointy gained, and have ren- 
dered the move upon Richmond, by way of the James or York 
River, very much more safe?" Answer: "As things turned 
out, yes. But I do not think the importance of the Merrimac 
was appreciated until she came out. I remember very well 
that the Navy Department thought that the Congress and the 
Cumberland were capable of taking care of the Merrimac. 
The question of taking Norfolk after the Merrimac made its 
appearance and destroyed tlie Congress and Cumberland was 
.seriously discussed. The conclusion arrived at was, that it 
was better not to depart from the direct movement upon Rich- 
mond under all the circumstances of the case." * 

* See " McClellaii's Testimony before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of 
'he, War," vol. i. p. 425. 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 1 49 

By the ist of March, 1862, the famous iron-clad Merrimac 
was ready for service, and other vessels of similar character 
were rapidly approaching completion. The Merrimac on the 
8th of March made her first cruise, in which she encountered 
a part of the Federal fleet in Hampton Roads and destroyed 
two first-class frigates. On the 9th she attacked the Monitor, 
the especial boast of the Federals, and, while inflicting consid- 
erable damage on this antagonist, sustained herself but little 
injury. The Confederate authorities at this time believed that 
with the Merrimac and the other vessels of war, when com- 
pleted, the tide-water section of Virginia would be secure, 
both by land and water, against the attack of the land and 
naval forces of the enemy. 

We will now turn our attention to the operations on the 
Potomac. After the battle of Manassas, General Johnston 
continued to direct military affairs on the Potomac and in the 
Shenandoah Valley. There were, however, no operations of 
a general character during the fall and winter. The occupa- 
tion of Centreville, the defeat of the Federals at Ball's Bluff" 
by General Evans, and the expedition against Romney led by 
General T. J. Jackson were the principal events that occurred 
during that period. 

The main body of the army went into winter quarters at 
Centreville, and that position was strongly fortified. The 
proximity of General Johnston was looked upon with an anx- 
ious eye at Washington, where his force was exaggerated to 
more than double its real streno-th. 

When General McClellan entered upon the defence of the 
Federal capital, about the end of July, 1861, he found himself 
surrounded with difficulties of no ordinary character. The 
army which afterward became so distinguished as the Army 
of the Potomac consisted of about 50,000 men, mostly fugitives 
from the late field of Manassas who had returned to their colors. 
McClellan was therefore obliged to shoulder at once the oner- 
ous task of reorganizing, recruiting, and disciplining the army 
while at the same time he provided for the completion of the 
exterior defences of the city. In each of these duties he dis- 
played great administrative abilities. He also manifested in 



150 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the course of his labors much firmness and self-control in re- 
sisting newspaper taunts and the impatience of the Federal 
authorities, which urged him to the field before his arrange- 
ments were complete. He could not, liowever, be turned from 
his purpose of perfecting his army and the defences of Wash- 
ington in all their details before he advanced. This, through 
patient labor, he accomplished by the opening of spring, 
1862, when he was in condition to leave Washington in se- 
curity and enter the field at the head of an army of 150,000 
men, perfect in all its appointments, in addition to a large 
reserve force organized for the defence of the capital during 
his absence. 

Though Johnston's force did not then much exceed 40,000 
men, the Federal mind was still deluded with the belief that 
it was much greater, and McClellan Avas confident that he 
would have to encounter at Centreville and Manassas a force 
of at least 80,000 men strongly intrenched. General Johnston, 
perceiving that this delusion would be speedily dissipated by a 
collision with an army numerically four times greater than his 
own, prepared to evacuate Centreville and Manassas at the mo- 
ment McClellan should commence his advance. This looked-for 
event occurred on the 8th of March, 1862, whereupon Johnston 
retired behind the Rappahannock. 

General McClellan, on finding Centreville and Manassas 
evacuated and the railroad bridge over the Rappahannock 
destroyed, prepared for an immediate transfer of his army to 
the Peninsula by way of the Potomac. The greater part of 
his army having arrived, he appeared in front of Magruder on 
the 4tli of April with the main body of his forces, accompanied 
by a powerful siege-train of Parrot guns and mortars. 

Before his arrival at this locality McClellan was ignorant of 
the defences on the Warwick, and had been misled by his map 
in regard to the topography of the contiguous country; there- 
fore he made a careful personal examination of the works on 
the Warwick previous to deciding on a plan' of attack. His 
reconnoissance convinced him that Magruder's position could 
not be carried by assault, and he determined to reduce it by 
regular approaches. F^or that purpose he promptly commenced 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 151 

the erection of his primary batteries beyond the effective range 
of Magruder's guns — one and a half miles. 

The Peninsula having become the principal theatre of war 
in Virginia, and Magruder's force, of less than 11,000 strong, 
being now inadequate for its defence, General Johnston was 
directed to send thither all his available troops and assume in 
person the command of that important field of operation. By 
the 20th of April all of the designated reinforcements had 
arrived. We shall here give a brief summary of the opposing 
armies: 

The Federals had on the Peninsula, under the immediate 
command of General McClellan, 115,000 men; in the Valley 
and on the line of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, 30,000 
men, commanded by Generals Banks and Shields; and on the 
Potomac, a reserve of 40,000, under General McDowell — mak' 
ing an aggregate of 185,000 men. 

Opposed to this force the Confederates had on the Peninsula 
53,000 men, under the immediate command of General Johns- 
ton, with Ewell and Jackson on the upper Rappahannock; in 
the Valley, something over 16,000 men; and 18,000 at Norfolk, 
commanded by Huger — making a total of 90,000 men. These 
numbers will not differ materially from the statements given 
by the opposing generals. There was also a small local force 
at Richmond, and a much larger one of a similar character in 
and about Washington. Besides the Federal land-forces there 
was a powerful naval force in Hampton Roads, opposed by a 
small Confederate one in Norfolk harbor, consisting of the 
Merrimac and a few river gunboats. 

At this time General J. E. Johnston bore the highest mili~ 
tary reputation in the Confederacy, since by his manceuvring 
with Patterson in the Valley, his splendid success at Manassas, 
and his masterly retreat from Centreville he had acquired a 
world-wide renown. Before entering upon his new command 
he presented to the President a plan of operations entirely 
different from that which had been previously adopted. It, 
however, involved the risk of such great sacrifices that it was 
disapproved of by Mr. Davis and his military advisers. General 
Randolph, Secretary of War, and General lyce. 



152 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Jolnistou, regarding Magruder's line on the Peninsula inde- 
fensible, thus explains his plan: "Instead of only delaying 
the Federal army in its approach, I proposed that it should be 
encountered in front of Richmond by one quite as numerous, 
formed by uniting there all the available forces of the Confed- 
eracy in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, with 
those at Norfolk, those on the Peninsula, and those near Rich- 
mond, including Smith's and Longstreet's divisions, which had 
recently arrived. The great army thus formed, surprising that 
of the United States by an attack when it was expecting to 
besiege Richmond, would be almost certain to win ; and the 
enemy, defeated a hundred miles from Fort Monroe, their place 
of refuge, could scarcely escape destruction. Such a victory 
would decide not only the campaign, but the war, while the 
present plan could produce no decisive results. 

"The President, who had listened with apparent interest, 
replied that the question was so important that he would hear 
it fully discussed before making his decision, and desired the 
writer of this work [General Johnston] to meet General Ran- 
dolph (Secretary of War) and General Lee in his office at an 
appointed time for the purpose : upon advice, Mr. Davis author- 
ized the invitation of Major-generals Smith and Longstreet to 
the conference." 

In the mean time General Johnston proceeded to Yorktown, 
and after a personal examination of Magruder's position re- 
turned to Richmond with his opinion in regard to its strength 
unchanged. General Johnston continues: "The conference 
began more than an hour before noon by my describing, at 
the President's request. General Magruder's defensive arrange- 
ments, as I had previously done to him, and representing that 
General McClellan's probable design of molesting our batteries 
at Gloucester Point and Yorktown, and turning our position 
by transporting his army up the river, could not be prevented, 
so that the adoption of a new plan was necessary 

"In the discussion that followed General Randolph, who 
had been a naval officer, objected to the plan proposed because 
it included at least the temporary abandonment of Norfolk, 
which would involve the probable loss of the materials for 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. I 53 

many vessels of war contained in tlie navy-yard there. Lee 
opposed it because he thought that the withdrawal from South 
Carolina and Georgia of any considerable number of troops 
would expose the important seaports of Charleston and Savan- 
nah to the danger of capture. He thought, too, that the 
Peninsula had excellent fields of battle for a small army 
contending with a great one, and that we should for that rea- 
son make the contest with McClellan's army there. Long- 
street, owing to his deafness, took little part in the conference. 

" The writer of these pages maintained that all to be accom- 
plished, by any success attainable on the Peninsula, would be 
to delay the enemy two or three weeks in his march to Rich- 
mond, for tlie reasons already given, and that success would 
soon give us back everything temporarily abandoned to achieve 
it, and would be decisive of the war as well as of the campaign. 

"The President decided in favor of the opinion of General 
Lee, and ordered General Johnston to take command of the 
Army of the Peninsula, adding the departments of Norfolk 
and the Peninsula to that of Northern Virginia."* 

General Johnston further relates : "I assumed my new com- 
mand on the 17th. The arrival of. Smith's and Longstreet's 
divisions had increased the army on the Peninsula to about 
53,000 men, including 3000 sick. It was opposed to 133,000 
Federal soldiers. Magruder's division formed the Confederate 
right, Longstreet's the centre, D. H. Hill's the left, and Smith's 
the reserve. The field-works at Gloucester Point and Yorktown 
on the left flank, and Mulberry Point on the right, were occu- 
pied by 8000 men. In this position we had nothing to do but 
to finish the works begun between Yorktown and the head of 
the inundations, and observe the enemy's operations. They 
were limited to a little skirmishing at long range and daily 
cannonading, generally directed at Magruder's left or Long- 
street's right, and the construction of a long line of batteries 
in front of Yorktown and beyond the range of our old-fash- 
ioned ship-guns. These batteries, our scouts reported, were 
of about one hundred of the heaviest Parrot guns and above 
thirty mortars. A battery on the shore three miles (pilot's 

* See Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, pp. I13-I16. 



154 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

distance) below Yorktown received the first guns mounted. 
Shots of the first volley, fired to get the range of the Confed- 
erate works, fell in the camp of the reserve, a mile and a half 
beyond the village Finding on the 27th that the Fed- 
eral batteries would be ready for action in five or six days, the 
War Department was informed of the fact, and of the inten- 
tion to abandon Yorktown and the Warwick before the fire of 
that artillery should be opened upon our troops. The sugges- 
tion made in the conference in the President's office was also 
repeated — to form a powerful army near Richmond of all the 
available forces of the Confederacy, and to fall upon McClel- 
lan's army when it should come within reach. Major-general 
Huger was instructed at the same time to prepare to evacuate 
Norfolk, and Captain S. S. Lee, commanding the navy-yard 
at Gosport, to remove to a place of safety as much of the val- 
uable property it contained as he could." 

Learning that the Federal batteries would be ready for action 
on the 4th of May, General Johnston evacuated Yorktown and 
its defences on the night of the 3d, and retired with his whole 
armv toward Richmond. Since Magruder's position was never 
put to the test, the difference of opinion respecting it nuist be 
reconciled by speculative criticism. The next morning McClel- 
lan found himself again baiTled by his wily antagonist, and .saw 
the batteries he had so carefully constructed doomed to silence. 
General McClellan on the morning of the 4th of May took 
possession of Yorktown and instituted a vigorous pursuit of 
Johnston's retreating columns. 

The rear-guard, under Longstreet, being overtaken at Wil- 
liamsburg, was compelled to halt and offer battle to check the 
rapid advance of the enemy. General Johnston was also 
obliged to turn back D. H. Hill's division to support his 
rear-guard. The greater part of the forenoon of the 5th was 
occupied in skirmishing, but in the afternoon a spirited com- 
bat ensued between the Confederate rear-guard under General 
Longstreet and the Federal advance under General Sumner, 
which continued until terminated by night. 

In this affair Hill and Early on the part of the Confederates, 
and Hooker, Hancock, and Kearny on tha of the Federals, 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. I 55 

were conspicuously prominent. Both sides claimed the victory, 
but the result was that Johnston gained the time he required to 
extricate his trains, which had been retarded by the bad condi- 
tion of the roads, while the Federals were left masters of the 
field by the withdravv^al of the Confederate rear-guard. With- 
out any other interruption worthy of note Johnston continued 
his retreat to the Chickahominy. 

The movements here described were immediately followed 
by the surrender of Norfolk in accordance with the suggestion 
of General Johnston. Though the yielding of this important 
place with its highly valuable navy-yard was strongly opposed 
by members of the Cabinet at Richmond, yet the impossibility 
of holding it after the retreat of the army from the Peninsula 
became evident, and it was ordered to be abandoned. In ac- 
cordance therewith, General Huger destroyed the dockyards 
and removed the stores, and on the loth of May evacuated the 
place, withdrawing its garrison to Richmond. On the next 
day a Federal force from Fortress Monroe, under the command 
of General Wool, occupied the town. 

Hopes were entertained of saving the Merrimac, a vessel 
which had done such noble service for the Confederacy, and 
caused such serious disaster to the Federal navy. But it was 
quickly perceived that its draught of water was too great to 
permit it to ascend the James River to Richmond, and there 
was no alternative but its destruction. It was therefore blown 
up by order of its commander, Commodore Tatnall. 

The inevitable result of the loss of the Merrimac was the 
opening of the James River to the Federal gunboats, which 
was at once taken advantage of by a fleet composed of the 
Monitor, Galena, Aroostook, Port Royal, and Naugatuck, 
under Commodore Rogers. This fleet ascended the stream 
to within twelve miles of Richmond, where it was arrested by 
the fire of Fort Darling on Drewry's Bluff". A four hours' en- 
gagement took place, which resulted in the withdrawal of the 
fleet, considerably the worse for the vigorous play of the Con- 
federate battery. 

Yet, despite this check to the approach to Richmond by water 
through the repulse of a strong fleet of gunboats by a fortifica- 



156 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

tion of no great strength, it was evident that the evacuation of 
the defences at the mouth of the James, with the loss of the 
Merrimac, would greatly embarrass the future defence of 
Richmond. McClellan slowly continued his pursuit of Johns- 
ton by the principal roads and the York River. The ascent 
of the James River by the Federal gunboats obliged General 
Johnston to cross the Chickahominy in order to defend Rich- 
mond against their attack, as well as to protect it from the 
advance of McClellan. 

About the 20th, Johnston took a position near Richmond 
covering the roads leading to the lower James and the Penin- 
sula. His right rested on the James near Drewry's Bluff, the 
scene of the engagement with the gunboats, and his left on 
the Chickahominy a little above New Bridge. The force with- 
drawn from Yorktown, having experienced some loss on its 
retreat, now amounted to about 50,000 men. In addition to 
these General Johnston embraced in his command the troops 
under Huger at Petersburg, Anderson at Fredericksburg, and 
Branch near Hanover C. H., making an aggregate of about 
22,000 men. His active force, therefore, at this time was 
70,000 men. He also included in his command the force 
under General Jackson of between 15,000 and 20,000, then 
operating in the Valley of Virginia. The Federal army of 
the Peninsula at this time exceeded 100,000 men, divided 
into five corps d'arm^e, two of which, commanded by Heint- 
zelman and Keyes, crossed the Chickahominy on the 23d, 
and advanced to the Fair Oaks Station on the York River 
Railroad. 

On the 24th Casey's division of Keyes' corps was advanced 
to Seven Pines, a mile and a half in advance of Fair Oaks, 
when it took a position across the Williamsburg road and cov- 
ered it by earth-works and batteries. The other division of 
Keyes' corps was in position to support Casey, and Heintzel- 
man's corps was stationed on the railroad near Fair Oaks 
Station. When Johnston discovered that a portion of the 
Federal army had crossed the Chickahominy, he ordered 
Huger to Richmond and Anderson to join Branch at Hanover 
C. H. Branch was attacked and roughly handled by a part of 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. I57 

Porter's corps on the 27th, but being opportunely joined by 
Anderson he was able to maintain his position, and the Fed- 
erals fell back to Mechanicsville. Anderson and Branch were 
then ordered to Meadow Bridge, opposite that place. General 
D. H. Hill was ordered, on the 30th, to make a reconnoissance 
of the Federal position at Seven Pines. This duty was assigned 
to the brigades of Rodes and Garland. The former advanced 
by the Charles City road and the latter by the Williamsburg 
road. 

The Federal position was soon developed and repoitcd to 
General Johnston. An attack was ordered to be made the 
next morning. The divisions of Longstreet and D. H. Hill 
were to be formed in two lines across and at right angles to 
the Williamsburg road. Huger's division was to move to the 
right of Longstreet, and Hilf to the Charles City road opposite 
the left flank of the Federal position, and then to co-operate 
with Longstreet in the attack. The division of G. W. Smith 
on the left moved by the Nine Mile road to its junction with 
the New Bridge road, there to act either in opposing reinforce- 
ments that might be sent across the Chickahominy during the 
engagement, or on the right flank of the Federal force about 
to be attacked, as circumstances might suggest. Magruder's 
division formed the reserve. The division commanded by A. 
P. Hill occupied the position in front of Mechanicsville. The 
cavalry constituted the extreme left of the Confederate line. 
As soon as the troops had gained their designated positions 
Longstreet was to attack in front, and the troops on his right 
and left were to support him. 

On the afternoon and night of the 30th a heavy fall of rain 
caused the water of the Chickahominy to rise so high that it 
was rendered impassable. The corps of Keyes and Heintzel- 
man were thus isolated from the other Federal corps. This 
intervention of the elements afforded the Confederates an op- 
portunity of giving the Federals an effective blow, which, 
however, was not taken advantage of as promptly as might 
have been expected. Considerable delay occurred by the fail- 
ure of the troops to get into position. Longstreet, after impa- 
tiently awaiting the arrival of Huger until nearly two o'clock 



158 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

in the afternoon, determined to attack withont further delay. 
He therefore advanced his own and D. H. Hill's divisions, and 
attacked the first position of the Federals, which was gallantly 
carried in the face of a terrible fire of artillery and musketry. 
The Federals were forced back upon their supports, which in 
turn were compelled to yield to the impetuous assault of the 
Confederates and were borne back to Fair Oaks Station, where, 
being confronted by the corps of Heintzelman, then fresh, the 
divisions of Longstreet and Hill were obliged to pause. All 
that was now required for the complete destruction of two 
Federal corps was the prompt co-operation of Smith's division, 
which had remained inactive during the attack of Longstreet 
from two until four o'clock. When this division did advance 
it was too late to accomplish what might have been easily done 
a short time before, for the waters of the Chickahominy had 
sufficiently subsided during the day to admit of the passage of 
the other corps of the enemy. This delay gave the Federals 
time to send over reinforcements. 

When the battle of Seven Pines had begun General McClel- 
lan ordered General Sumner to hold his corps in readiness to 
support the troops on the south side of the Chickahominy. 
That officer, in order to prevent delay, placed his corps under 
arms and moved the heads of his columns to the river. This 
promptness on the part of General Sumner enabled him to 
reach the field in time to meet Smith's division as it advanced 
to attack the troops of Heintzelman and Keyes in flank, and a 
sharp engagement ensued which lasted till nightfall without 
decisive result. 

In the movements here detailed and the severe engagement 
with which they closed Lee took no active part, his position 
continuing that of military adviser of the President without 
command in the field. This inactivity, however, was by no 
means to his taste, and on the 30th he sent the writer (Colonel 
Long) on a visit to Johnston to tell him that he would be glad 
to participate in the battle. He had no desire to interfere with 
his command, but simply wished to aid him on the field to the 
best of his ability and in any manner in which his services 
would be of most value. General Johnston expressed gratifi- 



THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN I 59 

cation at this message, and the hope that General Lee would 
ride out to the field, with the desire that he would send him all 
the reinforcements he could. 

On the morning of the 31st, before nine o'clock, General 
Lee and President Davis rode out to General Smith's head- 
quarters on the Nine Mile road, where they joined General 
Johnston. They remained there for some time during the 
progress of the battle, in which, however. General Lee took 
no part. At the close of the day's fight a serious event took 
place, which was destined to greatly change the aspect of 
affairs and bring into active service the great commander, 
whose remarkable abilities had hitherto been confined to sec- 
ondary details of the service, and who had yet been given no 
proper opportunity to display his genius on the field. 

The event in question was the wounding of Johnston, who 
received a severe hurt at the close of the day's fight, and was 
carried from the field, disabled for the time from any active 
service. The command devolved upon General G. W. Smith, 
the officer next in rank. 

The battle closed with nightfall, the contending forces re- 
maining upon the field in the positions they had occupied at 
the cessation of the engagement. 

On the next morning there was a partial renewal of the 
battle between a portion of the contending forces. This lasted 
until about eleven o'clock, when the fighting closed on both 
sides without any important results. 

On this day (June ist), however, occurred the notable circum- 
stance to which we have above alluded, as it withdrew General 
Lee from his partial retirement and placed him in a position in 
which his extraordinary military genius gained the first oppor- 
tunity for its full display. Shortly after the wounding of Johns- 
ton a decision was reached by President Davis, which he com- 
municated at an early hour of the next morning to Smith, to 
the effect that Lee had been assigned to the command of the 
Army of Northern Virginia. This decision was expected by 
and agreeable to General Smith, who was sick, and in an unfit 
condition to take command of the army. Immediately after 
being relieved, indeed, he retired from the service, which he 



l6o MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

did not re-enter till a subsequent period, when lie had recov- 
ered from his disability. 

At a later hour of the same day Lee repaired in person to 
Smith's headquarters and relieved him of the command of the 
army. It was a vital incident, and one fraught with moment- 
ous consequences. From that time the motto of the Army 
of Northern Virginia was "Forward!" under the control of 
its valiant and skilful commander, who was destined to lead 
it to victory on many a hard-fought field, and finally, when its 
reduction in numbers forced it into a defensive attitude, to 
withstand for months its overwhelming foe, and never submit 
until only a meagre and starving fragment of that gallant army 
remained, too few and too exhausted to yield any glory in their 
conquest to the victorious enemy. 

J 



CHAPTER X. 

THE SE VEN DA KS" FIGHT. 

Recapitulation. — Lee Takes Command. — Selects and Fortifies his Position. — Extracfji 
from Long's Notebook. — Lee Decides to Attack the Enemy. — Dispositions for the 
Assault. — Battle of Gaines's Mill. — Federal Defeat. — McClellan's Retreat. — Fra- 
zier's Farm. — Malvern Hill. — The Federals reach Harrison's Landing. 

HITHERTO, in our detail of the opening events of the 
Civil War, the name of General Lee has scarcely ap- 
peared, his position, while of great importance, being one to 
keep him from public prominence. From this time forward 
he becomes the central figure of the war, and in order to prop- 
erly appreciate the circumstances attending this change of con- 
ditions it is necessary to briefly recapitulate a portion of the 
preceding chapter. 

In the winter of 1862 the Confederate Congress created the 
office of "military adviser to the President," with the view 
of lightening the arduous duties which devolved upon him 
as commander-in-chief of the Confederate forces. Lee was se- 
lected to fill this position, and about the 13th of March, 1862, 
he entered upon his duties. The staff allowed him consisted of 
a military secretary with the rank of colonel and four aides with 
the rank of major. General Lee offered to Major A. L. Long the 
position of military secretary, and selected for his aides-de-camp 
Majors Randolph Talcott, Walter H. Taylor, Charles S. Ven- 
able, and Charles Marshall. When the writer reported for 
duty, about the middle of May, he found the general actively 
engaged in superintending the erection of defences on the 
James River near Richmond. The battery and obstructions 
at Drewry's Bluff were so advanced that the great alarm that 
had been felt for the safety of the city upon the evacuation of 
Norfolk began to subside, as there was no longer the fear of an 
immediate attack. The Federal gunboats had entered the 

11 161 



I 62 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

James, and on the 15th the battery at Drewry's Bluff was at- 
tacked by the enemy's fleet, consisting of the iron-clads Galena 
and Naugatuck, a monitor, and two gunboats. These vessels 
were skilfully handled and gallantly fought. The Galena 
approached within four hundred yards of the battery, and 
then opened a spirited fire with her powerful guns; the Nau- 
gatuck and monitor closely supported her, while the gunboats 
delivered their fire at a longer range. After a hotly-contested 
conflict the fleet was repulsed with heavy loss. The Galena 
was so severely damaged as to be rendered unfit for future 
service, while the other vessels were more or less injured; the 
battery sustained but slight damage. This defeat of the gun- 
boats by an incomplete earthwork of only five guns for the 
first time caused a just value to be placed on defences of that 
character, which thenceforth became a conspicuous element in 
defensive operations. 

At this time the safety of Richmond was entirely due to the 
skill and energy of General Lee, for upon the evacuation of 
Norfolk the James was left entirely open from its mouth to 
Richmond, and the hastily-constructed defence at Drewry's 
Bluff was the only barrier interposed between that city and a 
hostile fleet. After crossing the Chickahominy, about the 20th, 
Cjcneral J. E. Johnston assumed the defence of Richmond. 
He attacked the enemy at Seven Pines on the 31st of May, 
and was severely wounded, as we have seen, near the close of 
the action. That event was immediately followed by the 
appointment of Lee to the command of the Army of Northern 
Virginia. Though regretting the cause that led to his assign- 
ment to the command of the army, he was pleased to be released 
from the duties of the oflSce for those of the field, which were 
far better suited to his active and energetic disposition. He 
carried with him to the field the same personal staff that had 
been allowed him in Richmond. 

On the afternoon of the ist of June, General G. W. Smith, on 
whom the command of the army had devolved when General 
Johnston was wounded, resigned his command to General Lee, 
and shortly after retired on account of bad health. It soon 
appeared that there was considerable depression in the army, 



THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. 1 63 

the natural consequence of the incidents of war. As some of 
the officers were apprehensive that the army would not be able 
to maintain its position should it be attacked, Lee thought it 
advisable to assemble his principal officers for deliberation on 
its condition at an early period. 

In reference to this point, Mr. Davis, in his Rise and Fall 
of the Confederacy., chap, xxiii., vol. ii., says: "The day after 
General Lee assumed command I was riding out to the army, 
when I saw at a house on my left a number of horses, and 
among them one I recognized as belonging to him. I dismounted 
and entered the house, where I found him in consultation with 
a number of his general officers. The tone of the conversa- 
tion was quite despondent, and one especially pointed out the 
inevitable consequence of the enemy's advance by throwing 
out bayoux and constructing successive parallels." Farther 
on he refers to a want of co-operation that existed among the 
different divisions during the battle of Fair Oaks and Seven 
Pines, which was productive of natural distrust that might 
have resulted in serious demoralization had it not been speedily 
corrected. The council met, as had been previously ordered, 
on the Nine Mile road, near the house which had been occu- 
pied by Smith as his headquarters. 

The principal officers of the army were present, and were 
almost unanimous in the opinion that the line then occupied 
should be abandoned for one nearer Richmond which was con- 
sidered more defensible. 

The line in question was that which had been adopted by 
Johnston prior to the occupation in force of the south bank 
of the Chickahominy by the enemy, and was the strongest 
the country presented ; but now the dispirited condition of our 
troops and the occupation in force by the enemy of the south 
side of the river caused the most prominent Confederate officers 
to doubt their ability to hold it, and consequently they urged its 
evacuation and withdrawal to a position nearer Richmond. Lee 
thus found himself in a situation of great embarrassment. He 
did not then possess the fame he was destined soon to acquire- 
He was also unknown to that army, and lacked its confidence. 
Under these disadvantages he was obliged to assume the re- 



I 64 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

spoiisibility of maintaining a position pronounced untenable by 
his principal officers, or of hazarding the safety of Richmond 
by a withdrawal of his forces that would inevitably result in a 
forced occupation of the outer defences of the capital and its 
complete investiture by the enemy, which would have ensured 
the speedy capture of the city. Lee, who had long been accus- 
tomed to rely upon himself, quickly decided on the course 
to be adopted. It was evident that the present position of the 
army must be maintained or that Richmond must be abandoned 
to the enemy, and the loss of Richmond at this time would 
have been of incalculable injury to the Confederate cause. He 
therefore, in opposition to the opinion of his subordinates, 
determined to hold the position in which he found the army ; 
but before making known his determination he made a careful 
reconnoissance of the whole position, and then declared his 
intention of holding it, ordering it to be immediately fortified 
in the most effective manner. 

General Lee then reorganized his forces and established a 
strong defensive line. He selected, with slight alterations, the 
position then occupied by his troops. This line extended 
from Chaffin's Bluff, on the James River, crossing the river 
road about four miles, and the Darby Town, Charles City, Wil- 
liamsburg, and Nine Mile roads, about five miles from Rich- 
mond to a point on the Chickahominy a little above New 
Bridge, and then continued up that stream to Meadow Bridge. 
The army consisted of six divisions. Longstreet's division 
formed the right, while those of Huger, D. H. Hill, Magruder, 
Whiting, and A. P. Hill, in the order named, extended to the 
left. The division of A. P. Hill constituted the left of the 
Confederate position. The greater part of Stuart's cavalry 
was on the left, picketing on the Rappahannock and having 
a small force in observation at Fredericksburg. The duty of 
constructing a fortified line was apportioned among the divis- 
ions, each commander being responsible for the defence in his 
own front. Very soon a continuous line of breastworks ap- 
peared, and as these arose the spirits of the men revived and 
tlie sullen silence with which their labor began gave place to 
iokes and laughter. Those who had entered upon the work 



,N , THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. 1 65 

C5with reluctance now felt recompensed by the sense of safety it 
>gave them. The, defences daily increased until they were suf- 
■'••ficiently strong to resist any attack that was likely to be made 
upon them. In the mean time the stragglers and convalescents 
" began to return, and the army gradually increased. Lee daily 
"■"appeared upon the lines, and after a few days his presence in- 
spired the troops with confidence and enthusiasm. McClellan 
established his headquarters on the south side of the Chicka- 
hominy about the same time that Lee assumed the command 
of the Army of Northern Virginia. The Federal army, after 
deducting the casualties of the late battle, amounted to about 
100,000 men for duty; 75,000 of this force were on the south 
side of the Chickahominy, the remainder on the north of that 
stream, extending as high up as Mechanicsville. From this 
position a junction would be easily formed with McDowell's 
corps of 40,000 men, which, although a part of McClellan' s 
forces, was persistently held in the neighborhood of Freder- 
icksburg as a covering force for Washington. 

The writer is fortunately able to add some personal details 
of General Lee's actions and mode of life during this period, 
from a notebook which he then began and kept up throughout 
the war, and which has been of great value to him in securing 
accuracy of statement during the preparation of this work. 
Though it is not his purpose to quote directly from this note- 
book as a rule, yet a selection from its opening pages, which 
are particularly full of descriptive detail, may be of interest 
and value, as placing the new commander upon his first entry 
into an important field of active service in the Civil War more 
directly before the reader. He therefore here subjoins the 
entries for several days, beginning with June 3d, the date of 
the opening entry: 

^''Jiine 3d. — The day has been a very busy one. The gen- 
eral went to the lines early in the morning, and did not return 
until afternoon. The work was in rapid progress all along the 
line. The men appeared in better spirits than the day before, 
and seemed to be interested in their work. When he arrived 
on General Toombs's part of the line he found that general 
had been true to his word; he had ' no picks nor spades, ' but 



1 66 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

he was having logs piled up for his defence. General Lee 
laughed at this freak of Toombs's, and remarked, ' Colonel 
Long, when General Toombs gains a little more experience he 
will be convinced that earth is a better protection against can- 
non-balls than logs.' The general continued: 'There is a great 
dift'erence between mercenary armies and volunteer armies, and 
consequently, there must be a difference in the mode of disci- 
pline. The volunteer army is more easily disciplined by en- 
couraging a patriotic spirit than by a strict enforcement of the 
Articles of War. ' We hear from the Federal newspapers and 
our spies that IMcClellan is prevented from advancing by the 
softness of the ground and his belief that he has a greatly 
superior force in his front. If he continues to wait two days 
louGfer, we will not thank him for his forbearance. 

''' Jwne 4-ih. — The general did not go out to-day, being occu- 
pied with office-work. He had double duty upon him — the 
reorganization of the army and the providing for the defence 
of its position. Our headquarters are very comfortable. The 
front room on the house floor is the adjutant-general's office. 
The general's private office is in rear of this. There all the 
confidential business of the army is transacted, the general's 
usual attendant being his military secretary or some other 
member of his personal staff. In the front room the general 
business of the army is transacted by the adjutant-general and 
his assistants. General Lee and his household mess together. 
The mess arrangements are not very ostentatious. Our meals 
are serv^ed and despatched without any very great ceremony. 
The general is always pleasant at meals, and frequently hurls 
a pleasant jest at .some member of his staff. Captain P. IMason 
is the assistant adjutant-general: he had been previously at- 
tached to General Johnston's staff. We were visited to-day by 
several high officials from Richmond. Their visit was more 
from curiosity than any special business. The general bears 
interruption with great equanimity. 

^^Jiine Glh. — The general was on the lines early to-day. The 
work has progressed very satisfactorily, and the confidence of 
the men increases as the work advances. The general made a 
partial reconnoissance of the Federal position. This embraces 



THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. I 67 

a front of about four miles, the right resting on tlie Chicka- 
hominy a little below New Bridge, and the left on the White 
Oak Swamp. Our line extends from Chaffin's Bluff to a point 
a little above Mechanicsville, a distance of about twelve miles. 
Our main force, however, confronts that of General McClellan 
lying south of the Chickahominy. 

^''June 6th. — The general visited that portion of the line 
to-day occupied by Huger, Longstreet, and D. H. Hill. The 
troops were in good spirits, and their confidence in General 
Lee is rapidly increasing. The defences are now so far ad- 
vanced that they will offer a formidable resistance to an open 
attack. General McClellan has not yet shown any disposition 
to advance. He has two balloons out to-day. Our troops are, 
however, so well sheltered by the timber that his balloon recon- 
noissances will avail him but little. While the works are 
advancing, General Lee does not forget the discipline of his 
army. This he entrusts mainly to his division and brigade 
commanders, all of whom are men of ability, and some of 
them men of considerable military experience. General Left 
is no martinet, but he requires his subordinates to strictly 
enforce the rules of discipline. Among the major-generals 
are Longstreet, Magruder, D. H. Hill, and A. P. Hill. These 
have already been distinguished for gallantry and ability. 
Among his brigadiers are Pickett, Wilcox, D. R. Jones, Hood, 
and Field. These officers have also acquired considerable 
reputation, and, having been graduates of West Point and 
members of the old army, are well qualified to instruct and 
discipline their troops. 

f'June 7th. — The general did not visit the lines to-day, but 
sent Colonel Long to inspect that portion of the line in the 
neighborhood of Mechanicsville. A. P. Hill's division occu- 
pied that portion of the line. Hill's defences are as well 
advanced as those of any part of the line. His troops are in 
fine condition. He designates his division ' the Light Divis- 
ion.' Hill is every inch a soldier, and is destined to make his 
mark. This afternoon Mr. Davis visited headquarters. The 
relations between General Lee and Mr. Davis are very friendly. 
The general is ever willing to receive the suggestions of the 



I 68 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

President, while the President exhibits the greatest confidence 
in General Lee's experience and ability, and does not hamper 
him with executive interference. 

'■'■June 8lh^ Sunday. — Divine service held in the different 
brigades of the army. General Lee attended service at one of 
the right-wing brigades, attended by some of his staff. Visited 
the lines 

'■''June 16th. — General Lee, accompanied by Colonel Long, 
made a reconnoissance of the Federal position on the north 
side of the Chickahominy. There was then, on that side of 
the line, a Federal force of about 25,ocxd men, commanded by 
General Fitz John Porter. The main body of this force occu- 
pied a position near Mr. Gaines's house, and one division, five 
or six thousand strong, was posted at Mechanicsville. During 
this reconnoissance General Lee turned to the writer and re- 
marked, ' Now, Colonel Long, how can we get at those peo- 
ple?' This mode of designating the enemy was common 
with him. 

"The Chickahominy between New Bridge and Mechanics- 
ville is narrow, and to facilitate its passage could be easily 
bridged, Fitz John Porter's position was* sufficiently exposed 
to invite attack, and, the force at Fredericksburg having been 
withdrawn. General Lee determined to assume the aggressive. 
This determination, however, was communicated only to his 
military family until he had fully matured his plan of opera- 
tion, which he then submitted to Mr. Davis in a personal 
interview." 

Lee's headquarters at this time were on the Nine Mile road, 
a position which gave him a good oversight of the army and 
brought all portions of the lines within easy reach. Yet the 
batteries, rifle-pits, and earthworks which had been erected 
with so much labor under his personal supervision were des- 
tined to have no further utility than that already adverted to — 
the infusion of confidence into the previously dispirited army. 
It was not the purpose of the commanding general to remain 
upon the defensive and await the slow but sure advances of the 
enemy. He, on the contrary, formed the bolder decision of 
hurling the force under his command against the serried bat- 



THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. I 69 

talions of the foe, as indicated in the last-quoted extract from 
the notebook. 

When McClellan crossed the Chickahominy it was thought 
he would advance immediately upon Richmond. This expec- 
tation was disappointed, however, for instead of advancing he 
began to fortify his position. The right wing rested on the 
Chickahominy a little below New Bridge, and the left extended 
to the White Oak Swamp, embracing a front of about four 
miles, nearly parallel with that of the Confederates. The op- 
posing lines were separated by an interval but little exceeding 
a mile, but each was obscured from the other's view by the 
intervening forest. The picket-lines were often within close 
musket-range of each other. At first there was a good deal 
of picket-skirmishing, but this was soon discontinued by mu- 
tual consent, and a lively exchange of newspapers, coffee, and 
tobacco succeeded it. The strength of the Confederate force was 
always greatly over-estimated by McClellan, and his frequent 
and urgent calls for reinforcements exposed his want of confi- 
dence in his own strength. General Lee knowing this uneasy, 
insecure feeling of his antagonist, and McDowell's force, which 
had always been a thorn in his side, being about this time 
withdrawn from Fredericksburg for the support of Banks and 
Shields in the Valley, prepared, as we have said, to assume the 
offensive. He conceived the bold plan of crossing the Chick- 
ahominy, and, attacking the Federal right wing, to force it 
back and seize McClellan's line of communication with his 
base of operations. This plan being successfully executed, 
the Federal general would be compelled to save his army as best 
he could by retreat. Preparatory to the execution of this plan 
General J. E. B. Stuart was ordered to make a reconnoissance 
in the rear of the Federal position. This officer, with a force 
of about 1000 cavalry, executed his instructions with great 
boldness and success. He made the entire circuit of the Fed- 
eral army and gained much important information. 

This movement, indeed, was so skilful and brilliant that 
it has been classed among the most daring cavalry raids ever 
made. In addition to the information gained he captured 
many prisoners and destroyed Federal stores to the value of 



170 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

seven million dollars ; and all this with the loss of but a single 
man, the lamented Captain Latane, who fell while leading a 
successful charge against a superior force of the enemy. He 
finally recrossed the Chickahominy, almost in the face of the 
enemy, with the same intrepidity he had shown at every step 
of his progress, and with a prestige of daring and success that 
for years clung to his banner and gained him the reputation of 
being the most dashing and brilliant cavalry leader of the war. 

His design being confirmed by Stuart's successful reconnois- 
sance, Lee proceeded to organize a force requisite for the accom- 
plishment of his proposed enterprise. The troops that could 
be conveniently spared from North Carolina, South Carolina, 
and Georgia were ordered to Richmond. By the 20th of June, 
Major-general T, H. Holmes, with 6000 men from North Caro- 
lina ; Brigadier-general Ripley, with 6000 from South Caro- 
lina ; and Brigadier-general Lawton, wnth 5000 from Georgia, 
had arrived in Richmond. At the same time General Jackson 
was ordered to withdraw secretly from the Valley and proceed 
with such expedition as would enable him to reach Hanover 
Junction by the afternoon of the 25th of June. In order to 
mask his designs from the Federals, Lee directed Whiting's 
division and Lawton' s brigade to proceed to Staunton, appar- 
ently with the view of reinforcing Jackson, but really under 
orders to return immediately and join that general on the 25th 
at Hanover Junction. This movement further strengthened 
McClellan in his opinion of Lee's vastly superior force, and 
completely blinded him in regard to the real intentions of that 
general. 

General Lee determined to attack the Federal right wing on 
the morning of the 26th of June. Jackson was directed to move 
to Atlee's Station on the Central Railroad. A. P. Hill was 
directed to cross the Chickahominy at Meadow Bridge as soon 
as Jackson arrived in supporting distance, attack the Federals 
at Mechanicsville, and drive them from that place, so that the 
bridge on the Richmond and Mechanicsville road might be 
open for the advance of the other troops ; Longstreet and D. 
H. Hill were ordered to move their divisions as near as prac- 
ticable to the Mechanicsville bridfre without di.scoverinjr them- 



Cmf C«fl«S otftCI 0N» 
COuiroiLMERCHf CNC» 

BATTll G^OONiOS; 

IN TMt U'CiMirv o« 

RICHMOND 

..«. ..I „«„... ,. AHCAMP8EU C... Pf &C.. T.^ 0.». 







THE SE I EN DA YS ' FIGHT. I 7 1 

selves to the observation of the Federals ; while Magnider, 
Huger, and Holmes held the lines that were now completed, 
with instructions to watch closely the movements of the enemy 
in their front and act as circumstances might suggest. The 
effective force of the Army of Northern Virginia, including 
that brought by Jackson from the valley, as shown by the field 
returns of June 24th or 25th, amounted to a little more than 
81,000 men : 30,000 of these were left in observation under 
Magruder, while Lee led 50,000 to the attack of the Federal 
force north of the Chickahominy, which amounted to about 
25,000 men, commanded by Fitz John Porter. One division 
of this force, about 6000 or 7000 strong, under the command 
of General J. B. Reynolds, occupied Mechanicsville at the ex- 
treme right of the Federal position. The main body, under 
the immediate command of Porter, was posted near Cold Plar- 
bor or Gaines's Mill, about six miles below Mechanicsville, and 
connected by bridges with the main body of the Federal army 
south of the Chickahominy. 

Jackson, having bivouacked at Ashton on the night of the 
25th, and his men being fatigued by previous long marches, 
did not reach his designated position in line of battle until 
the afternoon of the 26th. This delay was very embarrassing 
to Lee, and greatly increased the difficulty of executing his 
plan of operations, as it exposed his design to the enemy and 
allowed him time to prepare for the approaching storm. Gen- 
eral A. P. Hill, on the arrival of Jackson — about four o'clock — 
crossed the Chickahominy and made a spirited attack on the 
Federal force at Mechanicsville and compelled it to retire to 
a position which had been previously prepared beyond the 
Beaver Dam, a small stream about one mile south-east of the 
village. The way being now open, the divisions of Long- 
street and D. H. Hill began to cross the Chickahominy. Rip- 
ley's brigade, which was the first to cross, was ordered to sup- 
port A. P. Hill in his attempt to dislodge the Federals from 
their new position. Failing in their first attempt to dislodge 
them, the approach of night prevented any other being made 
to carry their position. Reynolds, finding his position would 
be turned, retired during the night to Gaines's Mill. On the 



172 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

morning- of the 27tli, Lee formed his army into three columns. 
The division of A. P. Hill, forminiT^ the centre, moved by the 
main road from Mechanicsville to Gaines's Mill ; Longstreet 
moved by a road between this and the Chickahomiu}' ; while 
Jackson and D. H. Hill moved by a road to the left which in- 
tersected the Mechanicsville road a mile and a half beyond 
Gaines's Mill or Cold Harbor. Stuart with his cavalry cov- 
ered the left flank of the army as it advanced. The guide, 
having received indefinite instructions from Jackson, led his 
column by a road that intersected with the Mechanicsville 
road before reaching Gaines's Mill. This brought the head 
of Jackson's column against Hill's troops. Jackson, being 
obliged to countermarch in order to gain the right road'^ caused 
a delay of several hours in the operations of General Lee and 
materially affected his plan of attack. It was his intention 
that when Jackson reached the Mechanicsville road he should 
form his troops in order of battle and attack the Federal right, 
while A. P. Hill attacked the centre and Longstreet the left. 

The Federal position near Gaines's Mill was a plateau bound- 
ed on the north-west side by a bluff eighty or ninety feet in 
elevation, which, curving to the north and east, gradually 
diminished into a gentle slope. The plateau was bounded on 
its north side by a stream flowing along its base, whose banks 
gradually widened and deepened until, when reaching the 
bluff, they had gained the width of eight or ten and the depth 
of five or six feet, thus forming a natural ditch. Three lines 
of breastworks, rising one above the other, had been construct- 
ed upon the base of the bluff, and its crest was crowned with 
artillery. Three lines of P'ederal infantry occupied the bluff, 
and one line extended along the north-east crest for more than 
a mile, and batteries of artiller}- were in position in rear of the 
infantry. The Federal position was very strong, and to carry 
it required the greatest braver}' and resolution on the part of 
the assailants. McClellan, being now aware of Lee's real de- 
vsign, reinforced Porter, increasing his force to about 40,000 
men. When the columns of Hill and Longstreet had arrived 
in easy attacking-distance, General Lee caused them to halt in 
order to give Jackson time to gain his position. Waiting until 



THE SE VEISr DA YS ' FIGHT. I 7 3 

one o'clock, Lee ordered Longstreet and A. P. Hill to com- 
mence the attack. The Confederate skirmishers advanced and 
drove in the Federal pickets. While the column of Longstreet 
advanced by the road to Dr. Gaines's house, and that of Hill 
by the main Mechanicsville road, the Federal position was hid- 
den from Hill by the intervening woods. Deploying several reg- 
iments to support his skirmishers, he pushed them through the 
woods. Very soon the Federal line was developed by a heavy 
fire of musketry. Hill's column then deployed and advanced 
to the attack on the Federal centre. 

When Longstreet arrived at Gaines's house he was in full 
view of the Federal left. Taking advantage of an intervening 
ridge, the crest of which was parallel with and about three 
hundred yards from the Federal lines, he deployed his troops 
imder its cover. Hearing Hill's attack, Longstreet approached 
to gain the Federal left. His first line on reaching the crest of 
the ridge was met by a storm of shot and shell; without falter- 
ing it swept down the slope toward the Federal position in the 
face of a terrible fire of artillery and musketry until arrested 
by the wide and steep banks of the stream at the foot. Being 
unable to cross it, this line was obliged to fall back. These 
troops, although much cut up, re-formed for a second attack. 
Several Confederate batteries were served with considerable 
effect in covering the advance of the infantry. D. H. Hill, on 
reaching the scene of action, took position on the left of A. P. 
Hill and engaged the enemy. The battle having be&ime gen- 
eral, General Lee sent several staff officers to bring up Jackson's 
troops to the support of Hill and Longstreet. Whiting's divis- 
ion and Lawton's brigade were the first to arrive. Whiting was 
directed to fill the interval between Longstreet and A. P. Hill, 
and Lawton was sent to the left of D. H. Hill to engage the 
Federal right. Generals Ewell, Elzey, and Winder, as they 
arrived, were sent to the support of the Plills, and one brigade 
. was sent to the support of Longstreet. Jackson led in person 
the remainder of his troops against the Federal right. The 
battle had raged with great fury for more than two hours, and 
the Federal lines seemed as unshaken as when it first began. 
The Confederates had been repulsed in several attempts to force 



I 74 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

them. The da}' was now drawing' to a close, and Lee decided 
to end the conflict by a char^^e of the whole line. The word 
"Charge!" as it passed along the line, was responded to by a 
wild shout and an irresistible rush on the Federal position. 
The Texas brigade, led by the gallant Hood, was the first to 
penetrate the Federal works. It was immediately followed by 
other regiments, and in a few minutes the whole position was 
carried and the plateau was covered with a mass of fugitives. 
The Federals were in full flight, pursued by the Confederates, 
who delivered deadly volleys at every step. 

While General Lee was attacking Porter's position at Gaines's 
Mill, Magruder made a spirited demonstration against that of 
McClellan on the south side of the Chickahominy. This 
double attack served to bewilder McClellan, and caused him 
to withhold reinforcements that would otherwise have been 
sent to Porter. This battle is considered by many as the most 
stubbornly-contested battle of the war. It is true that the 
troops on both sides displayed great valor and determina- 
tion, and proved themselves worthy of the nation to which 
they belonged. Porter deserves much credit for the skilful 
selection of his position and the gallant manner in which he 
defended it. The victory was complete. When night closed 
the Confederates were in undisputed possession of the field. 
The next morning Lee directed Stuart with his cavalry, sup- 
ported by Ewell's division of infantry, to seize the York River 
Railroad. McClellan was thus cut off from his base of sup- 
plies, and reduced to the necessity of retreating by one of two 
routes — the one by the Peninsula, the other by the James River, 
imder the cover of the gunboats. He chose the latter as the 
shortest and easiest. 

General Lee remained on the 28th on the north side of the 
Chickahominy in observation of IMcClellan's movements. In- 
structions were sent at the same time to Magruder to keep a 
vigilant watch on the Federals and without delay report any 
movement that might be discovered. These instructions were 
not as faithfully executed as they should have been, for the 
retreat of the F'ederals had commenced on the morning oi the 
28th, and was not discovered until the morning of the 29th, 



THE SEVEN DA YS' FIGHT. I 75 

when the Federal lines were found by two engineer officers, 
Captains Meade and Johnston, to be abandoned, although the 
Confederate pickets were in many places less than half a mile 
from the Federal lines. 

The safe retreat of McClellan to the James is mainly due to 
the advantage thus gained. When General Lee on the morn- 
ing of the 29th found that the Federal army was in retreat he 
ordered an immediate pursuit. All of the troops on the north 
of the Chickahominy, with the exception of the divisions oi' 
Ewell and Jackson, and Stuart's cavalry, which were to remain 
in observation lest the Federals might change their line of 
retreat, were ordered to recross that stream with the view of 
overtaking the retreating columns. General Lee on recrossing 
the Chickahominy found Magruder, Huger, and Holmes pre- 
paring to pursue the retreating Federal army. At twelve 
o'clock the pursuit was commenced, and about three Magruder 
came upon Sumner's corps, which was in position near Savage's 
Station. General Heintzelman having retired, Sumner's and 
Franklin's corps had to receive Magruder' s attack unsupported, 
Sumner held his position with great obstinacy until night ended 
the conflict. This determined stand enabled the Federal army 
to make a safe passage of the White Oak Swamp. In the after- 
noon of the 29th, Jackson was directed to cross the Chicka- 
hominy and relieve Magruder in the pursuit. Lee directed the 
other divisions of his army to march by several roads leading 
in the direction of McClellan's line of retreat, with the view 
of striking his column in the flank while Jackson pressed him 
in the rear. About three o'clock on the 30th, Lee, with the 
divisions of Longstreet and A. P. Hill, struck the Federal 
column at Frazier's Farm, and a fierce combat ensued which 
was closely contested until night. Contrary to his expectations, 
he was not supported in this attack by Generals Jackson and 
Huger, consequently McClellan again escaped and continued 
his retreat during the night to Malvern Hill. 

The delay on the part of General Jackson was very unusual. 
The explanation of his delay on this occasion was that, being 
greatly exhausted by long marches and battles for more than a 
week, he sought a short repose. His staff, out of mistaken 



176 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

regard for their general, permitted him to sleep far beyond the 
time he had allowed himself. When he awoke he was greatly 
chagrined at the loss of time that had occurred, the damage of 
which he was unable to repair. Though General Lee accom- 
plished all that was at first proposed, yet had the parts assigned 
to some of his subordinates been performed with the exactness 
that was naturally expected, the results of his operations would 
have been far greater than those shown in the sequel. 

On the morning of the ist of July it was discovered that 
McClellan had occupied in force the strong position of Malvern 
Hill, while his* powerful artillery swept every approach, and the 
shot of the gunboats fell beyond the Confederate lines. After a 
careful reconnoissance of McClellan's position, Lee determined 
to attack his left. His first line, composed of the divisions of 
Magruder, D. H. Hill, and Jackson, was advanced under cover 
of the wood near the base of the hill. Magruder was 
ordered to attack the Federal left, while Hill and Jackson 
threatened their centre and right. The attack was delayed 
until near sundown, when Magruder made a most gallant 
assault. By dint of hard fighting his troops gained the crest 
of the hill and forced back the Federal left, but were in turn 
driven back. The firing continued along the line until ten 
o'clock. The Confederates lay upon their arms where the 
battle closed, ready to resume the fight as soon as the daylight 
should appear. 

Under the cover of the night McClellan secretly retired, 
his retreat being facilitated by a heavy fall of rain, which 
deadened the sound of his withdrawal. The Confederates 
the next morning, groping through the dense fog, came upon 
the abandoned lines. This was the first information they had 
of the retreat. McClellan had now gained the protection 
of the Federal gunboats; therefore Lee did not immediately 
pursue, but ordered a day's rest, which the troops greatly 
needed. McClellan continued his retreat to Harrison's Land- 
ing on the James River, where he took up a position. Lee ad- 
vanced the next day to that neighborhood and after a careful re- 
connoissance of the Federal lines deemed it inadvisable to attack, 
•lud, as there was no probability of the Army of the Potomac 



THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. I 77 

Speedily resuming operations, he returned to his former camp 
near Richmond to rest, recruit, and reorganize his army. 

While in the vicinity of Harrison's Landing the attack of 
Colonel J. Thompson Brown's artillery upon the Federal gun- 
boats afforded a brilliant episode to the last scene of the mili- 
tary drama that had just been acted. 

The loss sustained by both armies during the recent opera- 
tions was considerable; that, however, caused by exhaustion 
and illness probably equalled the casualties of actual battle. 
The number of Confederate killed and wounded amounted to 
about 10,000, whilst the Federal loss exceeded this. Review- 
ing the operations that have just been described, we cannot 
fail to observe the important results achieved by the skill and 
energy of an able commander. On the ist of June, General 
lyce assumed the command of an army that did not exceed 
50,000 men. With this force he erected defences to withstand 
any attack that might be made against them, and besides in 
less than a month increased his army to 80,000 men, without 
giving up one foot of territory and without endangering either 
public or private property. He also raised its discipline and 
spirit to such a height that he was enabled to take the offen- 
sive and force his adversary, notwithstanding his superiority 
of numbers and the finely-appointed state of his army, to 
abandon a base of operations that had occupied almost the 
exclusive attention of his Government for more than a year, 
incurring in doing so a heavy loss of material. 

McClellan, after establishing himself at Harrison's Landing, 
called for large reinforcement's to enable him to resume active 
operations. It was decided to order Burnside from North Car- 
olina to reinforce the Army of the Potomac. When Lee re- 
gained his former camp near Richmond he immediately set 
about reorganizing his army. His victory over McClellan had 
filled the Confederacy with joy, and the men who had left the 
army a short time before broken down and depressed returned 
full of spirit and energy. 

Before the end of July the Army of Northern Virginia, with 
the addition of one or two brigades from South Carolina and 
Georgia, numbered about 70,000 effective men. This army, 
12 



I7S MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

having to a great extent supplied itself by captures from the 
Federal army, was better armed and equipped than it had pre- 
viously been. 

Lee had formed it into two corps, giving one to Longstreet 
and the other to Jackson, officers who had proved themselves 
fully worthy of the important commands conferred upon them. 
As they have borne a most distinguished part in the events 
which form the subject of this narrative, it is proper that a 
sketch of them should be given. They were both graduates 
of the national Military Academy, and each on receiving his 
diploma entered on a military career. 

IvOngstreet was Jackson's senior, having graduated at West 
Point in 1842, while Jackson did not complete his academic 
labors until four years later. These chieftains, whose career 
seemed to be united by destiny, were entirely dissimilar in 
person and character. Longstreet in his younger days possessed 
a figure remarkable for manly beauty, which in maturer years, 
though much expanded, was still commanding and graceful, 
and his person was further rendered agreeable by a social and 
genial manner. To his superior physical qualities was added 
mental ability of considerable scope. On the other hand, 
though physically and mentally inferior to Longstreet, Jack- 
son possessed an iron mind, with a determination and perse- 
verance that enabled him to accomplish great results. He did 
not have the genial and attractive manner of his distinguished 
contemporary, but exhibited a quiet reserve, amounting almost 
to austerity, which, being taken in connection with his strict 
observance of the faith of the Covenanter, might warrant the 
idea of finding his counterpart among the Ironsides of Crom- 
well. The breaking out of the war with jMexico in 1846 
afforded the youthful aspirants to military renown a rich har- 
vest of fame, and in the brilliant campaign of General Scott 
in the Valley of Mexico, Jackson as lieutenant of artillery and 
Longstreet on the staff of General Garland gathered abundant 
laurels, and at the close of the war each received from the Gov- 
ernment as a reward of merit the brevet rank of major. 

After the restoration of peace, finding the inactivity of gar- 
rison-life distasteful to him, Jackson resigned his commission 



THE SEVEN DA KS' FIGHT. I 79 

in the army and accepted a professorship in tlie Virginia Mili- 
tary Institute, which he filled with honor until the civil rupture 
between the States. Longstreet in the mean time remained in 
tlie army, where he had conferred on him the position of pay- 
master, with the full rank of major. 

At the commencement of the war between the States both 
Longstreet and Jackson tendered their services to their native 
States, and as we progress with our narrative it will be seen 
to what distinction each rose in defence of the Southern Con- 
federacy. 

It would be unjust to General Lee to pass unnoticed some of 
the criticisms that have been made on the foregoing campaign 
by General Dick Taylor in his sprightly work, Destruction and 
Reconstrnction. Among some of his random remarks we find 
one to the following effect: '* General Lee was without maps or 
efiicient guides, and was himself and staff unacquainted with 
the topography of his field of operations, which materially 
resulted in blunders on the part of his subordinate com- 
manders. ' ' 

Mr. Davis reiterated the above assertion in his History of the 
Confederacy^ vol. ii. chap, xxiv., pp. 142, 144: '*It is an extra- 
ordinar)^ fact that, though the capital had been threatened by 
an attack from the seaboard on the right, though our army had 
retreated from Yorktown up the Chickahominy, and after en- 
camping there for a time had crossed the river and moved up 
to Richmond, yet when, at the close of the battles around 
Richmond, McClellan retreated and was pursued toward the 
James River, we had no maps of the country in which we were 
operating; our generals were ignorant of the roads, and their 
guides knew little more than the way from their homes to 
Richmond 

"It was after a personal and hazardous reconnoissance that 
General Lee assigned General Holmes to his last position; and 
when I remonstrated with General Lee, whom I met returning 
from his reconnoissance, on account of the exposure to which 
he had subjected himself, he said he could not get the required 
information, and therefore had gone himself." 

The blame implied in these remarks in reference to the want 



l8o MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of maps should be placed where it properly belongs — with the 
war-directing authority at Richmond. It is from the topo- 
graphical bureaus of governments that the geographical and 
topographical knowledge requisite for a campaign should be 
obtained; and in the present instance neither Johnston nor 
Lee had opportunities to cause reconnoissances and surveys to 
be made, which were necessary for the construction of maps. 

The statement in regard to Lee's want of knowledge of the 
topography of his field of operations and the inferiority of his 
guides is incorrect. The blunders complained of were more 
the result of inattention to orders and want of proper energy 
on the part of a few subordinate commanders than of lack of 
knowledge of the country. For years Lee had been accustomed 
to traverse the country between the White House and Rich- 
mond, and from Richmond to the different estates of his friends 
on the lower James. He was therefore well acquainted with 
the country on both sides of the Chickahominy, and it was 
natural that he should apply his previous information to his 
present purposes. The inhabitants of that region supplied 
efficient guides, and his staff officers had been employed in 
making themselves acquainted with the roads and natural fea- 
tures of the countr}' over which the army was likely to operate. 
Moreover, a few days before his attack on MrClellan, Stuart 
v/as sent on a reconnoissance to the rear of the Federal army 
to acquire information that might be useful in carr}-ing out his 
plan of attack, and during the battle Baker's regiment of cav- 
alry was kept in the vicinity of Malvern Hill to observe the 
enemy. 

Just before the battle of Frazier's Farm, Mr. Davis with his 
staff arrived at the position then occupied by General Lee ; 
almost immediately thereafter the enemy's batteries opened a 
lively fire, sending a shower of shells into startling proximity. 
Lee then, accompanied by several of his staff, proceeded to 
make a personal observation of the field of battle; which prac- 
tice had been and continued to be his ciistom. After satisfying 
himself of the condition of affairs, he proceeded to join Long- 
street at his field headquarters, where he found ]\Ir. Davis, when 
the conversation referred to above took place. Mr. Davis clearly 



THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. l8l 

misunderstood General Lee's remark in regard to liis lack of 
information, since he could but have expressed a desire to sat- 
isfy himself by personal observation, and not have professed 
ignorance of the general features of the locality occupied by 
the armies. 

(The map accompanying this chapter is a copy of the official map used by General Lee 
during this campaign. It was filed with his report of these operations in the Wax- Depart- 
ment, C. S. A., by the special direction of General Lee.j 



CHAPTER XI. 

POPE OUTGENERALLED. 

The New Federal Commander. — Lee's March Northward. — Pope's Retreat. — Jackson'i 
Flanking Movement. — Capture of the Stores at Manassas. — Lee's Narrow Escape. — 
A Lady in Distress. — Thoroughfare Gap. — Longstreet's Corps joms Jackson. — Sec- 
ond Battle of Manassas. — Pope's Defeat. — Telegrams. 

THE short and disastrous campaign of Pope affords a strik- 
ing commentary on the timid polic}' that characterized the 
Federal Government in its prosecution of the war, as had been 
previously illustrated by the injudicious interference of ]\Ir. 
Lincoln with military operations in the field, and his obvious 
want of confidence in General McClellan. This was manifested 
by withholding from him McDowell's corps of 40,000 men, 
whose co-operation was calculated on in the advance upon Rich- 
mond, and subsequently by allowing his fears for the safety 
of Washington to neutralize a powerful force in the Valley 
of Virginia, which might have, by timely co-operation, given 
a different turn to the Richmond campaign. Besides execu- 
tive interference, military operations were further embarrassed 
by the introduction of an inquisitorial tribunal known as the 
' "Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War." 

It was through this engine of mischief that the popular curi- 
osity of the North was feasted with news -from the seat of war, 
by which feuds were bred in the army, and which became the 
source from which the Confederates were supplied with the 
most important information, thus paving the way for those 
di.sastrous blows which fell upon the Federal arms. Pope in 
his interviews so dazzled with his brilliant plan of operations 
the authorities who, from their seat in Washington, directed 
military affairs that they di.slocated the plan of McClellan, 
withdrew the Army of the Potomac from its position on the 
James, and threw the whole of that army into Pope's scheme 

182 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 83 

of victory. He tells President Lincoln, General Halleck, and 
the Secretary of War at the White House, and repeats to the 
Congressional Committee at the Capitol, that with McClellan's 
army, 200,000 strong, he could not only dissipate every danger 
that threatened the capital, but could make a victorious march 
to New Orleans. Great, then, must have been the disappoint- 
ment at Washington, after such glorious prospects, on witness- 
ing the precipitate retreat of the Federal army on which such 
high hopes had been centred. Pope's chastisement should also 
serve to admonish the future military tyro to mask his igno- 
rance by curbing his arrogance when thrown by a credulous 
government into a position far beyond his capacity. 

As there was no probability of McClellan's immediately re- 
suming active operations against Richmond, Lee determined, 
by assuming the offensive and threatening the Federal capi- 
tal, to force him to make an entire change in his plan of cam- 
paign. With that view he despatched Jackson with three 
divisions of infantry and a proportionate amount of artillery 
to the neighborhood of Gordonsville, while remaining himself 
at Richmond with Longstreet's corps, D. H. Hill's and Ander- 
son's divisions of infantry, and Stuart's cavalry in observation 
of McClellan, who was now slowly recovering from the stun- 
ning effect of his defeat. Having learned through the news- 
papers and other sources that there was a conflict of opinion 
between General McClellan and Mr. Lincoln in regard to future 
operations, and knowing the Federal President's anxiety con- 
cerning the safety of his capital, Lee rightly concluded that 
any movement in that direction would cause McClellan's 
opinion to be overruled and the Army of the Potomac to be 
withdrawn from the James for the defence of Washington. 

There had not been as 3^et any understanding between the bel- 
ligerents in regard to the treatment and exchange of prisoners. 
It was now very desirable that some plan on this subject should 
be established. General Dix on the part of the Federals and 
General D. H. Hill on that of the Confederates were commis- 
sioned to form a plan for the exchange of prisoners. They 
met and framed a cartel on very liberal principles, which was 
agreed to by both Governments. The exchange of prisoners 



1 84 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

began under it, but was discontinued later b}^ the Federal Gov- 
ernment. About the ist of August, the advance of the Fed- 
eral army having reached Culpeper Court-house, Jackson moved 
to the Rapidan and took a position in the vicinity of Orange 
Court-house. Being there joined by two small brigades of 
cavalry, commanded by W. E. Jones and Beverly Robertson, 
his strength was increased to about 20,000 men. The forces 
under Banks, Fremont, and McDowell, amounting to 50,000 
men, were formed into an army, the command of which was 
given to General Pope, who, in assuming the command, intro- 
duced himself in a very bombastic order, in which he an- 
nounced his intention of conducting the w^ar on very different 
principles from those that had been previously adopted. 

In hi5 pseudo-Napoleonic order to his soldiers he said: "I 
constantly hear of taking strong positions and holding them 
— of lines of retreat and bases of supplies," and enjoined them 
to dismiss all such ideas as unworthy of soldiers commanded by 
one who had been used to see only " the backs of his enemies." 
His headquarters were to be "in the saddle," and he had come 
from the West, "from an army whose business it has been to 
seek the adversaiy^ and to beat him ivhen foittid — whose policy 
has been attack, and not defence." Before the Committee on 
the Conduct of tlie War he grandiloquently declared that he 
meant to "lie off on the flanks of the rebels," and that with 
an army equal to McClellan's he would promise to march 
straight from Washington to New Orleans. We need scarcely 
say that before he was many days older this vain-glorious 
boaster found that there were obstacles in the way of his pro- 
jected march, that the intrenchments around Washington were 
a safer place than his "headquarters in the saddle," and that 
" lines of retreat and bases of supplies " were very good things 
in an emergency. 

By reference to the map of ^^irginia the principal points 
mentioned in this narrative may be observed. About the time 
that Jackson reached the Rapidan, Pope arrived at Culpeper 
Court-house, and extended his advance corps toward the Rapi- 
dan. Tlie Federal cavalry finding the Rapidan occupied by 
t.he Confederates, the leading corps took up a position along a 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 85 

range of low hills near Cedar Mountain, about four miles west 
of Culpeper Court-house. Having learned that a part of the 
Federal force had not arrived there, Jackson determined to 
attack Pope before his army could be united. He therefore 
secretly recrossed the Rapidan, and by a rapid movement on 
the 9th of August gained the position near Cedar Mountain 
before the Federals were aware of his design. The battle was 
hotly contested for several hours, when the Federals were de- 
feated and driven back to Culpeper Court-house. Jackson held 
the field until he had secured the fruit of his victory and buried 
the dead. He then recrossed the Rapidan. Among the gal- 
lant soldiers who fell in this engagement none were more 
deeply regretted than General Charles S. Winder, in tribute to 
whose memory I cannot do more than refer to the order of 
General Jackson announcing his death. McClellan had re- 
mained quiet at Harrison's Landing during the month of July, 
resting and recruiting his army. At the same time he made a 
requisition upon the Government for a reinforcement of 50,000 
men to enable him to resume his advance upon Richmond. 
President Lincoln declined furnishing him this reinforcement 
upon the ground that he had not so large a force available for 
that purpose. 

About the last of July, General Halleck, commander-in- 
chief of the Federal army, visited the Army of the Potomac, 
which at that time numbered 90,000 effective men. At a 
council of the principal officers of the army it was found 
that a majority was opposed to renewing the advance upon 
Richmond, while McClellan and two or three of his most ex- 
perienced officers were in favor of it. Halleck therefore prom- 
ised McClellan a reinforcement of 20,000 men to enable him to 
carry out his plan, that being the largest force that could be 
then furnished for that purpose. The Federal authorities at 
Washington were not cordial in their support of McClellan's 
plan of operations. They were in favor of changing the base 
of operations from the James to the Potomac River, to operate 
with Pope on the Rapidan. The advance of Jackson to Gor- 
donsville, above mentioned, and his subsequent advance upon 
the position of General Pope near Culpeper Court-house, caused 



1 86 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the Federal authorities to determine upon the immediate with- 
drawal of the Army of the Potomac from the James. 

The circumstances here detailed very considerably modified 
the military situation, and enabled General Lee to act with a 
skill and boldness which was destined to astonish and alarm 
the Federal authorities quite as much as his notable defeat of 
McClellan had done. He divined, with the intuition of genius, 
that his presence and that of his army could be spared from the 
immediate vicinity of Richmond, and might be able to teach 
General Pope that the road to New Orleans was "a hard road 
to travel." Preliminary to future operations he sent forward 
Longstreet's corps to join Jackson in the vicinity of Gordons- 
ville, and about the middle of August proceeded in person to 
assume the direction of affiiirs in that quarter. 

On reaching the locality of the projected movements he 
found Jackson occupying the line of the Rapidan, while Long- 
street's force was encamped in the neighborhood of Gordons- 
ville. The army, including Stuart's cavalry, at this time 
amounted to 65,000 effective men, while the opposing army of 
Pope numbered 50,000, and occupied a position betv/een Cul- 
peper Court-house and the Rapidan. 

Lee at once determined to assume the offensive, and with 
that purpose in view he moved his whole army below Orange 
Court-house to a position south of Clark's IMountain, where he 
could avail himself of the fords of the Rapidan on the flanks 
of the Federal army. He reached this position on August 
17th, the movement having been effected, under cover of the 
forest, without the knowledge of General Pope. 

The absence of Stuart's cavalry delayed the army in this 
position till the morning of the 20th, and enabled Pope — who, 
through an unlucky accident, became aware of the movement 
of his shrewd adversary — to beat a hasty retreat. The cavalry 
had been employed in observation on the lower Rappahannock 
and the York rivers, and were thus, unfortunately, not avail- 
able at the moment when their presence would have been of 
the most essential service. 

On the iSth, Lee and his staff ascended Clark's Mountain, 
and reconnoitcrcd the P'ederal position. In plain view before 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 87 

them lay Pope's army, stretched out in fancied security, and to 
all appearance in utter ignorance of the vicinity of a powerful 
foe. It was evident from that elevated position that the two 
armies were about equally distant from Culpeper Court-house, 
and that the Confederate force was in a position to gain the 
Federal rear. The absence of the cavalry, however, prevented 
an immediate advance, and Lee retained his position till the 
next day, satisfied that the enemy was still in ignorance of his 
danger. On the afternoon of the 19th the signal-station on 
the top of the mountain notified the Confederate commander 
that a change had occurred in the situation of affairs. The 
enemy had evidently taken the alarm. There was a bustle in 
the camp that indicated a move, as if Pope had suddenly 
learned the peril of his position and was preparing for a hasty 
flight toward the Rappahannock. 

As it afterward appeared. Pope had learned of Lee's vicinity 
through the capture of Lieutenant Fitzhugh of Stuart's staff, 
on whom had been found a letter revealing the fact of the 
movement of the Confederate army. On gaining this import- 
ant and somewhat startling information, he had immediately 
given orders to break camp and retreat in all haste to the line 
of the Rappahannock. During this interval General Stuart 
himself had run a serious risk of capture. The main body of 
the cavalry, under Fitz Lee, failing to make their appearance 
at the point where Stuart awaited them, he had become impa- 
tient, and advanced with some members of his staff to meet 
them. On the night of the 17th he occupied a house at Ve- 
diersville, intending to continue his search for the cavalry the 
next morning. At an early hour of that morning a squadron 
of Federal cavalry which was out reconnoitering suddenly 
made its appearance in front of the house which sheltered the 
Confederate general. The surprise was complete, but, fortu- 
nately, the Federals did not dream of the valuable prize within 
their reach. Ere they were able to grasp the situation Stuart 
had become aroused and apprised of his imminent peril. He 
instantly sprang up, and without hat or haversack rushed for 
the rear door of the house. There he sprang on his horse with- 
out heed of saddle or accoutrements and rode hastily into the 



1 88 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE, 

woods, followed by those members of his staff who had accom- 
panied him. The Federals learned only too late of the valuable 
prize which had slipped through their fingers, and had to con- 
tent themselves with the hat and haversack of the dashing 
leader of the Confederate cavalry. 

The retreating Federal army was followed by Lee in rapid 
pursuit, but it had crossed the Rappahannock by the time he 
reached the vicinity of that stream. Pope on crossing the 
river took up a position on the left bank, his left covering 
Rappahannock Station, his right extending in the direction of 
Warrenton Springs. Lee confronted him on the right bank of 
the river. The two armies remained thus opposed two or three 
days, during which nothing occurred except some unimportant 
skirmishing between the cavalry and the outposts. 

When it became known at Washington that Pope had been 
compelled to retreat and recross the Rappahannock, the Fed- 
eral authorities made every effort to rapidly reinforce him by 
troops drawn from the Army of the Potomac and from Burn- 
side's force, which had been withdrawn from North Carolina. 
General Lee, in order to retard the forwarding of troops and 
supplies to the Federal army, ordered Stuart to turn Pope's 
right, gain his rear, inflict as much damage as he could upon 
the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and gain information of 
the enemy's movements. Stuart, in compliance with his in- 
structions, crossed the Rappahannock late in the afternoon of 
the 2ist, a few miles above Warrenton Springs, with a brigade 
of cavalry, and, screening his movement by the mountain- 
spurs and intervening forests, he proceeded toward the village 
of Warrenton, passing that place after nightfall, and advanced 
direct upon Catlett's Station on the railroad. Arriving in the 
midst of a violent storm, he surprised and captured the Federal 
encampment at that place, which he found to contain General 
Pope's headquarters. He secured Pope's letter-book and papers 
with many other valuable articles. 

On account of the heavy fall of rain the timbers of the rail- 
road bridge at Catlett's were so saturated with water that Stuart 
was unable to burn it, and, being pressed for time, he failed to 
greatly damage the railroad. He returned, bringing with him 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 89 

his valuable booty, without the loss of a man. By the capture 
of Pope's papers Lee gained an accurate knowledge of the 
situation of the Federal army. Acting on it, he ordered Jack- 
son to advance his corps to Jeffersonton and secure the bridge 
over the Rappahannock at Warrenton Springs. Jackson moved 
np the river, leaving his train to follow under the escort of 
Trimble's brigade. The Federals, being tempted by the ap- 
pearance of a large train in their vicinity, sent a strong detach- 
ment to intercept it. Trimble, reinforced by Hood's brigade 
of Longstreet's corps, met this detachment, and after a fierce 
combat drove it back with heavy loss. Jackson, on arriving at 
Jeffersonton in the afternoon of the 22d, found that the bridge 
on the Warrenton turnpike had been destroyed by the Federals. 
The river being low, he succeeded in sending Early's brigade 
with one of Lawton's Georgia regiments across the river on an 
old mill-dam to act as a corps of observation. During the 
night the river was made impassable by heavy rains. The 
next day, the Federals beginning to appear in great force, 
Early with great dexterity took a position in a wood adjacent 
to the river, so as to effectually conceal his lack of strength. 
The river having fallen during the day, he recrossed at night 
without loss. The Federals burned the railroad bridge of Rap- 
pahannock Station, and moved their left higher up the river. 
On the 23d, Lee ordered Longstreet's corps to follow Jackson 
and mass in the vicinity of Jeffersonton. The headquarters of 
the army was also moved to that place. In the afternoon a 
demonstration was made by a part of the artillery of Jackson's 
corps on the Federal position at Warrenton Springs, to create a 
diversion in favor of Early, which provoked a spirited reply 
from the Federal batteries. 

General Longstreet made a feint on the position of Warren- 
ton on the morning of the 24th, under cover of which Jack- 
son's corps was withdrawn from the front to the vicinity of the 
road from Jeffersonton to the upper fords of the Rappahannock. 
Jackson was then directed to make preparation to turn the 
Federal position and seize their communications about Manas- 
sas Junction. Longstreet continued his cannonade at intervals 
throughout the day, to which the Federals replied with increas- 



IQO MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ing vigor, showing that Pope was massing his army in Lee's 
front. 

It was the object of Lee to hold Pope in his present posi- 
tion by dehiding him with the belief that it was his inten- 
tion to force a passage of the river at that point, until Jackson 
by a flank movement could gain his rear. Longstreet, on the 
morning of the 25tli, resumed his cannonade with increased 
energy, and at the same time made a display of infantry above 
and below the bridge. Jackson then moved up the river to 
a ford eight miles above; crossing at that point and turning 
eastward, by a rapid march he reached the vicinity of Salem. 
Having made a march of twenty-five miles, he bivouacked for 
the night. Stuart's cavalry covered his right flank, the move- 
ment being masked by the natural features of the country. 
The next morning at dawn the march was resumed by the 
route through Thoroughfare Gap. 

The cavalry, moving well to the right, passed around the 
west end of Bull Run Mountain and joined the infantry at 
the village of Gainesville, a few miles from the Orange and 
Alexandria Railroad. Pressing forward, still keeping the cav- 
alry well to the right, Jackson struck the railroad at Bristoe 
Station late in the afternoon, where he captured two empty 
trains going east. After dark he sent a detachment under 
Stuart to secure Manassas Junction, the main depot of sup- 
plies of the Federal army. The cavalry moved upon the 
flanks of this position, while the infantry, commanded by 
Trimble, assaulted the works in front and carried them with 
insignificant loss, capturing two batteries of light artillery with 
their horses and a detachment of 300 men, besides an immense 
amount of army supplies. The next morning, after effectually 
destroying the railroad at Bristoe, Jackson left Ewell with his 
division and a part of Stuart's cavalry to retard the Federals 
if they should advance in that direction, and moved his main 
body to Manassas, where he allowed his troops a few hours to 
refresh themselves upon the abundant stores that had been 
captured. About twelve o'clock the sound of artillery in the 
direction of Bristoe announced the Federal advance. Not hav- 
ing transportation to remove the captured supplies, Jackson 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. I9I 

directed liis men to take what tliey could carry off, and ordered 
the rest to be destroyed. 

General Ewell, having repulsed the advance of two Federal 
columns, rejoined Jackson at Manassas. The destruction of 
the captured stores having been completed, Jackson retired 
with his whole force to Bull Run and took a position for the 
night, a part of his troops resting on the battle-field of the 
previous year. Pope, on hearing of the interruption of his 
communications, sent a force to get information of the extent 
of the damage that had been done to the railroad. Upon learn- 
ing that Jackson v/as in his rear, he immediately abandoned his 
position on the Rappahannock and proceeded with all despatch 
to intercept him before he could be reinforced by Lee. His 
advance having been arrested on the 27th by Ev/ell, he did 
not proceed beyond Bristoe that day. Lee on the 26th with- 
drew Longstreet's corps from its position in front of Warrenton 
Springs, covering the withdrawal by a small rear-guard and 
artillery, and directed it to follow Jackson by the route he had 
taken the day before. The trains were ordered t» move by 
the same route and to keep closed on Longstreet's corps. 

On the evening of this day Longstreet, accompanied by 
Lee and his staff, reached the vicinity of the small village of 
Orleans, where the corps bivouacked for the night. We may 
at this point, as a break to the uniformity of the war-narrative, 
introduce some personal details concerning General Lee, and 
particularly those in relation to a very narrow escape which he 
made from capture by a squadron of Federal cavalry. His 
peril was quite as great as had been that of Stuart a few days 
before, while the danger of disaster to the Confederate cause 
was tenfold greater. This incident has never yet been told, 
and we may be pardoned for pausing in our narrative to re- 
late it. 

{ On the evening in question Mrs. Marshall, a hospitable lady 
residing in the vicinity of Orleans, invited Generals Lee and 
Longstreet to partake of a repast which she had prepared for 
them on hearing of their approach. After enjoying the meal, 
whose abundance was in pleasant contrast to their usual scanty 
camp-fare, they passed an agreeable evening with the ladies. 



192 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Lee threw off the stern bearing of the soldier and assumed 
that of the genial cavalier, while Longstreet laid aside his 
ordinary reticence and made himself very entertaining. At 
the conclusion of the evening's entertainment the guests in- 
formed their hostess that they miist be astir very early the next 
morning, as the march would be resumed by the dawn of day. 

Yet, early as they were, their hospitable hostess was up 
before them, and to their surprise when ready to depart they 
found a sumptuous breakfast awaiting them. After partaking 
of this the whole party bade adieu to Mrs. Marshall and her 
household, and took their places at the head of the advancing 
column just as day began to dawn. On approaching the neigh- 
borhood of Salem the general and his staff found themselves 
at some distance in advance of the column, having ridden 
briskly onward in the fresh morning air. At this moment a 
quartermaster, who had luckily been still farther in advance, 
came dashing back at full speed and in a high state of excite- 
ment, calling out loudly as he approached, "The Federal cav* 
airy are upon you !" Almost at the same instant the head of 
a galloping squadron was seen moving briskly toward them and 
only a few hundred yards distant. 

It was a moment of imminent peril, and one that needed 
quick decision and skilful action. The general was accom- 
panied only by his staff and couriers, some ten or twelve men 
in all. But these were men who were fully ready to devote 
their lives or liberties to the safety of their great commander. 
They instantly formed across the road and impulsively bade 
Lee to retire, promising to retard the enemy until he had 
gained a safe distance. The Federal cavalry, seeing this line 
of horsemen, which occupied the full width of the road, and 
presuming that it was the head of a considerable troop, halted, 
gazed upon it for a moment, and then wheeled and rode off in 
the opposite direction. 

The quick action of the staff alone saved General Lee from 
capture. Had they been seen by the opposing squadron before 
they formed in line the Confederate commander and his staff 
would undoubtedly have been captured. Or if a bold dash had 
been made by the Federal squadron, Lee could scarcely have 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 93 

escaped. This incident is tlie more worthy of relation as it 
was the only case during the war in which the Confederate 
leader was in imminent danger of capture, 
( In this connection may be mentioned another incident which 
occurred on the same morning, A patriotic lady who resided 
in the vicinity of Salem, and who was naturally desirous to 
greet the great general as he passed, rode out for this purpose, 
in company with her daughters, in their family carriage, which 
was drawn by a pair of handsome and spirited horses. Unfor- 
tunately for her, she was met by the body of Federal cavalry 
just spoken of, who, without ceremony and despite entreaties, 
dispossessed her of her magnificent bays, and left the dejected 
lady and her daughters sitting helpless in their carriage in the 
middle of the road. When General Lee rode up to the spot he 
found the distressed party in a house by the wayside, in which 
they had taken refuge. With his usual gallantry and courtesy 
he dismounted and strove to cheer up the unfortunate lady, 
expressing his deep sympathy with her mishap, and regretting 
his inability to relieve her from her difficulty by supplying her 
with another pair of horses. Since the war the lady has fre- 
quently repeated this anecdote, and, though glad of the oppor- 
tunity it gave her for an interview with the famous warrior, 
she has never become quite reconciled to the price which she 
paid for it — the loss of her favorite bays. 

The corps bivouacked for the night in the vicinity of Salem. 
On the morning of the succeeding day, the 27th, a messenger 
appeared bringing the important and cheering news of the suc- 
cess of Jackson at Bristoe and Manassas. These tidings were 
received with enthusiasm by the soldiers, who, animated with 
high hopes of victory, pressed on with the greatest energy, and 
that evening reached the plains a few miles west of Thorough- 
fare Gap, in the Bull Run Mountains, through which Jackson's 
column had passed a few days previously. 

, Thoroughfare Gap was reached about noon of the 28th. It 
was quickly found to be occupied by a Federal force. Some 
slight attempt was made to dislodge the enemy, but without 
success, as their position proved too strong, and it seemed as if 
the movement of the Confederate army in that direction was 

13 



194 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

destined to be seriously interfered with. Meanwhile, nothing 
further had been heard from Jackson, and there was a natural 
anxiety in regard to his position and possible peril. Unless the 
mountains could speedily be passed by Longstreet's corps the 
force under Jackson might be assailed by the whole of Pope's 
army, and very severely dealt with. 

Under these critical circumstances General Lee made every 
effort to find some available route over the mountains, sending 
reconnoissances to right and left in search of a practicable pass. 
Some of the officers ascended the mountain during the evening, 
and perceived from its summit a large force which lay in front 
of the Gap. Meanwhile, the sound of cannonading was audi- 
ble from the other side of the range, and it was evident that an 
-engagement was taking place. The moment was a critical one, 
and the most phlegmatic commander might have been par- 
doned for yielding to excitement under such circumstances; yet 
Lee preserved his usual equanimity, and permitted his face to 
show no indication of the anxiety which he must have felt. 
That he was lost in deep reflection as he surveyed the moun- 
tain-pass in front was evident, yet neither in looks nor words 
did he show that he was not fully master of himself and of the 
occasion. And the absence of any overmastering anxiety was 
shown in another manner. Mr. Robison, a gentleman who 
lived near the Gap, invited Lee and his staff to take dinner 
with him; and this meal was partaken of with as good an 
appetite and with as much geniality of manner as if the occa- 
sion was an ordinary one, not a moment in which victory or 
ruin hung trembling in the balance. 

Fortunately, circumstances favored the Confederate cause. 
One of the reconnoitering parties found a woodchopper, who 
told them of an old road over the mountain to which he could 
guide them, and which might be practicable for infantry. 
Hood was at once directed to make an effort to lead his divis- 
ion across the mountain by this route. This he succeeded jn 
doing, and the head of his column reached the other side of 
the range by morning. Another route had also been discovered 
by which Wilcox was enabled to turn the Gap. 

In the mean time, Pope himself had been playing into the 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 95 

hands of his adversary. He had ordered McDowell to retire 
from the Gap and join him to aid in the anticipated crushing 
of Jackson. McDowell did so, leaving Rickett's division to 
hold the Gap. In evident ignorance of the vicinity of Long- 
street's corps, this force was also withdrawn during the night, 
and on the morning of the 29th Lee found the Gap unoccupied, 
and at once marched through at the head of Longstreet's col- 
umn. On reaching Gainesville, three miles beyond the Gap, 
he found Stuart, who informed him of Jackson's situation. 
The division was at once marched into position on Jackson's 
right. 

Pope had unknowingly favored the advance of the Con- 
federate commander. His removal of McDowell from his 
position had been a tactical error of such magnitude that it 
could not well be retrieved. The object of the movement had 
been to surround Jackson at Manassas Junction, upon which 
place the several corps of the army were marching by various 
routes. Pope wrote in his order to McDowell, " If you will 
march promptly and rapidly at the earliest dawn upon Manas- 
sas Junction, we shall bag the whole crowd." The scheme was 
a good one, but for two unconsidered contingencies. Had 
Jackson awaited the enemy at Manassas Junction, he ^'ould 
have found himself in a trap. But he did not choose to j so. 
When the van of the Federal columns reached the Junction^ 
they found that the bird had flown. And Longstreet's corps, 
which might have been prevented from passing the Bull Run 
range, had been given free opportunity to cross to the aid of 
Jackson, who on the night of the 27th and morning of the 28th 
left the Junction and made a rapid march to the westward. 
The error was a fatal one to the hopes of the boasting West- 
ern general. 

The cannonade at the Gap on the 28th had informed Jack- 
son of Lee's proximity. He at once took a position north of 
the Warrenton turnpike, his left resting on Bull Run, near 
Sudley Church, and his right extending toward Gainesville. 
The distance of this position from the Warrenton road varied 
from one to two miles, t!ie greater part of the left embracing a 
railroad cut, while the centre and right occupied a command- 



196 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

iiig ridfi^e. In this position Jackson could easily unite with 
Lee on his passing Thoroughfare Gap, or, failing in that and 
being hard pressed, he could retire by the east end of Bull Run 
Mountain and unite with Lee on the north side of that moun- 
tain. The divisions of Ewell and Taliaferro formed the right 
and centre of Jackson's line of battle, while that of A. P. Hill 
constituted his left. Jackson had barely completed his arrange- 
ments when a heavy column of Federal infantry (King's divis- 
ion of jNIcDowell's corps) appeared on the Warrenton turnpike. 
In order to delay its advance several batteries were placed in 
position, which by a well-directed fire caused them to halt; at 
the same time Jackson ordered Taliaferro to deploy one brigade 
across the Warrenton turnpike, holding his other brigades in 
reserve. Ewell was directed to support him. About three 
o'clock the Federals bore down in heavy force upon Ewell and 
Taliaferro, who maintained their positions with admirable 
firmness, repelling attack after attack until night. The loss on 
both sides was considerable. Among the wounded on the side 
of the Confederates were Generals Taliaferro and Ewell, the 
latter seriously, having to lose his leg. 

Jackson, with barely 20,000 men, now found himself con- 
fronted by the greater part of the Federal army. Any com- 
mander with less firmness would have sought safety in retreat. 
But having heard the Confederate guns at Thoroughfare Gap, 
he knew that Lee would join him the next day. Therefore he 
determined to hold his position at all hazards. 

By the morning of the 29th, as we have already described, 
Hood's division had reached the south side of the mountain, 
and early in the day was joined by the remainder of Long- 
street's corps by way of the open Gap. 

While these important movements were in progress. Pope 
had resumed his attack upon Jackson, and was pressing him 
with his whole force, hoping to crush him before he could be 
relieved, by Lee. On the arrival of Lee, Pope discontinued 
his attack, and retired to the position which the year before 
had been the scene of the famous battle of Bull Run, or Manas- 
sas. Lee then took a position opposite, with Longstreet's corps 
occupying a lower range of hills extending across and at right 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 97 

angles to the Warrenton turnpike, while Jackson occupied the 
line of railroad before mentioned, which, slightly deviating 
from the general direction of Longstreet's position, formed 
with it an obtuse crotchet, opening toward the enemy. An 
elevated ridge connecting Jackson's right with Longstreet's 
left, forming the centre of the Confederate position, was 
strongly occupied with artillery to fill the interval between 
lyongstreet and Jackson. The hills on the right were crowned 
by the Washington Artillery, commanded by Colonel Walton. 
The remainder of the artillery was distributed at prominent 
points throughout the line, while Stuart's cavalry covered its 
flanks and observed the movements of the enemy. Since 
Pope's retreat from Culpeper Court-house he had been fre- 
quently reinforced by detachments from the armies of McClel- 
lan and Burnside. The greater part of those armies having 
now joined him, and the remainder being in supporting-dis- 
tance, his arrogance revived, and, being sure of an easy vic- 
tory, he sent the most sanguine despatches to the authorities 
at Washington. In preparation for battle he took a position 
embracing a succession of low ridges, nearly parallel to, and 
about a mile from, the line assumed by Lee. About midway 
between the two armies lay a narrow valley, through which 
meandered a small brook, whose low murmurs seemed to invite 
the weary soldier to slake his thirst with its cool and limpid 
waters. The afternoon of the 29th was principally occupied 
in preparation. lyongstreet' s corps, on the right, was formed 
in two lines. Jackson, on the left, having been considerably 
reduced by rapid marching and hard fighting, could present 
only a single line with a small reserve. 

On the morning of the 30th an ominous silence pervaded 
both armies. Each seemed to be taking the measure of its 
antagonist. Lee saw threatening him the armies of Pope, 
McClellan, and Burnside, whose combined strength exceeded 
150,000 men, while his own army was less than 60,000 strong. 
Notwithstanding this disparity of numbers, the presence of 
Lee, Jackson, and Longstreet inspired the troops with confi- 
dence far exceeding their numerical strength. About eight 
o'clock the Federal batteries opened a lively cannonade upon 



[98 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the Confederate centre, which was responded to with spirit by 
the battalions of Colonel Stephen D. Lee and Major Shoe- 
maker. This practice having continued for an hour, both 
sides relapsed into silence. This was the prelude to the ap- 
proaching contest. Between twelve and one o'clock the can- 
nonade was resumed in earnest. The thunder of cannon shook 
the hills, while shot and shell, shrieking and hissing, filled the 
air, and the sulphurous smoke, settling in black clouds along 
the intervening valley, hung like a pall over the heavy col- 
umns of infantry which rushed into the "jaws of death." 
Pope, having directed his principal attack upon the Confeder- 
ate left, advanced his infantry in powerful force against Jack- 
son, whose single line behind the friendly shelter of railroad 
cuts and embankments received this mighty array with tre- 
mendous volleys of musketry, hurling back line after line, 
only to be replaced by fresh assailants. Each moment the 
conflict became closer and more deadly. At times the roar of 
musketry gave place to the clash of bayonets, and at one point, 
after the Confederates had exhausted their ammunition, the 
assailants were repelled with stones which had been thrown up 
from a neighboring excavation. At the critical moment when 
the fate of Jackson'-s corps was trembling in the balance, Col- 
onel Lee dashed with his artillerj' into a position that enfiladed 
the Federal right wing and hurled upon it a storm of shot and 
shell. At the same moment Longstreet's infantry rushed like 
a tempest against Pope's left, driving everything before it. 
This assault was irresistible, and speedily decided the fortune 
of the day. Pope's left wing gave way before it at every point, 
and his right, being assailed in flank and threatened in rear, 
relaxed its efforts and began to retire. 

The Confederates, seeing the enemy in retreat, pursued with 
a shout that rose above the din of battle, and pressed him with 
such vigor that he soon fell into disorder and broke into rapid 
flight toward Bull Run. The pursuit was continued until 
arrested by the cover of night. After the storm of battle the 
field presented a scene of dreadful carnage. Thirty thousand 
men hors dc cojnbat^ wrecks of batteries and the mangled car- 
casses of horses, gave proof of the desperate character of the 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 99 

conflict. Pope left upon the field 15,000 killed, wounded, and 
prisoners, while his army was greatly reduced by stragglers, 
who, imbued with the sentiment, "He who fights and runs 
away will live to fight another day," sought refuge far beyond 
the range of battle. The Confederate loss was also heavy, the 
killed and wounded being numbered at between 7000 and 8000. 
Beside the heavy losses vn personnel sMstdA-a^di by the Federals, 
a large amount of valuable property fell into the hands of the 
victor, the most important of which was twenty-five thousand 
stand of small-arms and twenty-three pieces of artillery; also a 
large amount of medical stores was subsequently taken at 
Centreville. 

Pope retired to Centreville, where he was opportunely joined 
by Generals Sumner and Franklin with 25,000 fresh troops, 
upon which Pope endeavored to rally his army. 

General Lee, being well aware that powerful reinforcements 
from McClellan's and Burnside's armies and from other sources 
had been ordered to join Pope, did not deem it advisable to 
immediately pursue the retreating enemy, but prudently paused ^ 
to ascertain what force he had to contend with before renewing 
the conflict. After the close of the battle Colonel Long made 
a personal reconnoissance of the whole field and reported to 
Lee. Wishing to strike the enemy another blow before he 
could recover from the effects of his repulse, Lee by rapid 
movement turned Centreville on the ist of September, and 
took a position on the Little River turnpike, between Chantilly 
and Ox Hill, with the view of intercepting his retreat to Wash- 
ington, This movement was covered by Robertson's cavalry, 
while Stuart advanced to Germantown, a small village a few 
miles east of Ox Hill, where he discovered the Federal army 
in retreat. After a sharp attack Stuart was obliged to retire 
before a superior force. About dusk A. P. Hill's division en- 
countered a large detachment of the enemy at Ox Hill. A brief 
but sanguinary combat ensued, whose dramatic effect was 
greatly heightened by a furious thunderstorm, which burst 
upon the combatants almost simultaneously with the clash of 
arms. A singular opportunity was thus presented for contrast- 
ing the warring of the elements with the strife of man, and 



<ff 



200 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of comparing the acts of man with the power of Omnipotence. 
It was seen how greatly peals of thunder and vivid lightning, 
intensified by the darkness of night, enfeebled the flash and 
roar of musketry and cannon. The combatants being sep- 
arated by night and storm. Hill's division occupied the field, 
while the Federals resumed the retreat. In this engagement 
they numbered among their slain two distinguished officers 
(Generals Kearny and Stephens), whose loss was regretted by 
friends in both armies. Pope made good his retreat during the 
night, and we once more see the fugitives from Manassas seek- 
ing a refuge within the defences of Washington. 

Since Pope, on assuming the command of the Army of the 
Potomac, expressed his disregard for lines of communica- 
tion and plans of operation, declaring that his headquarters 
should always be found in the saddle, it may be interesting to 
know the effect the advantage taken by Lee of this novelty in 
the art of war had upon the Federal authorities in Washing- 
ton. I shall therefore introduce some of the correspondence 
between President Lincoln, McClellan, Halleck, and Pope : 

"August 29, 1S62 — 2.30 P.M. 

"What news from direction of Manassas Junction? What 
generally ? 

"A. Lincoln." 






"August 29, 1862 — 2.45 P. 

"The last news I received from direction of Manassas 
from stragglers, to the effect that the enemy was evacuatf 
Centreville and retiring toward Thoroughfare Gap. This is 
by no means reliable. 

"I am clear that one of two courses should be adopted: 
First, to concentrate all our available forces to open commu- 
nication with Pope ; second, to leave Pope to get out of his 
scrape, and at once use all our means to make the capital per- 
fectly safe. No middle course will now answer. Tell me 
what you wish me to do, and I will do all in my power to 
accomplish it. I wish to know what my orders and author- 
ity are. I ask for nothing, but will obey whatever orders 



POPE OUTGENERALLED. -20I 

you give, I only ask a prompt decision, that I may at once 
give the necessary orders. It will not do to delay longer. 

"Geo. B. McClellan, 
' ' Major-general. ' ' 

"August 29, 1S62. 

"Yours of to-day just received. I think your first alterna- 
tive — to wit, to concentrate all our available forces to open com- 
munication with Pope — is the right one. But I wish not to con- 
trol. That I now leave to General Halleck, aided by your 
counsels. 

"A. Lincoln." 

"August 29, 1S62. 

"I think you had better place Sumner's corps, as it arrives, 
near the fortifications, and particularly at the Chain Bridge. 
The principal thing to be feared now is a cavalry raid into this 
city, especially in the night-time. Use Cox's and Tyler's bri- 
gades and the new troops for the same object, if you need them. 
Porter writes to Burnside from Bristoe, g.30 p. m. yesterday, 
that Pope's forces were then moving on Manassas, and that 
Burnside would soon hear of them by way of Alexandria. 

"General Cullum has gone to Harper's Ferry, and I have 
only a single regular officer for duty in the office. Please send 
some of your officers to-day to see that every precaution is 
taken at the forks against a raid ; also at the bridges. 

" H. W. Halleck, 
* ' General-in-chief. ' ' 



r 



" August 30, 1 862. 

"Franklin's and all of Sumner's corps should be pushed 
forward with all possible despatch. They must use their legs 
and make forced marches. Time now is everything. Send 
some sharp-shooters on train to Bull Run. The bridges and 
property are threatened by bands of Prince William cavalry. 
Give Colonel Haupt all the assistance you can. The sharp- 
shooters on top of cars can assist in unloading trains. 

"H. W. Halleck, 
" General-in-chief. '''' 



202 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

"August 30, 1862. 

"Sumner's corps was fully in motion by 2.30 p.m., and 
Franklin's was past Fairfax at 10 a. m., moving forward as 
rapidh' as possible. I have sent the last cavalryman I have 
to the front ; also every other soldier in my command, except 
a small camp-guard. The firing in front has been extremely 
heavy for the last hour. 

"Geo. B. McClellan, 
' ' Major-general. ' ' 

" Centreville, August 31, 1862. 

"Our troops are all here and in position, though much used 
up and worn out. I think it would perhaps have been greatly 
better if Sumner and Franklin had been here three or four 
days ago ; but you may rely upon our giving them as desperate 
a fight as I can force our men to stand up to. I should like to 
know whether you feel secure about Washington should this 
army be destroyed. I shall fight it as long as a man will stand 
up to the work. You must judge what is to be done, having 
in view the safety of the capital. The enemy is already push- 
ing a cavalry reconnoissance in our front at Cub Run — whether 
in advance of an attack to-day I don't know yet. 

"I send you this that you may know our position and my 
purpose. 

"Jno. Pope, 
' ' Major-general. ' ' 



i«* 



« 



CHAPTER XII. 

ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 

Purpose of the Invasion of Maryland. — The Army Moves North. — Condition and Spirit 
of the Troops. — Proclamation Issued. — Jackson Advances on Harper's Ferry. — Iti. 
Capture. — McClellan at Frederick. — Lee's Army Order Found. — Position of Con- 
federate Army. — Battle of Boonsboro' Gap. — Federal Success. — Lee's Stand at 
Sharpsburg. — McClellan Attacks. — The Battle. — Its Results. — Anecdotes of Lee. 

BEFORE proceeding with the operations of the Army of 
Northern Virginia, it is necessary to refer briefly to a por- 
tion of the political history of the Confederacy bearing on mili- 
tary affairs. 

At the commencement of hostilities the Confederate Govern- 
ment determined to conduct the war purely on defensive prin- 
ciples. In view of the immense superiority of the North over 
the South in all the essentials for creating armies and the pros- 
ecution of war, this was the true policy to be adopted. It must 
be remembered, however, that a strictly non-aggressive system 
does not always ensure the best defence; for it frequently hap- 
pens that a judicious departure from the defensive to bold and 
energetic offensive measures is productive of the most desirable 
results, and that it is far better to govern the course of events 
than to passively yield to its control. At an early period of 
the war a favorable opportunity occurred for applying the prin- 
ciple above mentioned. 

The occasion here referred to is that of the battle of Manas- 
sas, in July, 1861, when the defeat of McDowell's army left the 
Federal capital defenceless. At that time a prompt and vigor- 
ous advance of the Confederate army upon Washington City 
would very probably have resulted in its capture, and a pene- 
tration into Maryland would have gained the adherence of that 
State to the Confederacy. This course, however, was rejected — 
partly on the ground that the capture of Washington would 
firmly unite the political parties of the North and obliterate 

203 



204 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the hope of a speedy termination of the war, and partly for 
the reason that the military preparation for an advance was 
incomplete. This latter objection could have been easily over- 
come by an energetic commander with the cordial support of 
the Government. And subsequent events clearly proved that 
an erroneous conception dictated the timid policy that was 
pursued. 

It is now obvious that the capture of Washington and an 
invasion of Maryland in 1861 could not have more firmly united 
the political parties of the North than the mortifying defeat of 
the army at Manassas had done. Moreover, the year that had 
since elapsed had been so industriously improved by the Fed- 
eral Government that the defences of Washington were now 
complete and the political bonds of Maryland were firmly 
riveted. 

With the view of shedding additional light on this period of 
the history of the war, we shall here introduce a scrap of per- 
sonal information. On the 2d of September succeeding Pope's 
defeat. Colonel Long wrote from the dictation of General Lee 
to President Davis in substance as follows: As Virginia was 
free from invaders, the Federal army being within the defences 
of Washington, shattered and dispirited by defeat, and as the 
passage of the Potomac could now be effected without opposi- 
tion, the present was deemed a proper moment, with His Ex- 
cellency's approbation, to penetrate into Maryland. The pres- 
ence of the victorious army could not fail to alarm the Federal 
authorities and make them draw forces from every quarter for 
the defence of their capital, thus relieving the Confederacy 
from pressure and — for a time, at least — from the exhaustion 
incident to invasion. The presence of a powerful army would 
also revive the hopes of the Marvlanders, allow them a free 
exercise of their sympathies, and give them an opportunity of 
rallying to the aid of their Southern friends. Above all, the 
position of the army, should it again be crowned with victory, 
would be most favorable for seizing- and making the best use 
of the advantages which such an event would produce. In 
conclusion, a few remarks were made in regard to the condi- 
tion of the army. 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 205 

In anticipation of the President's concurrence, General Lee 
immediately began the preparation for the invasion of Mary- 
land. On the 3d he put the army in motion, and on the 4th 
took a position between Leesburg and the contiguous fords of 
the Potomac. The inhabitants of this section of country, hav- 
ing been crushed by the heel of oppression, were now trans- 
ported with the cheering prospect of liberty. The presence of 
the army whose movements they had anxiously and proudly 
watched filled them with unbounded joy. Their doors were 
thrown open and their stores were spread out in hospitable 
profusion to welcome their honored guest. Leesburg, being 
on the border, had at an early period fallen into the hands of 
the enemy. All of the men who were able had joined the 
army, and many of those who were unfit for service had 
retired within the Confederate lines to escape the miseries of 
the Northern prison; so that the women and children had been 
left almost alone. Now all these gladly returned to their 
homes, and tender greetings on every side penetrated to the 
deepest recesses of the heart and made them thank God that 
misery and woe had been replaced by happiness and joy. 

The strength of the Confederate army at this time, including 
D. H. Hill's division, did not exceed 45,000 effective men; yet, 
though it had been greatly reduced in numbers during the cam- 
paign through which it had just passed, its spirit was raised by 
the victories it had achieved. Its numerical diminution was 
not so much the result of casualties in battle as that of losses 
incident to long and rapid marches with insufiicient supplies 
of food and the want of shoes. It frequently happened that 
the only food of the soldiers was the green corn and fruit gath- 
ered from the fields and orchards adjacent to the line of march, 
and often the bravest men were seen with lacerated feet pain- 
fully striving to keep pace with their comrades, until, w^orn out 
with pain and fatigue, they were obliged to yield and wait to 
be taken up by the ambulances or wagons, to be carried where 
their wants could be supplied. 

The invasion of Maryland being determined on, the army 
was stripped of all incumbrances, and, from fear that the sol- 
diers mio-ht be induced to retaliate on the defenceless inhabit- 



206 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ants for outrages committed by the Federal troops upon the 
people of the South, stringent orders were issued against strag- 
gling and plundering. These orders were strictly enforced 
throughout the campaign. Lee's earnestness in this particular 
will be shown later in the chapter. 

General Lee at the beginning of this march was suffering 
from a painful hurt which to some extent disabled him through- 
out the Maryland campaign. On the day after the second 
battle of Manassas he was standing near the stone bridge, sur- 
rounded by a group of officers, when a squadron of Federal 
cavalry suddenly appeared on the brow of a neighboring hill. 
A movement of excitement in the group followed, with the 
effect of frightening the general's horse. The animal gave a 
quick start, and his master, who was standing beside him with 
his arm in the bridle, was flung violently to the ground with 
such force as to break some of the bones of his right hand. 
This disabled him so that he was unable to ride during the 
greater part of the campaign. 

The army was at this time in anything but a presentable 
condition. The long marches, hard fighting, and excessive 
hardships they had gone through since leaving Richmond had 
by no means improved the appearance of the men, and, in the 
words of General Jones, who commanded Jackson' sold " Stone- 
wall " division, "never had the army been so ragged, dirty, 
and ill provided for as on this march." Yet never were the 
men in better spirits. They crossed the river to the music of 
the popular air, "Maryland, my Maryland," while their hearts 
beat high with hopes of new victories to be won in that far 
North from which the hosts of their invaders had conic, and 
with desire to wrest their sister-State of Maryland from the 
iron grasp of the foe. The Marylanders in the r-anks felt a 
natural sentiment of exultation at the cheering prospect of 
relieving their native commonwealth from what was to them 
a hateful bondage, while the Virginians — many of whom now 
looked for the first time on that noble stream which formed the 
northern boundary of the Confederacy — were filled with joyful 
expectations of "conquering a peace," perhaps in the fields of 
Pennsylvania, or at least of making the North suffer in its 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 207 

own homes some of the horrors of war which it had freely 
inflicted upon the South. 

The passage of the Potomac was successfully accomplished 
on the 5th. The infantry, artillery, and trains crossed at 
White's and Cheek's fords, the cavalry having previously 
crossed with instructions to seize important points and cover 
the movements of the army. From the Potomac, General lyce 
advanced to Frederick, at which place he arrived on the 6th 
and established himself behind the Monocacy. He at the same 
time seized the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and the principal 
roads to Baltimore, Washington, Harper's Ferry, and the upper 
Potomac. From this important position radiated several lines 
upon which he could operate. Those toward Harper's Ferry, 
Baltimore, and Pennsylvania were unoccupied, while that in 
the direction of Washington was held by the Federal army. 
As the principal object of the present advance into Maryland 
was to create a diversion in her favor in order that if so dis- 
posed she might array herself beside her sister Southern States, 
General Lee determined to remain at Frederick a sufficient time 
to allow the Marylanders to rally to his support. 

At the commencement of hostilities many brave Marylanders* 
had flocked to the Confederacy, and there were soon seen in the 
Southern ranks Elzey, G. H. Steuart, Bradley, Johnson, Mc- 
Lean, Marshall, Andrews, and a host of others of a like noble 
and generous spirit. Many of these gallant gentlemen were 
now with the army, anxious to assist in rescuing their State 
from the Federal authority. 
• On the ytli, General Lee issued the following proclamation. 

" Headquarters Army N. Va., 
Near Frederick Town, 8th September, 1862. 

'*To THE People of Maryland: 

"It is right that you should know the purpose that has 
brought the army under my command within the limits of 
your State, so far as that purpose concerns yourselves. 

"The people of the Confederate States have long watched 
with the deepest sympathy the wrongs and outrages that have 
been inflicted upon the citizens of a Commonwealth allied to 



208 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the States of the South by the strongest social, political, and 
commercial ties. 

"They have seen with profound indignation their sister- 
State deprived of every right and reduced to the condition of 
a conquered province. 

"Under the pretence of supporting the Constitution, but in 
violation of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have 
been arrested and imprisoned upon no charge and contrary to 
all forms of law; the faithful and manly protest against this 
outrage made by the venerable and illustrious Marylander to 
whom in better days no citizen appealed for right in vain was 
treated with scorn and contempt; the government of your chief 
city has been usurped by armed strangers; your legislature has 
been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its members; freedom 
of the press and of speech has been suppressed; words have 
been declared offences by an arbitrary decree of the Federal 
executive, and citizens ordered to be tried by a military com- 
mission for what they may dare to speak. 

"Believing that the people of Maryland possessed a spirit 
too lofty to submit to such a government, the people of the 
South have long wished to aid you in throwing off this for- 
eign yoke, to enable you again to enjoy the inalienable rights 
of freemen and restore independence and sovereignty to your 
State. 

" In obedience to this wish our army has come among you, 
and is prepared to assist you with the power of its arms in 
regaining the rights of which you have been despoiled. 

"This, citizens of Maryland, is our mission, so far as you 
are concerned. 

" No constraint upon your free will is intended ; no intimi- 
dation will be allowed. 

"Within the limits of this army at least, ]Mar}-landers shall 
once more enjoy their ancient freedom of thought and speech. 

"We know no enemies among you, and will protect all, of 
every opinion. 

"It is for you to decide your destiny freely and without 
constraint. 

"This army will respect your choice, whatever it may be; 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 209 

and, while the Southern people will rejoice to welcome you to 
your natural position among them, they will only welcome you 
when you come of your own free will. 

"R. E. Lee, 
^''General comfuanding.'''' 

This was coldly received, and it soon became evident that 
the expectation of hearty co-operation from Maryland was fal- 
lacious. The Marylanders as a people sympathized with the 
Confederates, but stood aloof because they did not wish to see 
their State become the theatre of war. 

It was not without surprise that General Lee discovered, 
upon reaching Frederick, that Harper's Ferry was still garri- 
soned. He had expected on entering Maryland that it would 
be at once abandoned, as it should have been had ordinary 
military principles been observed. Its continued occupation 
subjected its defenders to imminent danger of capture. Yet, 
through a military error, its occupation was unfavorable to the 
success of the Confederate movement, particularly if there was 
any idea entertained by General Lee of invading Pennsylvania. 
It would not do to leave this strongly-fortified post, on the 
direct line of communication of the army, in possession of the 
enemy; yet to reduce it needed a separation and retardation of 
the arm}' that seriously interfered with the projected move- 
ments, and might have resulted adversely to the Southern 
cause but for the rapidity of Jackson's marches and the errors 
of Colonel Miles, the commander of the garrison. This will 
appear when we come to describe the subsequent events. 

Yet, whatever might be the effect, its reduction was abso- 
lutely necessary ere any further operations of importance could 
be undertaken. Nor could the whole army be judiciously used 
for this purpose. Not only is it extremely unusual for a com- 
mander to use his whole force for a service which can be per- 
iormed by a detachment, but in this case it would have neces- 
sitated a recrossing of the Potomac, with the strong probability 
that McClellan would take sure measures to prevent a return 
of the army into Maryland. 

This service, had the claims of senior rank been alone 

14 



2IO • MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

considered, should have been intrusted to Longstreet; but it 
was given to Jackson on account of his superior qualifications 
for duty of this character, Longstreet making no objection. 
Jackson was therefore directed to move his corps on the morn- 
ing of the loth by way of Williamsport to Martinsburg, to 
capture or disperse the Federal force at that place, and then 
proceed to Harper's Ferry and take steps for its immediate 
reduction. At the same time. Major-general McLaws was 
ordered to move with his and Anderson's divisions by the most 
direct route upon Maryland Heights, to seize that important 
position and co-operate with Jackson in his attack on Harper's 
Ferry. Brigadier-general Walker was instructed to recross the 
Potomac with his division and occupy Loudoun Heights for 
the same purpose. The several movements were executed with 
wonderful celerity and precision. 

Jackson on leaving Frederick marched with great rapidity 
by way of Middletown, Boonsboro', and Williamsport, near 
which latter place he forded the Potomac on the nth and 
entered Virginia. Here he disposed his forces so as to pre- 
vent an escape of the garrison of Harper's Ferr}^' in this direc- 
tion and marched upon that place, the rear of which he reached 
on the 13th. On his approach General White evacuated ]\Iar- 
tinsburg and retired with its garrison to Harper's Ferry. On 
reaching Bolivar Heights, Jackson found that Walker was 
already in position on Loudoun Heights, and that McLaws had 
reached the foot of ]\Liryland Heights, the key to Harper's 
Ferry, since it is the loftiest of the three heights by which 
that place is surrounded, and is sufficiently near to reach it 
even by musketry. Harper's Ferry, in fact, is a mere trap 
for its garrison, since it lies open to cannonade from the three 
heights named ; so that the occupation of these renders it com- 
pletely untenable. 

Colonel Miles had posted a small force under Colonel Ford 
on Maryland Heights, retaining the bulk of his troops in 
Harper's Ferry. Instead of removing his whole command to 
the heights, wliich military prudence plainly dictated, and 
which his subordinates strongly recommended, he insisted upon 
a literal obedience to General Halleck's orders to hold Harper's 



AD VANCE INTO MAR YLAND. 2 1 1 

Ferry to the last extremity. In fact, Mar>'land Heights was 
quickly abandoned altogether, Ford but feebly resisting McLaws 
and retiring before his advance, first spiking his guns and hurl- 
ing them down the steep declivity. This retreat left Maryland 
Heights open to occupation by the assailing force, and it was 
not long ere McLaws had succeeded in dragging some guns to 
the summit of the rugged ridge and placing them in position 
to command the garrison below. Jackson and Walker were 
already in position, and, by the morning of the 14th, Harper's 
Ferry was completely invested. During the day the summits 
of the other hills were crowned with artillery, which was ready 
to open fire by dawn of the 15th. 

There was never a more complete trap than that into which 
the doomed garrison had suffered itself to fall. Escape and 
resistance were alike impossible. Maryland Heights might 
easily have been held until McClellan came up had the whole 
garrison defended it, but its abandonment was a fatal movement. 
They lay at the bottom of a funnel-shaped opening commanded 
by a plunging fire from three directions and within reach of 
volleys of musketry from Maryland Heights. Two hours of 
cannonade sufficed to prove this, and at the end of that time 
Colonel Miles raised the white flag of surrender. The signal 
was not immediately perceived by the Confederates, who con- 
tinued their fire, one of the shots killing the Federal com- 
mander. The force surrendered numbered between 11,000 
and 12,000 men, while there fell into Jackson's hands 73 pieces 
of artillery, 13,000 stand of arms, 200 wagons, and a large quan- 
tity of military" stores. 

Pending the reduction of Harper's Ferry, General Lee moved 
by easy marches with two divisions of Longstreet's corps to 
the neighborhood of Hagerstown, leaving D. H. Hill with his 
division and a detachment of cavalry to serve as rear-guard, 
with instructions to hold the Boonsboro' pass of South Moun- 
tain. By taking a position between Williamsport and Hagers- 
town a junction could be easily effected with the troops operat- 
ing against Harper's Ferry, and on the reduction of that place 
Lee would have a secure line of communication through the 

Valley of Virginia, which would enable him to advance into 
/ 



212 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Pennsylvania or to assume such other line of operation as cir- 
cumstances might suggest. 

Since the advance of the Confederate army into Maryland 
no considerable Federal force had appeared, and as yet only 
some unimportant cavalry affairs had occurred. After the 
evacuation of Virginia the Army of the Potomac had been 
augmented by the addition of the Army of Virginia and that 
of General Burnside, giving it an effective strength of about 
90,000 men. This force was assigned to the command of 
General McClellan for active operations, and was put in mo- 
tion about the 6th of September. 

Although it was known in Washington that Lee had crossed 
the Potomac, McClellan was checked in his movements by 
General Halleck, who was still apprehensive that the ubiqui- 
tous Jackson or Stuart might suddenly appear before the city 
of Washington. 

When it became known that Lee had left Frederick and 
was advancing toward Hagerstown, McClellan advanced with 
greater confidence, and an attempt was made to relieve Har- 
per's Ferry. Franklin was sent to force his way through 
Crampton's Pass, in the South IMountain range. This pass 
was defended by Mumford's cavalr}', supported by a part of 
McLaws's division, under General Cobb, who had been sent 
back with three brigades under orders to hold Crampton's Pass 
imtil Harper's Ferry had surrendered, "even if he lost his last 
man in doing it." This pass is in the rear of, and but five 
miles from, Maryland Heights, and its occupation by the Fed- 
erals would have seriously imperilled the Confederate opera- 
tions. It was gallantly defended against the strong force of 
assailants, and, though Franklin succeeded in forcing his wa\' 
through by the morning of the 15th, he was too late : IMiles 
was already on the point of surrender. McLaws at once with- 
drew his force from Maryland Heights, with the exception of 
one regiment, and formed a line of battle across Pleasant Val- 
ley to resist the threatening corps. The surrenccr of the gar- 
rison immediately afterward left him a free line of retreat. He 
crossed the Potomac at the Ferry, and moved by wa}- of Shep- 
herdstown to rejoin Lee at Sharpsburg. The Conk derates 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 21 3 

had in this enterprise met with the most complete and grati- 
fymg success. 

The Federal army, moving with great caution and delibera- 
tion, reached Frederick on the 12th. Here occurred one of 
those untoward events which have so often changed the course 
of wars, and which in this instance completely modified the 
character of the campaign. A copy of General Lee's order 
directing the movements of the army accidentally fell into the 
hands of McClellan, who, being thus accurately informed of 
the position of the forces of his opponent, at once determined 
to abandon his cautious policy and boldly assume the offensive. 
He therefore pressed forward with the view of forcing the 
South Mountain passes, held by Hill, and of intruding himself 
between the wings of the Confederate army, with the hope of 
being able to crush them in detail before they could reunite. 

The order in question, addressed to D. H. Hill, was found 
by a soldier after the Confederate evacuation of Frederick, and 
was quickly in McClellan's possession. Hill has been blamed 
for unpardonable carelessness in losing it; yet, as the original 
order was still in his possession after the war, it is evident that 
the one found must have been a copy. The mystery is made 
clear by Colonel Venable, one of General Lee's staff-officers, in 
the following remark: "This is very easily explained. One 
copy was sent directly to Hill from headquarters. General 
Jackson sent him a copy, as he regarded Hill in his command. 
It is Jackson's copy, in his own handwriting, which General 
Hill has. The other was undoubtedly left carelessly by some 
one at Hill's headquarters." However that be, its possession 
by McClellan immediately reversed the character of his move- 
ments, which were changed from snail-like slowness to ener- 
getic rapidity. In his own words, ' ' Upon learning the contents 
of this order, I at once gave orders for a vigorous pursuit. ' ' 

The detachment by General Lee of a large portion of his 
army for the reduction of Harper's Ferry was made with the rea- 
sonable assurance that that object could be ejEFected and a junc- 
tion formed before General McClellan would be in position to 
press him. Though this expectation proved well based, yet it 
was imperilled by the unforeseen event above mentioned. 



214 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

The rapid movements to which the finding of Lee's order gave 
rise brought the leading corps of the Federal army in front of 
Hill's position upon South Mountain on the afternoon of the 
13th. This mountain is intersected by three passes in front of 
Boonsboro'. The main, or central, pass is traversed by the 
F'rederick and Boonsboro' turnpike; the second, three-fourths 
of a mile south-east of the first, is crossed by the old Sharps- 
burg turnpike; the third is an obscure pass behind the elevated 
crest, about a quarter of a mile north-west of the turnpike. 

General Hill's right occupied the south-east pass, and his 
left held the central. The centre was posted on a narrow 
mountain-road connecting the right and left. The pass on the 
left was watched by a small cavalry force. The position of 
Hill was strong, as it was only assailable by the pike on the left 
and the road on the right and along the rugged mountain-sides. 

Early on the morning of the 14th, General AlcClellan advanced 
to the attack, directing his principal efforts against the south- 
east pass. Hill maintained his position with his usual firmness 
and intrepidity', and his troops exhibited the same gallantry 
that had characterized them on various fields. 

At this time the position of the several corps of the Confed- 
erate army was the following: Jackson was at Harper's Ferry, 
about fifteen miles from Sharpsburg; Longstreet, at Hagers- 
town, a somewhat greater distance to the north of Sharpsburg; 
and D. H. Hill, at Boonsboro' Gap, eastward of these positions; 
while McClellan's whole force, with the exception of the de- 
tachment sent toward Harper's Ferry, lay east of the Gap. Had 
the Gap been left undefended, as it has been recently suggested 
it should have been, there would have been nothing to hinder 
McClellan from inserting his army between the two sections of 
the Confederate forces and attacking them in detail. The occu- 
pation of Sharpsburg by the enemy would have placed Lee in 
a difficult and dangerous position. Had he retired across the 
Potomac, as it has been suggested was his proper course to pur- 
sue, it would have been a virtual abandonment of his trains 
and artillery, which were then extended along the road between 
Hagerstown and Sharpsburg, and could luu-e been reached by 
McClellan with his cavalry in an hour or two from Boonsboro'. 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 21 5 

The battle of Boonsboro' was therefore necessary to the 
security of the army; and when, on the night of the 13th, Lee 
received information of the rapid advance of McClellan, he at 
once took steps for the effective reinforcement of General Hill. 
Ivongstreet's corps was put in motion for this purpose early in 
the morning of the 14th, and, fortunately, arrived at the Gap 
in time to pre\'ent Hill's brave men from being overwhelmed 
by the superior numbers of the enemy. 

This timely reinforcement secured the Confederate position. 
McClellan, finding that his efforts against the centre and right 
were unavailing, at length discontinued them, with the inten- 
tion of renewing the conflict at a more assailable point. The 
contest during the morning had been severe and the loss on 
each side considerable. On the side of the Confederates, the 
chief loss fell on the brigade of Brigadier-general Garland. 
This brigade numbered among its slain its gallant commander, 
who fell while bravely opposing a fierce attack on South-east 
Pass. 

When General Lee reached Boonsboro' with Longstreet's 
corps, he sent forward Colonel Long, Major Venable, and other 
members of his staff, to learn the condition of affairs in front. 
The pass on the left proved to be Ainoccupied, and a heavy 
Federal force was tending in that direction. In anticipation 
of an attack from this quarter. Hood's division was deployed 
across the turnpike and Rodes's was posted on the ridge over- 
looking the unoccupied pass, with Evans's brigade connecting 
his right with Hood's left. There was a small field in front of 
Evans and Hood, while Rodes was masked by the timber on 
the side of the mountain. About three o'clock the battle was 
renewed by McClellan, who with great energy directed his 
main attack against Rodes. This was successfully resisted 
until nightfall, when Rodes's troops gave way before the assault 
of a superior force. The possession of the ground that had 
been held by Rodes gave the Federals the command of the 
central pass, but they could not immediately avail themselves 
of their success, on account of the intervening darkness. 

Th$ Confederate position was now unt-enable, and its evac- 
uation became necessary. The withdrawal of the rear-guard 



2 I 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

was assigned to General Rodes, the successful execution of the 
movement being in a great measure due to the sagacity and 
boldness of Major Green Peyton, adjutant-general of Rodes' s 
division. 

At ten o'clock the next morning the Confederate army was 
safely in position at Sharpsburg. 

At Boonsboro', McClellan had displayed more than usual 
pertinacity in his attacks upon the Confederate position; yet 
these were met by the troops of Longstreet and Hill with a firm- 
ness worthy of the veterans of Manassas and the Chickahominy. 
Although Lee had 'been forced into an unexpected battle when 
his army was divided, he baffled McClellan in his designs by 
retarding him so as to gain time for the reduction of Harper's 
Ferry and to place himself where he could be easily joined by 
Jackson. 

On the morning of the 15th, Harper's Ferry was surrendered, 
and about noon General Lee received the report of its capture. 
Two courses now presented themselves to the general, each of 
which involved results of the highest importance. He might 
either retire across the Potomac and form a junction, in the 
neighborhood of Shepherdstown, with the forces that had been 
employed in the reduction of Harper's Ferry, or maintain his 
position at Sharpsburg and give battle to a superior force. By 
pursuing the former course the object of the campaign would 
be abandoned and the hope of co-operation from Maryland for 
ever relinquished. The latter, although hazardous, if success- 
ful would be productive of results more than commensurate 
with the risk attending its execution. Having a sympathy for 
the Mar>danders, to whom he had offered his services, and a 
confidence in the bravery of his troops and the strength of his 
position, he adopted the latter course, and prepared to receive 
the attack of General McClellan. 

Jackson's troops were hurried from Harper's Ferry and a 
strong defensive position was carefully selected. It Embraced 
the heights fringing the right bank of the Antictam east and 
south-east of the village of Sharpsburg and a range of hills 
stretching north-west to the Potomac. Lee's right and centre 
were protected by stone fences and ledges of rock, and his left 



AD VANCE INTO MAR YLAND. 2 1 7 

was principally covered by a wood. The right and centre were 
occupied by Longstreet's corps, D. H, Hill's division, and Lee's, 
Walton's, and Garnet.t's artillery, while Jackson's corps and 
Stuart's cavalry occupied the left. The Federal forces having 
been much shattered by the battle of the I4tli, McClellan did 
not resume his advance until late on the morning of the 15th, 
and did not appear before Sharpsburg until afternoon. 

He employed the following day chiefly in preparations for 
the battle. The corps of Hooker, Mansfield, Sumner, and 
Franklin, constituting his right, were massed opposite the 
Confederate left. The hills east of the Antietam which formed 
the centre of the Federal position were crowned by a powerful 
artillery, and Burnside's corps, which occupied the left, con- 
fronted the Confederate right. Porter's corps formed there- 
serve, while the cavalry operated on the flanks. Late in the 
afternoon Mansfield and Hooker crossed the Antietam opposite 
Longstreet's left. Some preliminary skirmishing closed the 
day. Both armies now lay on their arms, conscious that the 
next day would be marked by the most desperate battle that 
had yet been witnessed in the country. The Confederates, 
who had never known defeat, confident, in themselves, confi- 
dent in the strength of their position, and confident in their 
glorious leader, although less in numbers than their opponents 
by more than one-half, never doubted that victory would again 
rest on their tattered banners. The Federals, on their part, 
burning to obliterate the marks of defeat they had lately borne, 
were impatient for the approaching struggle. The Federal 
force present on the field amounted to 90,000 men; that of 
the Confederates, including the division of A. P. Hill, then at 
Harper's Ferry in charge of prisoners and captured property, 
amounted to 40,000. 

At dawn on- the 17th the corps of Mansfield and Hooker ad- 
vanced to the attack ; they were met by the divisions of Ander- 
son and Hood with their usual vigor. Being greatly outnum- 
bered, these divisions were reinforced by Evans's brigade and 
the division of D. H. Hill. The contest continued close and 
determined for more than an hour, when the Federals began to 
give way. They were hotly pressed. Hooker was wounded, 



2lS MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Mansfield was killed, and their corps were irretrievably shat- 
tered when relieved by the fresh corps of Sumner and Frank- 
lin. The Confederates, who had advanced more than a mile, 
were gradually borne back to their original position. McClel- 
lan now directed his chief attack upon Lee's left, with the 
hope of forcing it back, so that he might penetrate between it 
and the river and take the Confederate position in reverse. 
This attack was received by Jackson's corps with intrepidity. 
The veterans under Early, Trimble, Lawton, and Starke gal- 
lantly held their ground against large odds. At an opportune 
moment the Confederate line was reinforced by the division of 
McLaws and Walker-. The entire Confederate force, except 
D. R. Jones's division, on the right, was now engaged. 

The roar of musketry and the thunder of artillery proclaimed 
the deadly conflict that raged. These deafening sounds of bat- 
tle continued until about twelve o'clock, when they began to 
abate, and about one they ceased. The Federals had been re- 
pulsed at every point, and four corps were so much broken by 
loss and fatigue that they were unable to renew the contest. 

After the battle had concluded on the left General Burnside 
prepared to assault the Confederate right with 20,000 fresh 
troops. Fie had remained inactive during the forenoon; but 
when the attack on the Confederate left had failed, he pro- 
ceeded to force the passage of the Antietam at the bridge south- 
east of Sharpsburg, on the Pleasant Valley road, and at the 
ford below. These points were gallantly maintained by 
Toombs's brigade of Jones's division until about four o'clock, 
when they were carried. General Burnside then crossed the 
Antietam and formed his troops under the bluff. 

At five o'clock he advanced, and, quickly dispersing the 
small division of D. R. Jones, gained the crest of the ridge 
south of the town. At that moment the division of A. P. 
Hill, 4500 strong, just arrived from Harper's Ferry, was on 
the road which traverses its western slope. Seeing the Fede- 
ral line on its flank, the division faced to the right, and, taking 
advantage of the stone fence that bordered the road, delivered 
such destructive volleys that the Federals were forced to retire 
as suddenly as they had appeared. Sharply followed by Hill 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 21 Q 

and raked by the artillery, Biirnside was forced to recross the 
Antietam. Just as the sun disappeared in the west the last of 
Burnside's corps gained the eastern side. Thus closed the bat- 
tle of Sharpsburg. The Federal troops fought well and did 
honor to their gallant leaders, but, being compelled to attack 
a strong position defended by men who had been justly cha- 
racterized as the finest soldiers of the age, they failed to obtain 
the mastery of the field. The casualties on both sides were 
heavy; the numbers have never been accurately stated. On 
the side of the Federals were Mansfield killed. Major-general 
Hooker wounded, and a number of other distinguished officers 
killed or wounded; on the side of the Confederates, Brigadier- 
general Starke was killed and Brigadiers Lawton, Ripley, and 
G. B. Anderson were wounded, and a number of others were put 
/lors de combat. Anderson afterward died of his wound. 

Among the cases of individual gallantry, one of the most 
conspicuous was that of General Longstreet, with Majors Fair- 
fax and Sorrell and Captain Latrobe of his staff, who, on ob- 
serving a large Federal force approaching an unoccupied por- 
tion of his line, served with such effect two pieces of artillery 
that had been left without cannoneers that the Federals were 
arrested in their advance and speedily forced to retire beyond 
the range of the guns. 

During the night General Lee prepared for the renewal of 
the battle the next day. A part of his line was withdrawn to 
the range of hills west of the town, which gave him a very 
strong and much better field than that of the previous day. 
He remained in his new position during the i8th, prepared for 
battle ; but General McClellan, perceiving that his troops had 
been greatly disorganized by the battle of the previous day, 
declined resuming the attack until the arrival of 15,000 fresh 
troops that were hastening to his support. 

Foreseeing that no important results could be achieved by a 
second battle with McClellan' s augmented forces, and being 
unwilling to sacrifice unnecessarily his gallant men, Lee with- 
drew during the night to the south side of the Potomac, and 
on the 19th took a position a few miles west of Shepherds- 
town. 



2 20 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

When McClellan learned, on the morning of the 19th, that 
the Confederate position had been evacuated, he ordered an 
immediate pursuit, which, however, proved unavailing, as the 
Confederate rear-guard was disappearing in the defile leading 
from the ford below Shepherdstown when the Federal advance 
appeared on the opposite heights. A few batteries were then 
put into position, and a harmless cannonade commenced, which 
was kept up in a desultory manner during the greater part of 
the day. Late in the afternoon a large detachment approached 
the ford, and about nightfall dislodged General Pendleton, who 
had been charged with its defence, and effected a crossing with- 
out serious opposition. This occurrence was reported about 
midnight to General Lee, who immediately despatched orders to 
Jackson to take steps to arrest the Federal advance. The divis- 
ion of A. P. Hill, moving with rapidity, reached the mouth of 
the defile leading to the river just as the Federal detachment 
was debouching from it, and attacked this force with such im- 
petuosity that it was compelled to retire with heavy loss across 
the Potomac. I^IcClellan made no further attempt to continue 
offensive operations for several weeks, this interval being passed 
in the neighborhood of Sharpsburg in resting and reorganiz- 
ing his forces. This campaign, especially the battle of Sharps- 
burg, has been the subject of much discussion, in which the 
Northern writers generally claim for the Federal arms a com- 
plete victory ; but the historian of the Army of the Potomac, 
with greater impartiality, acknowledges Antietam (or Sharps- 
burg) to have been a drawn battle. This admission is corrob- 
orated by the evidence of General McClellan in his testimony 
before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, 
since he admitted that his losses on the 17th had been so heavy, 
and that his forces were so greatly disorganized on the morn- 
ing of the 1 8th, that, although General Lee still maintained a 
defiant attitude, he was unable to resume the attack. S win- 
ton, however, claims for the Army of the Potomac a political 
victory, with apparent justice ; but in reality his claim is witl> 
out foundation, for Lee was politically defeated before the 
occurrence of a collision with McClellan by his failure to 
induce the Marylanders to rally in any considerable force to 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 221 

liis standard ; and even when McClellan, by accident, became 
aware of the disposition of his forces and his intentions, he 
was establishing a line of communication that would enable 
him to engage his opponent with no other hope of political 
results than such as would naturally arise from a victory, 
whether gained north or south of the Potomac. The severe 
chastisement that had been inflicted on the Army of the Po- 
tomac is evident from the long prostration it exhibited, not- 
withstanding the facility with which it received reinforcements 
and supplies. 

As a relief to the tale of war and bloodshed through which 
this chapter has carried us, we may relate some incidents of the 
battle of Sharpsburg of a lighter and more personal character. 
Lee's position during the engagement was on a hill to the east 
of Sharpsburg, which gave him an oversight of the whole 
field. While standing here conversing with lyongstreet and 
attended by some members of his staff, D. H. Hill rode up on 
an errand to the general. He was admonished to dismount, as 
his conspicuous appearance might draw the fire of the enemy. 
He declined to do so, however, as he was in great haste to 
deliver an important communication. A minute afterward a 
puff of smoke was seen to rise from a distant Federal battery, 
and a shell came whirling toward the group. It had been well 
aimed, and, though a little too low for the horseman, was in 
the direct line for his horse. It passed very near General Lee, 
who was standing by the horse's head talking with Hill, and, 
striking the animal's fore legs, took them both off below the 
knee. The poor brute fell on his knees, and remained in that 
position, with his back at an awkward slant, while his startled 
rider was making ineffectual efforts to dismount. He threw his 
legs in the usual manner over the cantle of the saddle, but in 
his haste found it impossible to get off his horse, while the 
ludicrous spectacle which he presented brought a roar of laugh- 
ter from the persons present. ' ' Tr}' it the other way, ' ' suggested 
Longstreet. "Throw your legs over the pommel and see if 
you cannot get off that way." Hill obeyed the suggestion, 
and finally succeeded in dismounting. He was good-natured 
enough to take part in the merriment which his adventure had 



22 2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

excited. The shell, however, had not yet finished its de^th- 
dealingf work. It went on and fell into a Confederate refjiment 
behind a hill, where it killed several men. 

Another anecdote of the Sharpsbnrg- engagement is of inter- 
est as descriptive of an instance of General Lee's losing his 
temper — a circumstance which happened only twice, to my 
knowledge, during my long acquaintance with him. He was 
not wanting in temper, but was, on the contrary, a man of 
decided character and strong passions; yet he had such complete 
control of himself that few men ever knew him to deviate from 
his habitual calm dignity of mien. On the occasion here 
alluded to Lee was riding along a little in rear of the lines, 
when he came across a soldier who had stolen and killed a 
pig, which he was surreptitiously conveying to his quarters. 
Positive orders having been given against pillage of every 
kind, this flagrant disregard of his commands threw the 
general into a hot passion. Though usually greatly disinclined 
to capital punishment, he determined to make an example of 
this skulking pilferer, and ordered the man to be arrested and 
taken back to Jackson with directions to have him shot. Jack- 
son, on receiving the culprit, could not quite see the utility of 
his execution, when men were already scarce, and it struck him 
that it would answer the purpose quite as well to put the fellow 
in the front ranks of the army at the most threatened point 
and let the enemy perform the work assigned to him. He 
accordingly did so, placing him where his chance of being shot 
was a most excellent one. The fellow, though fond of surrep- 
titious pork, was not wanting in courage, and behaved gallantly. 
He redeemed his credit by his bravery, and came through the 
thick of the fight unscathed. If a commonplace witticism be 
not out of order here, it may be said that, though he lost his 
pig, he "saved his bacon." 

While on the subject of Lee's self-command it may be of 
interest to quote some incidents from Colonel Taylor's Four 
Years with General Lee as illustrative of his strong power over 
his feelings even on the most trying occasions: 

"Tidings reached General Lee soon after his return to Vir- 
ginia (from Maryland) of the serious illness of one of his daugh- 



ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 223 

ters, the darling of liis flock. For several days apprehensions 
were entertained that the next intelligence would be of her 
death. One morning the mail was received, and the private 
letters were distributed, as was the custom, but no one knew 
whether any home-news had been received by the general. At 
the usual hour he summoned me to his presence to know if 
there were any matters of army routine upon which his judg- 
ment and action were desired. The papers containing a few 
such cases were presented to him; he reviewed and gave his 
orders in regard to them. I then left him, but for some cause 
returned in a few moments, and with my accustomed freedom 
entered his tent without announcement or ceremony, when I 
was startled and shocked to see him overcome with grief, an 
open letter in his hands. That letter contained the sad intel- 
ligence of his daughter's death. .... 

" His army demanded his first thought and care; to his men, 
to their needs, he must first attend, and then he could surren- 
der himself to his private, personal affairs. Who can tell with 
what anguish of soul he endeavored to control himself and to 
maintain a calm exterior, and who can estimate the immense 
effort necessary to still the heart filled to overflowing with ten- 
derest emotions and to give attention to the important trusts 
committed to him, before permitting the more selfish indul- 
gence of private meditation, grief, and prayer? 'Duty first' 
was the rule of his life, and his every thought, word, and action 
was made to square with duty's inexorable demands." 

Tliere is another anecdote told by Colonel Taylor bearing 
upon the same trait of character and his consideration for the 
feelings of others, with which this chapter may be closed: 

" He had a great dislike to reviewing army communications; 
this was so thoroughly appreciated by me that I would never 
present a paper for his action unless it was of decided import- 
ance and of a nature to demand his judgment and decision. 
On one occasion, when an audience had not been asked of him 
for several days, it became necessary to have one. The few 
papers requiring his action were submitted. He was not in a 
very pleasant humor; something irritated him, and he mani- 
fested his»ill-humor by a little nervous twist or jerk of the neck 



2 24 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and head peculiar to himself, accompanied by some harshness of 
manner. This was perceived by me, and I hastily concluded 
that my efforts to save him annoyance were not appreciated. 
In disposing of some cases of a vexatious character matters 
reached a climax; he became really worried, and, forgetting 
what was due to my superior, I petulantly threw the paper 
down at my side and gave evident signs of anger. Then, in a 
perfectly calm and measured tone of voice, he said, ' Colonel 
Taylor, when I lose my temper don't you let it make you 
angry. ' ' ' 

Most men in his position would have dealt more severely 
with the petulance of a subordinate, and riot have adminis- 
tered this quiet and considerate rebuke by indicating that the 
loss of temper was not directed toward him and gave him no 
warrant for a display of anger. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

FREDERICKSB UR G. 

Lee's Address to the Army. — Stuart's Raid. — Selection of Headquarters. — A Rocky 
Camp. — Headquarter Incidents. — McClellan Removed. — Burnside Appointed Com- 
mander. — Advance on Fredericksburg. — Lee Occupies the Heights. — Burnside 
Crosses the Rappahannock. — The Battle. — Terrible Slaughter. — Federals Repulsed 
at all Points, — Retreat Across the River. — Results. — The Winte*; Camp. — A Prac- 
tical Joke on the Staff. — A Discriminative Hen. 

AFTER remaining a few days in the neighborhood of Shep- 
herdstown, Generaf Lee gradually withdrew to a position 
between Bunker Hill and Winchester. Notwithstanding he 
had failed, from accidental causes, to accomplish the chief object 
of the invasion of Maryland, the expedition was not wholly 
without beneficial results, since it relieved Virginia from the 
presence of the enemy and gave her an opportunity to recover in 
a measure from the exhausting effect of war, while the spirit and 
confidence of the troops were not impaired by the unexpected 
termination of the campaign. 

In order to explain the achievements of this campaign, I shall 
here insert General Lee's address to his troops a few days after 
its termination: 

"Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 2, 1862. 

"In reviewing the achievements of the army during the 
present campaign, the commanding general cannot withhold 
the expression of his admiration of the indomitable courage it 
has displayed in battle and its cheerful endurance of privation 
and hardships on the march. 

" Since your great victories around Richmond you have de- 
feated the enemy at Cedar Mountain, expelled him from the 
Rappahannock, and after a conflict of three days utterly re- 
pulsed him on the plains of Manassas and forced him to take 

15 225 



2 26 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

shelter within the fortifications around his capital. Without 
halting for repose, you crossed the Potomac, stormed the heights 
of Harper's Ferry, made prisoners of more than ii,6oo men, 
and captured upward of seventy pieces of artillery, all their 
small-arms, and other munitions of war. While one corps of 
the army was thus engaged the other ensured its success by 
arresting at Boonsboro' the combined armies of the enemy, 
advancing under their favorite general to the relief of their 
beleaguered comrades. 

"On the field of Sharpsburg, with less than one-third his 
numbers, you resisted from daylight until dark the whole army 
of the enemy, and repulsed every attack along his entire front 
of more than four miles in extent. 

' ' The whole of the following day you stood prepared to re- 
sume the conflict on the same ground, and retired next morning 
without molestation across the Potomac. 

"Two attempts subsequently made by the enemy to follow 
you across the river have resulted in his complete discomfiture 
and his being driven back with loss. Achievements such as 
these demanded much valor and patriotism. History records 
fewer examples of greater fortitude and endurance than this 
army has exhibited, and I am commissioned by the President 
to thank you in the name of the Confederate States for the 
undying fame you have won for their arms. 

" Much as you have done, much more remains to be accom- 
plished. The enemy again threatens us with invasion, and to 
your tried valor and patriotism the country looks with confi- 
dence for deliverance and safety. Your past exploits give 
assurance that this confidence is not misplaced. 

"R. E. Lee, 
" General Commanding ^ 

The inactivity of General McClellan allowed General Lee 
several weeks of uninterrupted repose. During that interval 
the guardianship of the Potomac was confided to the cavalry 
and horse-artillery. While thus employed General Stuart made 
a swoop into Pennsylvania, captured a thousand horses, and 
after making the entire circuit of the Federal army rccrossed 



FREDERICKSB URG. 22 J 

the Potomac with only the loss of three missing and three 
wounded. This achievement drew from Mr. Lincoln a very 
sarcastic criticism on his own cavalry, which, however, was 
not wholly merited, for it was no sooner learned that Stuart 
had crossed the border than Pleasonton made the most rapid 
pursuit that was ever performed by the Federal cavalry; but he 
arrived just in time to see the prey safe beyond the Potomac. 
j Throughout the late campaign the duty of selecting a place 
for headquarters usually devolved upon the writer. The gen- 
eral would say, " Colonel Long has a good eye for locality; let 
him find a place for the camp. ' ' It was not always so easy to 
find a desirable situation, but, as the general was easily satis- 
fied, the difficulties of the task were greatly lightened. Only 
once, to my recollection, did he object to the selection made 
for headquarters; this was on reaching the neighborhood of 
Winchester. The army had preceded the general and taken 
possession of every desirable camping-place. After a long and 
fatiguing search a farm-house was discovered, surrounded by a 
large shady yard. The occupants of the house with great satis- 
faction gave permission for the establishment of General Lee 
not only in the yard, but insisted on his occupying a part of 
the house. Everything being satisfactorily settled, the wagons 
were ordered up, but just as their unloading began the general 
rode up and flatly refused to occupy either yard or house. No 
one expected him to violate his custom by occupying the house, 
but it was thought he would not object to a temporary occupa- 
tion of the yard. Being vexed at having to look for another 
place for headquarters, I ordered the wagons into a field almost 
entirely covered with massive stones. The boulders were so 
large and thick that it was difficult to find space for the tents. 
The only redeeming feature the location possessed was a small 
stream of good water. When the tents were pitched, the gen- 
eral looked around with a smile of satisfaction, and said, "Tlijs 
is better than the yard. We will not now disturb those good 
people. ' ' 

While occupying this camp we were visited by several dis- 
tinguished British officers — among them. Colonel Garnet Wolse- 
ley, who has since become prominent in liistor}-. Subsequently, 



2 28 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

one of the number published the following account of General 
Lee and his surroundings: 

" In visiting the headquarters of the Confederate generals, 
but particularly those of General Lee, any one accustomed to 
see European armies in the field, cannot fail to be struck with 
the great absence of all the pomp and circumstance of,war in 
and around their encampments. 

"Lee's headquarters consisted of about seven or eight pole- 
tents, pitched, with their backs to a stake-fence, upon a piece 
of ground so rocky that it was unpleasant to ride over it, its 
only recommendation being a little stream of good water 
which flowed close by the general's tent. In front of the 
tents were some three or four army-wagons, drawn up without 
any regularity, and a number of horses turned loose about the 
field. The servants — who were, of course, slaves — and the 
mounted soldiers called couriers, who always accompany each 
general of division in the field, were unprovided with tents, 
and slept in or under the wagons. Wagons, tents, and some 
of the horses were marked ' U. S.,' showing that part of that 
huge debt in the North has gone to furnishing even the Con- 
federate generals with camp-equipments. No guard or sentries 
were to be seen in the vicinity, no crowd of aides-de-camp loit- 
ering about, making themselves agreeable to visitors and en- 
deavoring to save their generals from receiving those who had 
no particular business. A large farm-house stands close by, 
which in any other army would have been the general's resi- 
dence/;-^ tern.; but, as no liberties are allowed to be taken with 
personal property in Lee's army, he is particular in setting a 
good example himself. His staff are crowded together, two or 
three in a tent; none are allowed to carry more baggage than a 
small box each, and his own kit is but very little larger. Every 
one who approaches him does so with marked respect, although 
there is none of that bowing and flourishing of forage-caps 
which occurs in the presence of European generals; and, while 
all honor him and place implicit faith in his courage and abil- 
ity, those with whom he is most intimate feel for him the affec- 
tion of sons to a father. Old General Scott was correct in 
saying that when Lee joined the Southern cause it was worth 



FREDERICKSB URG. 229 

as mucli as the accession of 20,000 men to the ' rebels.' Since 
then every injury that it was possible to inflict the Northerners 
have heaped upon him. Notwithstanding all these personal 
losses, however, when speaking of the Yankees he neither 
evinced any bitterness of feeling nor gave utterance to a single 
violent expression, but alluded to many of his former friends 
and companions among them in the kindest terms. He spoke 
as a man proud of the victories won by his country and con- 
fident of ultimate success under the blessing of the Almighty, 
whom he glorified for past successes, and whose aid he invoked 
for all future operations." 

Notwithstanding the ruggedness of this encampment, it 
proved unusually lively. Besides the foreign friends, we had 
numerous visitors from the army, also ladies and gentlemen 
from Winchester and the neighborhood, all of whom had some 
remark to make upon the rocky situation of our camp. This 
the general seemed to enjoy, as it gave him an opportunity of 
making a jest at the expense of Colonel Long, whom he accused 
of having set him down there among the rocks in revenge for 
his refusing to occupy the yard. Although there were no habit- 
ual drinkers on the general's staff, an occasional demijohn would 
find its way to headquarters. While at this place one of the 
officers received a present of a jug of fine old rye. Soon after 
its advent General J. E. B. Stuart, with Sweeney and his banjo, 
arrived — not on account, however, of the jug, but, as was his 
wont, to give us a serenade. The bright camp-fire was sur- 
rounded by a merry party, and a lively concert commenced. 
After a while the general came out, and, observing the jug 
perched on a boulder, asked with a merry smile, "Gentlemen, 
am I to thank General Stuart or the jug for this fine music?" 

By this time the men had come to know their leader. The 
brilliant campaigns through which he had led them had in- 
spired them with love and confidence, and whenever he ap- 
peared among them his approach was announced by "Here 
comes Mars' Robert !" and he would be immediately saluted 
with the well-known Confederate yell, which called forth in 
other quarters the exclamation, ' ' There goes Mars' Robert — 
ole Jackson, or an ole hare." 



, 230 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

At this time a strong religious sentiment prevailed in the 
army, and every evening from the various camps might be 
heard the sound of devotional exercises. General Lee encour- 
aged this sentiment by attending services whenever circum- 
stances permitted. 

While indulging in the sweets of repose the army was grad- 
ually increased, principally by the return of absentees, until 
the middle of October, when its effective strength amounted to 
about 60,000 men. Its efficiency had been much improved by 
the activity and energy of Colonel Corley, chief quartermaster, 
and Colonel Cole, chief commissary. These officers displayed 
great ability in furnishing the necessary requirements of the 
anny in the field. Colonels Chilton, Mun-ay, Henry Peyton, 
Captains Mason and Latham, of the adjutant- and inspector- 
general's department, contributed greatly to its high state of 
discipline, and General Lee made in his report honorable men- 
tion of his personal staff 

The cavalry, at this time between 3000 and 4000 strong, was 
distinguished as the finest corps of modern cavalry, and Stuart 
had justly become celebrated as a cavalry commander. His 
brigadiers, the two Lees, W. E. Jones, Robertson, Munford, 
Hampton, Lomax, and a host of others of less rank, were 
officers who would have graced the brightest days of chivalr)', 
and the rank and file were composed of the best material of 
the South. 

Stuart was unequalled as an outpost officer. Throughout a 
line of fifty miles his eye and hand were everywhere present ; 
his pickets and scouts never slept ; the movements of the 
enemy were immediately discovered, and promptly reported 
to the commander-in-chief. 

When McClellan crossed the Potomac, Stuart withdrew his 
cavalry to a line embracing Bunker's Hill and Smithfield, 
extending on the right to the Shenandoah and on the left to 
the eastern base of North Mountain, The connection between 
this line of outposts and that east of the Blue Ridge was by 
the way of Snicker's Gap and Berryville. The Federal anny 
by the 15th of October had been concentrated in the neighbor- 
hood of Harper's Ferry. The opposing armies were now only 



FREDERICKSB URG. 2 3 1 

separated by their outposts, between wliicli spirited encoun- 
ters frequently occurred. 

The repose of a month had greatly improved in every way 
the Confederate army ; it had reached a high state of efficiency, 
and General Lee was fully prepared to meet General McClellan 
whenever he might think fit to advance to attack him in his 
position before Winchester. When McClellan resumed active 
operations two plans presented themselves. One was to bring 
Lee to an engagement in the Shenandoah Valley ; the other, 
to pass south of the Blue Ridge into Loudoun, Fauquier, and 
Culpeper, thus penetrating between the Confederate, army and 
Richmond, its base of supplies. The first presented the disad- 
vantage of attacking a formidable opponent in position, while 
retreat was hazardous by the proximity of two large and dif- 
ficult rivers, the Shenandoah and Potomac. The other offered 
a wider scope for the operations of large armies, and in case of 
defeat, as on previous occasions, the protection of the defences 
about Washington could easily be gained. McClellan adopted 
the latter plan, and on the 23d of October commenced the pas- 
sage of the Potomac south of Harper's Ferry, and by the ist 
of November his army had entered Loudoun and was slowly ex- 
tending into Fauquier. He occupied the line of the Manassas 
Gap Railroad on the 5th, and at the same time the Federal out- 
posts were extended to the neighborhood of Warrenton. When 
McClellan had crossed the Potomac and the direction of his 
advance was ascertained, Lee moved Longstreet's corps and 
the greater part of the cavalry to a position near Culpeper 
Court-house and established his outposts along the right 
bank of the Rappahannock. 

Jackson's corps was detained in the Valley until the Federal 
plans should be more fully developed. The delay that followed 
the battle of Sharpsburg and the deliberate manner in which 
McClellan resumed active operations did not accord with the 
impetuous character of the authorities of Washington, and were 
productive of a voluminous correspondence with Mr. Lincoln 
and General Halleck, in which the President and commander- 
in-chief exhibited marked disapprobation, which culminated 
in the removal of McClellan. That this step was injudicious 



232 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE, 

at that time was clearly demonstrated by the subsequent disas- 
ters that befell the army. 

General McClellan had been in command of the Army of 
the Potomac more than a year. He had been assigned to its 
command when it was broken and dispirited by defeat, and had 
brought it up to a high state of efficiency. In the Peninsular 
campaign, in the spring of 1862, he accomplished more in two 
months than any subsequent commander of the Army of the Po- 
tomac did in a much greater period. The results of the capture 
of Yorktown and Norfolk, the destruction of the Merrimac, and 
the possession of the York and the James rivers were not at the 
time fully appreciated. They, however, ultimately led to the fall 
of Richmond and the defeat and capture of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, and, had not his plans been frustrated by the Federal 
Executive by withholding at the important moment the co-ope- 
ration of McDowell's corps of 40,000 men, then at Fredericks- 
burg, this series of operations might have been followed by the 
capture of Richmond and stamped as one of the most brilliant 
campaigns on record. After a successful campaign, having 
reorganized and raised his army in point of numbers and equip- 
ment to the highest state of military excellence, and having 
just entered upon a new field of operation with ever}- element 
of success that the foresight of a commander could give. Gen- 
eral McClellan was relieved from command and placed in retire- 
ment. The impression created at the time was that this step 
was a military necessity, but the course afterward displayed by 
the radical party would naturally lead to the inference that the 
removal of McClellan originated from political jealousy. His 
great personal popularity and his influence with the Demo- 
cratic party, enhanced by military fame, would have made him 
a formidable political aspirant. 

A great diversity of opinion exists as to the militar}' capacity 
of McClellan, and he has been both unduly praised and cen- 
sured by his friends and foes. That his slowness and caution 
were elements on which the opposing general might safely 
count must be admitted, but that he had a high degree of 
military ability cannot be denied. His skill in planning move- 
ments was certainly admirable, but their effect was in more 



FREDERICKSBURG. 233 

than one instance lost by over-slowness in their execution. In 
this connection it will be of interest to give General Lee's own 
opinion concerning McClellan's ability, as related by a relative 
of the general, who had it from her father, an old gentleman 
of eighty years : 

"One thing I remember hearing him say. He asked Gen- 
eral Lee which in his opinion was the ablest of the Union 
generals ; to which the latter answered, bringing his hand 
down on the table with, an emphatic energy, ' McClellan, by 
all odds!'" 

This opinion, however, could but have referred to his skill 
as a tactician, as it is unquestionable that Lee availed himself 
of McClellan's over-caution and essayed perilous movements 
\vhich he could not have safely ventured in the presence of 
a more active opponent. 

It was with surprise that the Confederate officers who knew 
the distinguished merit of Sumner, Sedgwick, Meade, and 
others learned that Burnside had been elevated above them, 
and General Burnside himself with diffidence accepted the 
high honor that had been conferred upon him. Mr. Lincoln, 
accompanied by General Halleck, visited the headquarters of 
the army near Warrenton, where a plan of operations was 
adopted. A rapid advance upon Richmond by the way of 
Fredericksburg was advised. It was supposed from the position 
of General Lee's forces that by gaining a march or two upon 
him Richmond might be reached and captured before that 
general could relieve it. All that prevented the immediate 
execution of this plan was the want of a pontoon-train, which 
was necessary for the passage of the Rappahannock. 

Having arranged to his satisfaction with General Halleck 
and Mr. Lincoln in regard to a prompt compliance with his 
requisitions for pontoons and supplies for the army. General 
Burnside, about the 15th of November, put the Army of the 
Potomac in motion, and on the 17th, Sumner's corps reached 
Fredericksburg. This energetic officer would probably have 
immediately crossed the Rappahannock by the fords above the 
town, and thus have saved much delay. He was, however, 
restrained by Burnside, who directed him to await the arrival 



234 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of the pontoons. At this time the river in the neighborhood 
of Fredericksburg was held simply by a small picket-force, and 
could have been forded without much difficulty. General Lee, 
having penetrated the designs of the Federal commander, pre- 
pared to oppose them. About the i8th he sent reinforcements 
to Fredericksburg with instructions to retard, as far as practi- 
cable, the Federal forces in the passage of the Rappahannock, 
and at the same time he sent orders to Jackson to join him as 
speedily as possible. 

Upon the supposition that Burnside would cross the Rappa- 
hannock before he could form a junction of his forces, Lee pro- 
posed to take a position behind the North Anna with part of 
Longstreet's corps, the force then about Richmond, and such 
other troops as might be drawn from other points, while, with 
Jackson's and the remainder of Longstreet's corps united, he 
moved in such a manner as might enable him to fall upon the 
flank and rear of the Federal army when it attempted the pas- 
sage of that river. But when it was ascertained that Burnside 
was prevented from immediately crossing the RapjDahaunock 
by a delay in the arrival of his pontoons, Lee determined to 
move Longstreet's corps immediately to Fredericksburg and 
take possession of the heights opposite those occupied by the 
Federal force, as these heights afforded a stronger defensive line 
than the North Anna. 

In execution of this determination Longstreet's corps left 
the vicinity of Culpeper Court-house on the 24th, crossed 
the Rapidan at Raccoon Ford, and, proceeding by the Wilder- 
ness road, reached Fredericksburg the next day. In the mean 
time, Jackson was rapidly approaching from the Valley. The 
Army of the Potomac had been a week before Fredericksburg 
and the pontoons had not }et arrived, and what might have 
been effected a few days before without opposition could now 
be accomplished only by force. Even after passing the river 
Burnside would be obliged to remove from his path a formid- 
able opponent before he could continue his advance upon the 
city of Richmond. 

On arriving at Fredericksburg, General Lee caused the 
heights south of the river to be occupied by artillery and in- 



FREDERICKSBURG. 235 

fantry from Banks's Ford, four miles above, to the Massaponax, 
five miles below the city, while the cavalry extended up the 
river beyond the United States Ford and down as far as Port 
Royal. The prominent points were crowned with artillery 
covered by epaulments, and in the intervals were constructed 
breastworks for the protection of infantry. The heights closely 
fringe the river from Banks's Ford to Falmouth; thence they 
recede, leaving a low ground, which gradually increases in 
width to about two miles; then the hills again abut upon the 
river a little below the mouth of the Massaponax, and, extend- 
ing nearly parallel to that stream, abruptly terminate in broad, 
low grounds. These low grounds are traversed by the main 
road to Bowling Green and are intersected by several small 
streams. The most important of these is Deep Run, which 
empties into the Rappahannock a little more than a mile above 
the mouth of the Massaponax. That portion of the road em- 
braced between Deep Run and the Massaponax is enclosed by 
embankments sufficiently high and thick to afford good covers 
for troops. We have here endeavored to describe some of the 
principal features of the Confederate position at Fredericksburg, 
that the plan of battle may be more clearly understood. 

Jackson's corps on its arrival at the end of November was 
posted a few miles south of the Massaponax, in the neighbor- 
hood of Guinea Station on the Richmond and Fredericksbursf 
Railroad. From this position he could easily support Long- 
street, or, in case Burnside attempted a passage of the Rappa- 
hannock between the Massaponax and Port Royal, he would 
be ready to intercept him. After much delay the pontoon- 
train reached Fredericksburg. But then the position of Lee 
presented a formidable obstacle to the passage of the river at 
that point. 

General Burnside thereupon caused careful reconnoissances 
to be made both above and below, with the view of finding a 
more favorable point for crossing. But he invariably found 
wherever he appeared the forces of General Lee ready to oppose 
him. Finding no part of the river more suitable or less guarded 
than that about Fredericksburg, Burnside determined to effect 
a crossing at that place. Two points were selected — one oppo- 



236 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

site the town, and the other two miles below, near the month 
of Deep Run — and early on the morning of the nth of Decem- 
ber the work was begun under cover of a dense fog. A bridge 
was laid at the mouth of Deep Run, and Franklin's grand 
division passed over without opposition. In front of Freder- 
icksburg, however, the case was different. The gallant Barks- 
dale with his brigade of Mississippians, to whom the defence 
of the town had been assigned, repelled every attempt to con- 
struct the bridges until the afternoon, when the powerful artil- 
lery of the Federal anny was massed and a cannonade from 
one hundred and eighty guns was opened upon the devoted town, 
under cover of which troops crossed in boats under the direc- 
tion of General Hunt, chief of artillery. Then Barksdale, 
fighting, retired step by step until he gained the cover of the 
road embankment at the foot of Marye's Heights, which he 
held imtil relieved by fresh troops. Bumside having devel- 
oped his plan of attack, Lee concentrated his forces prepara- 
tory for battle- His right rested on the Massaponax, and his 
left on the Rappahannock at the dam in the vicinity of Fal- 
mouth. Jackson's corps, in three lines, occupied the space 
between the Ma.^aponax and Deep Rini, while Longstreet's 
corps, with artillery, occupied the remainder of the position. 
The flanks were covered by Stuart's cavalry and horse artillery. 
It was here for the first time that the Confederate artillery was 
systematically massed for battle. On his arrival at Fredericks- 
burg, General Lee assigned to Colonel Long the duty of verif}ing 
and selecting positions for the artillery, in which he was assisted 
by Majors Venable and Talcott and Captain Sam Johnson. On the 
day of battle two hundred pieces of artiller}' were in position, 
and so arranged that at least fifty pieces could be brought to 
bear on any threatened point, and on Fredericksburg and Deep 
Run, the points of attack, a hundred guns could be concen- 
trated. The artillery on Longstreet's front was commanded 
by Colonels Alexander, Walton, and Cabell, and that on Jack- 
son's by Colonels Brown and Walker. The horse artillery was 
commanded by Major Pelham. These officers on all occasions 
served with marked ability. General Pendleton, chief of artil- 
lery, exercised special control of the reserve artillery. 



FREDERICKSBURG. 237 

As Jackson's corps had been extended some distance down 
the Rappahannock, it was not until the night of the nth that 
its concentration was completed. On the morning of the 12th 
of December, General Lee's entire force was in position, pre- 
pared to receive the Federal attack. The strength of the op- 
posing armies, as on previous occasions, was disproportionate. 
The effective strength of the Army of Northern Virginia 
was about 60,000, of which about 52,000 were infantry, 4000 
artillery with 250 guns, and the cavalry composed the remain- 
der. That of the Army of the Potomac exceeded 100,000 
men and 300 pieces of artillery. 90,000 men had crossed the 
river — 40,000 of Sumner's grand division at Fredericksburg, 
and Franklin's grand division of 50,000 men at Deep Run. 
From this disposition of forces it was apparent that General 
Burnside designed a simultaneous attack upon the Confederate 
right and centre. Jackson's first line, composed of two brig- 
ades of A. P. Hill's division, held the railroad ; a Sv-econd 
line, consisting of artillery and the other brigades of Hill's 
division, occupied the heights immediately overlooking the 
railroad ; and the reserves, commanded by D. H. Hill, were 
in convenient supporting-distance. In the centre the most 
conspicuous feature was Marye's Heights, behind the town of 
Fredericksburg and separated from it by an open space of several 
hundreds yards in width. The telegraph road passing between 
the base of the heights and a strong embankment was occupied 
by two brigades — Cobb's and Kershaw's of Long-street's corps 
— while the crest was crowned by a powerful artillery covered 
by a continuous line of earthworks. A reserve of two brig- 
ades, commanded by Brigadier-general Ransom, occupied the 
reverse slope of the heights. [These troops did good service 
during the battle.] On the hills behind were grouped bat- 
teries so disposed that the heights in front could be raked with 
shot and shell in case they were carried by the Federals. 

On the morning of the 13th of December, as the fog slowly 
lifted, a scene was unfolded which in point of grandeur has sel- 
dom been witnessed. The Stafford Heights, from Falmouth to 
the Massaponax, were crowned with thickly-grouped batteries 
of artillery, while the shores of the Rappahannock were cov- 



238 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ered with dark masses of troops in battle array. Opposite the 
Confederate right the attacking force, in two lines, began to 
advance. Simultaneously the heights were wreathed in smoke 
and the thunder of artillery announced the commencement of 
battle. When the attacking column had become disengaged 
from the embankments of the river- road, Stuart's horse artil- 
lery on the right and the artillery of Jackson's corps in front 
opened a destructive fire, which checked it for a brief space, 
until its own batteries could be placed in position to occupy 
the opposing artillery. It then moved steadily onward, and 
quickly dislodged the first Confederate line from the railroad, 
and disappeared in the wood that concealed the greater part 
of the second line. A deadly conflict ensued, which, although 
hidden by the forest, was proclaimed by the terrific clash of 
musketr}'. Very soon the troops that had advanced so gallan- 
tly were seen to retire. At first a straggling few and then 
large masses came rushing out, followed by long lines of gray 
veterans, who dealt death at every step. General Meade, from 
the want of support after his gallant achievement, was com- 
pelled to witness the present deplorable condition of his corps. 
Forty thousand of Franklin's grand division, remaining idly 
by, had beheld the defeat of their brave cemrades without ex- 
tending a helping hand. This apathy of Franklin was at the 
time regarded by the Confederates as remarkable. 

During the attack on the right preparations were in progress 
to assail the Confederate centre. Dense masses of troops, which 
had been previously concentrated in and about Fredericksburg, 
were now formed in columns of attack to be led against jMarye's 
Heights. About noon the attack commenced. Column after 
column advanced to the assault, to be hurled back with terrible 
slaughter. Attack after attack was hopelessly renewed until 
the stoutest heart quailed at the dreadful carnage that ensued. 
Seeing his repeated efforts unavailing, General Burnside or- 
dered a discontinuance of the conflict. The Confederates on the 
next day expected the battle to be renewed with greater vigor 
than had been displayed on the day before, but the Federals 
maintained a sullen silence, and at night recrossed the Rappa- 
hannock. The next morning the spectator could hardly be- 



FREDERICKSBURG. 239 

lieve his senses on beholding the great Federal army that had 
on the day previons lined the southern shore of the Rappa- 
hannock now covering the heights of Stafford, bereft of that 
martial spirit it had exhibited a few days before. The dispir- 
ited condition of the Federal army was not so much the con- 
sequence of losses in battle as the effect of the want of co-ope- 
ration and the fruitless results of misdirected valor. 

The appointment of General Burnside to the command of 
the Army of the Potomac had proved a mistake — more, how- 
ever, from the combination of circumstances against him than 
from lack of conduct on his part. His successes in North Car- 
olina had given him prominence, while his soldierly bearing 
and fine, appearance evidently had their influence with Mr. 
Lincoln in the selection of him as commander-in-chief of 
the Army of the Potomac, while neglecting the superior claims 
of several others, two of whom — Generals Hooker and Frank- 
lin — could never forget their sense of superiority sufficiently 
to render him cordial co-operation. Bourrienne gives us a 
maxim of Bonaparte that "two great generals in the same 
army are sure to make a bad one." This maxim particularly 
applied in the present instance to the Army of the Potomac, 
where its truth was fully verified. 

The losses sustained, as stated by General Burnside, amounted 
to about 10,000, among whom was General Bayard, a young 
officer of great merit, whose loss was sincerely felt in the army 
as well as by a large circle of acquaintances. The Confederate 
loss was numerically much less than that sustained by the en- 
emy. The Confederates, however, numbered among their slain 
Brigadier-generals Gregg and Cobb, and among their mortally 
wounded Colonel Coleman of the artillery. The fall of these 
noble and gallant spirits was deeply deplored by the army. 

In preparation for this battle General Lee had established 
his field headquarters on a spur of the ridge on which he had 
located his line of battle. From this position he had a com- 
manding view of the adjacent valley, the Rappahannock from 
Fredericksburg to Massaponax, and the Staffi^rd Heights be- 
yond. This spur has since been known as Lee's Hill. On the 
day of battle Longstreet had his headquarters at the same place, 



240 MEMOIRS OF Ron ERT E. LEE. 

SO that Lee was able to keep his hand on the rein of his "old 
war-horse" and to direct him where to apply his strength. 

After the battle of Fredericksbnrg, General Lee retained his 
headquarters, established previous to the battle, at a point on the 
road midway between Fredericksburg and Hamilton Crossing, 
selected on account of its accessibility. Although there was a 
vacant house near which he could have occupied, he preferred, 
as in the instance we have recently given, to remain in camp, 
thus giving an example of endurance of hardship that might 
prove useful to his troops. The headquarters did not present 
a very imposing appearance. It consisted of four or five wall 
tents and three or four common tents, situated on the edge of 
an old pine field, and not far from a fine grove of forest trees, 
from which was obtained an abundant supply of excellent 
wood, while the branches of the old field-pine served to fortify 
the tents against the cold of winter and to make shelter for the 
horses. Though outwardly the winter quarters presented rather 
a dismal aspect, yet within cheerfulness prevailed. Notwith- 
standing the responsibility of his position and the difficulties 
that surrounded him. General Lee usually maintained a cheer- 
ful mien toward his staff, and at times indulged his humor for 
a practical joke in a manner which would have surprised an 
outsider who saw only the grave and dignified side of his 
character. As a companion-piece to the demijohn story pre- 
viously told, we may give another in which General Lee was 
the active agent. On one occasion a demijohn was observed 
to be carried into his tent, whicli excited in the minds of those 
who beheld it visions of good wine or brandy. (The general 
well knew that several of his staff enjoyed a glass of wine, or 
even something stronger.) About twelve o'clock he walked 
out of his tent, and with a twinkle in his eye remarked, " Per- 
haps you gentlemen would like a glass of something?" All 
assenting, he directed Br}-an, the steward of the mess, to carry' 
the demijohn to the mess-tent and arrange cups for the gentle- 
men. They followed him with pleasant anticipations of the 
imexpected treat. The general ordered the cork to be drawn 
and the cups filled. Tlie disappointment of the expectants and 
Lcc's enjoyment may be better imagined than described when 



FREDERICKSB UR G. 2 4 1 

the contents proved to be buttermilk. On another occasion 
he was much amused at the dissatisfaction expressed one morn- 
ing at breakfast by a member of his staff at the tough biscuits, 
and at another's remarking, "You ought not to mind that; 
they will stick by you all the longer." It was a time when 
great scarcity of provisions prevailed throughout the army, and 
all were glad to get even a little fried bacon and tough biscuits, 
with cold water for a beverage: sugar and coffee were unknown 
luxuries. 

We were frequently visited by distinguished personages from 
Richmond and elsewhere. Among those deserving of especial 
mention were Colonel Freemantle of the British army and 
Captain Scheibert of the Prussian engineers. Scheibert re- 
mained with us for some time; he was present at the battle of 
Chancellorsville, and accompanied us to Gettysburg, where 
Colonel Freemantle was also present. Both of these officers 
were highly esteemed at headquarters. 

Having for some time been reduced to very meagre fare, we 
were rejoiced to receive a present of a lot of chickens. One 
of the hens so distinguished herself as to be worthy of a place 
in history. Bryan, the steward of General Lee's mess, having 
discovered that she daily contributed an egg^ spared her life. 
She proved to be a very discriminating hen, for she selected the 
general's tent to make her daily deposit. Instinct seemed 
to teach her that he was fond of fowls and domestic ani- 
mals. Every day she would walk to and fro in front of his 
tent, and when all was quiet walk in, find a place under his 
bed, and deposit her egg ; then walk out with a gratified cackle. 
Appreciating her partiality for him, he would leave his tent- 
door open for her to come in. This she kept up daily for 
weeks, Bryan always securing her contributions for the gen- 
eral's breakfast. She chose a roosting-place in the baggage- 
wagon, and on breaking up camp to meet Hooker at Chancel- 
lorsville, Bryan found room in the wagon for the hen. During 
the battle she seemed too much disturbed to lay, but as soon as 
the engagement was over she fell at once into her regular rou- 
tine. She accompanied the army to Gettysburg. One night, 
when preparing for retreat, with the wagon loaded and every- 

16 



242 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

thing ready, the question was raised, "Wliere is the hen?" 
By that time ever>'body knew her and took an interest in her ; 
search was made in every direction, even General Lee join- 
ing in it. She was found at last perched on the wagon, where 
she had taken her place of her own accord. She accompanied 
the army in all its marches and countermarches for more than a 
year, and finally came to rather an unsentimental end. In the 
winter of 1864, General Lee's headquarters was near Orange 
Court-house. The hen had become rather fat and lazy, and 
on one occasion, when the general had a distinguished visitor 
to dine with him, Bryan, finding it extremely difficult to pro- 
cure material for a dinner, very inhumanly killed the hen, 
unknown to any of the staff. At the dinner the general was 
very much surprised to see so fine a fowl ; all enjoyed it, not 
dreaming of the great sacrifice made upon the altar of hospi- 
tality. When she was missed and inquiry made, Bryan had to 
acknowledge that he had killed her in order to provide some- 
thing for the gentlemen's dinner. 

Several highly interesting letters v/ritten by General Lee to 
his wife and daughters at the period considered in the present 
chapter have been kindly handed to the writer with permission 
to publish them. As they possess both a personal and public 
significance, with some amusing comments upon army matters, 
he takes pleasure in la^-ing them before the reader. General 
Lee's devotion to his family, his religious faith, and his sense 
of humor are all here strongly displayed. No better introduction 
can be offered than a sentence from a letter written by Miss 
Mildred Lee in reference to these letters: In them ."one has 
glimpses of a great war raging mercilessly, while the chief actor 
sits down, to the sound of shot and cannon, and pours out his 
heart in affection to his ' little daughters.' " 

From a letter to his daughter ]\Iildred, written on Christmas, 
1862, we make the following extract : 

" I cannot tell you how I long to see you when a little quiet 
occurs. My thoughts revert to you, your sisters and mother ; 
my heart aches for our reunion. Your brothers I see occasion- 
ally. This morning Fitzhugh rode by with his young aide-de- 
camp (Rob) at the head of his brigade, on his way up the Rap- 



FREDERICKSBURG. 243 

paliannock. You must study hard, gain knowledge, and learn 
your duty to God and your neighbor : that is the great object 
of life. I have no news, confined constantly to camp and my 
thoughts occupied with its necessities and duties. I am, how- 
ever, happy in the knowledge that General Burnside and his 
army will not eat their promised Xmas dinner in Richmond 
to-day." 

On the succeeding day he writes as follows to his daughter 
Agnes : 

"Camp Fredericksburg, 26th December, 186:'. 

"My precious little Agnes: I have not heard of you 
for a long time. I wish you were with me, for, always solitary, 
I am sometimes weary, and long for the reunion of my family 

once again. But I will not speak of myself, but of you 

I have only seen the ladies in this vicinity when flying from 
the enemy, and it caused me acute grief to witness their expos- 
ure and suffering. But a more noble spirit was never displayed 
anywhere. The faces of old and young were wreathed with 
smiles and glowed with happiness at their sacrifices for the 
good of their country. Many have lost everytJmig. What the 
fire and shells of the enemy spared their pillagers destroj^ed. 
But God will shelter them, I know. So much heroism will not 
be unregarded. I can only hold oral communication with your 
sister, and have forbidden the scouts to bring any writing, and 
have taken back some that I had given them for her. If caught 
it would .compromise them. They only convey messages. I 

learn in that way she is well 

' ' Your devoted father, 

''R. E. IvEE. 

" To Agnes Lee." 

We add two other letters, one written to his daughter Agnes, 
and one to Mrs. Lee : 

" Camp FRF.nERTCKSBURG, 6!h February, T863. 

"To Agnes Lee : I read 5'esterday, my precious daughter, 
your letter, and grieved very much when last in Richmond at 
not seeing you. My movements are so uncertain that I cannot 



244 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

be relied on for anything. The only place I am to be found is 
in camp, and I am so cross now that I am not worth seeing any- 
where. Here you will have to take me with the three stools — 
the snow, the rain, and the mud. The storm of the last twen- 
ty-four hours has added to our stock of all, and we are now in 
a floating condition. But the sun and wind will carry all off in 
time, and then we shall appreciate our relief Our horses and 
mules suffer the most. They have to bear the cold and rain, 
tug through the mud, and suffer all the time with hunger. 
The roads are wretched, almost impassable. I heard of Mag 
lately. One of our scouts brought me a card of Margaret 
Stuart's, with a pair of gauntlets directed to 'Cousin Robert.' 
.... I have no news. General Hooker is obliged to do 
something : I do not know what it will be. He is playing the 
Chinese game, trying what frightening wnll do. He runs out 
his guns, starts his wagons and troops up and down the river, 
and creates an excitement generally. Our men look on in 
wonder, give a cheer, and all again subsides in slain quo ante 
bellum. I wish you were here with me to-da5\ You would 
have to sit by this little stove, look out at the rain, and keep 
yourself dry. But here come, in all their wet, the adjutant- 
generals with the papers. I must stop and go to work. See 
how kind God is : we have plenty to do in good weather and 

bad 

"Your devoted father, 

"R. E. Lee." 

Extract from Letter to Mrs. Lee. 

"Camp Fkederickspurg, 23(1 February, 1863. 

"The weather now is very hard upon our poor bushmen. 
This morning the whole country is covered with a mantle of 
snow fully a foot deep. It was nearly up to my knees as I 
stepped out this morning, and our poor horses were enveloped. 
We have dug them out and opened our avenues a little, but it 
will be terrible and the roads impassable. No cars from Rich- 
mond yesterday. I fear our short rations for man and horse 
will have to be curtailed. Our enemies have their troubles 



FREDERICKSBURG. 245 

too. They are very strong immediately in front, but have 
withdrawn their troops above and below us back toward Ac- 
quia Creek. I owe Mr. F. J. Hooker no thanks for keeping me 
here. He ought to have made up his mind long ago what to 
do. — 'SJ^th. The cars have arrived, and brought me a young 
French officer full of vivacity, and ardent for service with me. 
I think the appearance of things will cool him. If they do not, 
the night will, for he brought no blankets. 

"R. E. IvEE." 



CHAPTER XIV. 

en A NCELLORS VI L L E. 

ODHScript Act passed. — Deficiency of Army Stores. — Lee's Position. — Hooker succeeds 
Burnside. — Federal Advance. — Description of Chancellorsville. — Lee's Movements. 
— The Federals Driven Back. — Last Interview of Lee and Jackson. — The Flank 
Movement. — The Federal Defeat. — Jackson Wounded. — The Battle of the 3d. — 
Flooker Withdraws. — Sedgwick's Advance. — He is Defeated and Recrosses the 
River. — Results of the Battle. — Life and Character of Jackson. — Reorganization of 
the Anny. — Financial Difilculiies of the Government. 

THE Army of Northern Virginia in the winter of 1862-63 
began to feel seriously the want of judicious legislation. 
There had neither been formed an adequate plan for recruiting 
the army, nor had a reliable financial system been adopted. 
When the country was full of enthusiasm the ranks of the 
army were filled by voluntary enlistment, but when the novelty 
of war disappeared and the depreciating value of the pay of the 
soldier was seen, this mode could no longer be relied on, and 
it became necessary to resort to conscription. This measure, 
being regarded by many as too despotic for a republic, was 
taken hold of with reluctance, but after much delay and fruit- 
less discussion Congress in 1862 passed a conscript act as the 
only means that could be devised for the preservation of the 
army. 

Having neglected at the beginning of the war to take advan- 
tage of the abundant resources of the country to establish a 
firm financial basis upon which the pecuniar}' demands of the 
country could, safely rest, the Confederate legislators were 
obliged, in order to meet the demand upon the treasury, to 
resort to a system of inflation, without providing for a corre- 
sponding reflux of the fiscal tide to the treasury; consequently, 
each new i.ssue was followed by a proportionate decline in the 
value of the currency. 

Besides the want of money and men, the Anny of Northern 

216 



CHANCELLORSVILLE. 2\'] 

Virginia was deficient in clothing, shoes, blankets, tents, pro- 
visions; in fact, everything needful was wanted except arms 
and ammunition. The abundant supplies with which the 
country teemed at the beginning of the war, instead of being 
collected and preserved for future use, were allowed to be dissi- 
pated, and in less than two years one of the most fruitful coun- 
tries known was reduced to the condition of being barely able to 
afford a scanty subsistence for armies whose effective strength 
did not exceed 200,000 men. Besides the inclemency of the 
season, scant clothing, and short rations, the proximity of the 
Federal army required them to be always prepared for battle. 

At this time the necessities of the army were greatly relieved 
by voluntary contributions from patriotic citizens throughout 
the country. The embarrassments of General L<ee were further 
increased by having to fill the ranks of the army, which were 
becoming diminished by discharges from the expiration of the 
term of enlistment. In order to relieve the drain upon the 
scanty commissariat, Ivongstreet was sent with two divisions 
to the district south of Petersburg, where provisions were still 
abundant, with a view of subsisting these troops, while they 
collected the surplus supplies to be sent to the troops in other 
quarters. This detachment reduced the Confederate army to 
barely 40,000 men, while the Federal force exceeded 100,000. 

After this reduction General Lee conceived the design of 
adopting a position more remote from the Federal lines than 
the one he then occupied, where his army might enjoy greater 
repose than it could in its position about Fredericksburg, and 
where he would have greater scope to manoeuvre when the 
enemy should advance, and be better able to secure the fruit 
of any advantage he might gain in battle. With this aim he 
directed Colonel Long and Colonel Venable of his staff to make 
a careful examination of the country contiguous to the North 
Anna River, from the neighborhood of Hanover Junction to a 
point twenty-five or thirty mJles above that place, to ascertain 
the character of the south bank of that stream as a defensive 
position. These officers, after making the examination as 
directed, reported adversely to the North Anna. As no po- 
sition could be found which afforded srreater advautasres than 



248 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the one he then occupied, Lee continued to hold the line of 
the Rappahannock, and busied himself in preparation for the 
ensuing campaign. 

Many of the troops whose term of enlistment had expired, 
from motives of patriotism and devotion to their commander, 
and others who had honorably served, rather than be subjected 
to conscription, voluntarily re-enlisted for the war upon receiv- 
ing a short furlough to visit their homes. By these reductions 
the army was at one time reduced to a little above 30,000 men. 
By the exercise of his influence and authority General Lee 
caused the ranks of his army to be rapidly filled, so that by the 
last of April it numbered, exclusive of the two divisions of 
Longstreet, then absent, 45,000 men of all arms.* 

The appointment of Hooker to the command of the Army 
of the Potomac was a surprise to General Lee, who had no 
great respect for the military ability of his new opponent in a 
position of such importance. Swinton thus comments on the 
condition of the Army of the Potomac and the appointment of 
Hooker to the supreme command: 

"Notwithstanding the untoward fortunes the Anny of the 
Potomac had suffered, it could hardly be said to be really de- 
moralized, for its heart was still in the war; it never failed to 
respond to any demand made upon it; and it was ever ready to 
renew its courage at the first ray of hope. Such a day-spring 
came with the appointment of General Hooker to the chief 
command, and under his influence the tone of the army under- 
went a change that would appear astonishing had not its elastic 
vitality been so often proved. Hooker's measures of reform 
were judicious: he cut away the roots of many evils; stopped 
desertion and its causes; did away with the nuisance of the 
' grand-division ' organization ; infused vitality through the 
staif and administrative service; gave distinctive badges to the 
different corps; instituted a system of furloughs; consolidated 
the cavalry under able leaders, and soon enabled it not only to 

* Colonel Taylor, in his Four Years with General Lee, places the Confederate force 
on the 31st of March at 57,000; he makes no allowance, however, for chanjjes that might 
have occurred during April, nor for detachments serving elsewhere, but borne upon the 
the returns of the Army of Northern Viiginia. 



CHANCELLORSVILLE. 249 

stand upon an equality with, but to assert its superiority over, 
the Virginia horsemen of Stuart. These things proved Gen- 
eral Hooker to be ah able administrative officer, but they did 
not prove him to be a competent commander for a great army, 
and whatever anticipation might be formed touching this had 
to be drawn from his previous career as a corps commander, in 
which he had won the reputation of being what is called a 
'dashing' officer, and carried the sobriquet of ' Fighting Joe.' 

" The new commander judiciously resolved to defer all grand 
military operations during the wet season, and the first three 
months after he assumed command were well spent in rehabil- 
itating the army. The ranks were filled up by the return of 
absentees; the discipline and instruction of the troops were 
energetically continued; and the- close of April found the Army 
of the Potomac in a high degree of efficiency in all arms. It 
numbered 120,000 men (infantry and artillery), with a body 
of 12,000 well-equipped cavalry and a powerful artillery force 
of above 400 guns. It was divided into seven corps — the First 
corps under General Reynolds ; the Second under General 
Couch; the Third under General Sickles; the Fifth under Gen- 
eral Meade; the Sixth under General Sedgwick; the Eleventh 
under General Howard; and the Twelfth under General 
Slocum." 

During his period of preparation Hooker very properly re- 
sisted that spirit of impatience that had characterized Mr. Lin- 
coln in his intercourse with the previous commanders of the 
Army of the Potomac, and only gratified once that ' ' up-and- 
be-doing" spirit that prevailed in Washington by indulging 
General Averill in a cavalry combat with General Fitz Lee, 
who guarded the upper fords of the Rappahannock. Being 
now fully prepared for active operations. Hooker determined to 
take the initiative by moving on the left of his opponent's 
position. By careful study of Lee's position he correctly con- 
cluded that his left was his most vulnerable point. 

In order to mask his real design he sent forward a force of 
10,000 cavalry under General Stoneman to operate upon Lee's 
lines of communication with Richmond, and sent Sedgwick 
with a force of 30,000 men still further to mask his movement. 



250 AfEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Stoiieman crossed the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford on the 
29th-, and Sedgwick appeared on the 28th on the "heights below 
Fredericksbnrg. These preparatory measures having been 
taken, Hooker proceeded to the execution of his plan. Swin- 
ton, after a picturesque description of the passage of the Rap- 
pahannock and the Rapidan, tells us "that on the afternoon 
of the 30th of April four corps of the Federal army had gained 
the position of Chancellorsville, where Hooker at the same 
time established his headquarters." 

Chancellorsville is situated ten miles south-west of Fredericks- 
burg. It is not, as its name implies, a town or village, but sim- 
ply a farm-house with its usual appendages, situated at the edge 
of a small field surrounded by a dense thicket of second growth, 
which sprang up after the primeval forest had been cut to 
furnish fuel to a neighboring furnace. This thicket extends 
for miles in every direction, and its wild aspect very properly 
suggests its name, The Wilderness. The intersection of several 
important roads gives it the semblance of strategic importance, 
while in reality a more unfavorable place for military opera- 
tions could not well be found. 

Hooker, however, seemed well pleased with his acquisition, 
for on reaching Chancellorsville on Thursday night he issued 
an order to the troops in which he announced that " the en- 
emy must either ingloriously fly or come out from behind his 
defences and give us battle on our own ground, where certain 
destruction awaits him." This boast, we are told, so much in 
the style of Hooker, was amplified by the w^hole tenor of his 
conversation. "The Confederate army," said he, "is now the 
legitimate property of the Army of the Potomac. They may 
as well pack up their haversacks and make for Richmond, and 
I shall be after them," etc. 

General Lee was fully aware of the preparations that were 
being made by his adversary, but calmly awaited the complete 
development of his plans before exerting his strength to oppose 
him. The presence of the enemy during the winter had made 
it necessary to maintain a defensive line of about twenty-five 
miles, the right being in the vicinity of Port Royal, while the 
left extended to the neighborhood of the United States Ford. 



CHA NCELL ORS VILLE. 2 5 I 

This line was occupied by six divisions: Anderson's on the left, 
and Mclyaws's between Fredericksburg and the Massaponax, 
while the four divisions of Jackson's corps occupied the space 
below the Massaponax. This line had been greatly attenuated 
by the removal of Longstreet's two divisions of 15,000 men. 

Lee's whole cavalry force consisted of two brigades — Fitz 
Lee's and W. H. F. Lee's — under the immediate command of 
Stuart, and was mainly employed in guarding the fords of the 
upper Rappahannock. Hooker had no sooner commenced his 
movement than it was reported by Stuart to General Lee, and 
Sedgwick's appearance on the 28tli came under his own obser- 
vation. Perceiving that the time for action had arrived, Lee 
ordered Jackson to concentrate his whole corps in the imme- 
diate vicinity of Fredericksburg. 

Early on the morning of the 29th, Sedgwick crossed the Rap- 
pahannock below the mouth of Deep Run, but made no other 
aggressive movement on that day or the day following. On 
the night of the 30th, Lee was informed of Hooker' s arrival at 
Chancellorsville. He had been previously informed of Stone- 
man's movements against his line of operations by General 
Stuart, and was now satisfied that the main attack of the 
enemy would come from the direction of Chancellorsville. 
Therefore on the morning of the ist of May he made the 
necessary preparations to meet it. Accompanied by his staff, 
he took a position on a height where one of his batteries over- 
looked the Rappahannock. He there observed carefully the 
position of Sedgwick while waiting for information from the 
direction of Chancellorsville. Jackson was present, while his 
troops occupied the telegraph road. As far as the eye could 
reach these men with their. bright muskets and tarnished uni- 
forms were distributed in picturesque groups, lightly chatting 
and laughing, and awaiting the order to march. 

Very soon the sound of cannon indicated that the work had 
begun. At the same time couriers arrived from Stuart and 
Anderson informing the general that the enemy were advan- 
cing on the old turnpike, the plank road, and on the river roads, 
and asking for reinforcements. McLaws was immediately 
ordered to the support of Anderson, and shortly after Jackson 



252 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

was ordered to follow with three of his divisions, leaving Early 
with his division, Barksdale's brigade, and the reser\'e artiller\' 
under General Pendleton — a force of about 9000 men and 45 
pieces of artillery — in observation of Sedgwick. When Jackson 
joined McLaws and Anderson a lively skirmish was in progress, 
in which he immediately participated. When General Lee ar- 
rived he found the Federals were being driven back to Chan- 
cellorsville. At the close of the afternoon they had retired 
within their lines. 

General Lee occupied the ridge about three-quarters of a 
mile south-east and south of Chancellorsville. The opposing 
armies were hidden from each other by the intervening thicket 
of brushwood. By a close examination it was discovered that 
the Federal position was protected by two strong lines of breast- 
works, one fronting east and the other south. The brushwood 
had been cleared off for a space of a hundred yards, thus giv- 
ing an unobstructed field for musketry, while the roads were 
commanded by artiller}-. Toward the north and west the posi- 
tion was open. It was obvious that the Federal position was 
too formidable to be attacked in front with any hope of suc- 
cess ; therefore Lee proceeded to devise a plan by which the 
position of Hooker might be turned and a point of attack 
gained from which no danger was apprehended by the Federal 
commander. 

General Lee was informed that the Rev. INIr. Lacy, a chap- 
lain in Jackson's corps, was familiar with the country about 
Chancellorsville. Mr. Lacy informed the general that he had 
been the pastor of a church near Chancellorsville, and was well 
acquainted with all the roads in that neighborhood, and that 
troops could be conducted to a designated point beyond Chan- 
cellorsville by a road sufficiently remote from the Federal posi- 
tion to prevent discovery. With this information Lee deter- 
mined to turn the Federal position and assail it from a point 
where an attack was unexpected. The execution of a move- 
ment so much in accordance with his genius and inclination 
was assigned to General Jackson, Captain Carter acting as 
guide. 

Tlie above statement is made from personal knowledge of 



CHANCELL ORSVILLE. 253 

the writer, gained on the ground at the time ; still, since some 
of Jackson's biographers have allowed their partiality for him 
so far to outstrip their knowledge of facts as to claim for him 
the origin of that movement, I will introduce, in corrobora- 
tion of my statement, the following letter from General I,ey 
published in the address of General Fitzhugh L^ee before the 
Southern Historical Society : 

"Lexington, Va., October 28, 1867. 

"Dr. a. T. Bledsoe, Office Southern Review^ Baltimore, 
Maryland, 
"My Dear Sir: In reply to your inquiry, I must acknow- 
ledge that I have not read the article on Chancellorsville in the 
last number of the Southern Review^ nor have I read any of 
the books published on either side since the termination of 
hostilities. I have as yet felt no desire to revive any recol- 
lections of those events, and have been satisfied with the know- 
ledge I possessed of what transpired. I have, however, learned 
from others that the various authors of the life of Jackson 
award to him the credit of the success gained by the Army of 
Northern Virginia when he was present, and describe the 
movements of his corps or command as independent of the 
general plan of operations and undertaken at his own sugges- 
tion and upon his own responsibility. I have the greatest 
reluctance to do anything that might be considered detracting 
from his well-deserved fame, for I believe no one was more 
convinced of his worth or appreciated him more highly than 
myself; yet your knowledge of military affairs, if you have 
none of the events themselves, will teach you that this could 
not have been so. Every movement of an army must be well 
considered and properly ordered, and every one who knew 
General Jackson must know that he was too good a soldier to 
violate this fundamental principle. In the operations around 
Chancellorsville I overtook General Jackson, who had been 
placed in command of the advance as the skirmishers of the 
approaching armies met, advanced with the troops to the Fed- 
eral line of defences, and was on the field until their whole 
army recrossed the Rappahannock. There is no question as 



254 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to who was responsible for the operations of the Confederates, 
or to whom any faihire would have been charged. 

"What I have said is for your own information. With my 
best wishes for the success of the Southern Review and for 
your own welfare, in both of which I take a lively interest, 
"I am, with great respect, your friend and servant, 

"R. E. Lee." 

The last interview between Lee and Jackson, during which 
this important movement was decided upon, was an occasion of 
great historical interest, in regard to which the writer is fortu- 
nately able to add some information from his own knowledge 
of the circumstances, and that of other members of General 
Lee's staff. He has been favored by Major T. ]\I. R. Talcott 
with certain important details of this event, conveyed in a 
private letter, from which the following extract is made : 

" My recollections of the night before the battle of Chancel- 
lorsville are briefly as follows: 

"About sunset General Jackson sent word to General Lee 
(by me) that his advance was checked and that the enemy was 
in force at Chancellorsville. This brought General Lee to th.c 
front, and General Jackson met him in the south-east angle of 
the Chancellorsville and Catharine Forge roads. 

"General Lee asked General Jackson whether he had ascer- 
tained the position and strength of the enemy on our left, to 
which General Jackson replied by stating the result of an attack 
made by Stuart's cavalry near Catharine Forge about dusk. 
The position of the enemy immediately in front was then dis- 
cussed, and Captain Boswell and myself were sent to make a 
moonlight reconnoissance, the result of which was reported 
about lo P. M., and was not favorable to an attack in front. 

"At this time Generals Lee and Jackson were together, and 
Lee, who had a map before him, asked Jackson, * How can we 
get at tl;cse people?' To which Jackson replied, in effect, 
' You know best. Show me what to do, and we will try to do 
it.' General Lee looked thoughtfully at the map; then indi- 
cated on it and explained the movement he desired General Jack- 
son to make, and closed by saying, ' General Stuart will cover 



CHANCELLORSVILLE. 255 

your movement with his cavalry.' General Jackson listened 
attentively, and his face lighted up with a smile while Gen- 
eral Ivce was speaking. Then rising and touching his cap, he 
said, 'My troops will move at four o'clock.'" 

Having, in the manner here described, settled upon their 
plan of operations for the ensuing day, the two generals, accom- 
panied by their staff officers, repaired to a neighboring pine- 
thicket, where an open space, well sheltered by overhanging 
boughs, afforded the party a good bivouac. The day having 
been a fatiguing one, they lost little time in preparing for the 
night's repose. Each selected his ground for a bed, spread 
his saddle-blanket, substituted his saddle for a pillow and his 
overcoat for covering, and was soon in a happy state of ob- 
livion. 

At dawn on the morning of the 2d, Jackson's corps, 22,000 
strong, was in motion, and while it was making one of the 
most famous flank movements on record. General Lee, with the 
divisions of Anderson and McLaws, with 20 pieces of artiller}-, 
a force not exceeding 12,000 men, occupied the position he had 
assumed the previous evening, and General Hooker, with 90,000 
men, lay behind his breastworks awaiting the Confederate 
attack. Having in the forenoon seen a part of Jackson's am- 
munition-train, Hooker believed that Lee was retreating, and 
sent two divisions of Sickles's corps and Pleasonton's cavalry 
to gain information. This movement was promptly arrested 
by Colonel Thompson Brown with his battalion of artiller}', 
supported by Jackson's rear-guard. Sickles's and Pleasonton's 
cavalry lingered about Catharine Furnace in a state of uncer- 
tainty until recalled by Jackson's attack on the right of the 
Federal position. 

After making a circuitous march of fifteen miles, Jackson 
reached a point on the Orange Court-house road three miles in 
the rear of Chancellorsville. Had Hooker possessed a handful 
of cavalry equal in spirit to the "Virginia horsemen" under 
W. H. F. Lee that neutralized Stoneman's ten thousand, he 
might have escaped the peril that now awaited him. On the 
arrival of Jackson on the plank road, Fitz Lee, who had cov- 
ered his movement with his brigade of cavalry, conducted him 



256 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to a position from which he obtained a view of the enemy, 
which disclosed the following scene : 

" Below and bnt a fewhnndred yards distant ran the Federal 
line of battle. There was the line of defence, with abatis in 
front and long lines of stacked arms in rear. Two cannons 
were visible in the part of the line seen. The soldiers were in 
groups in the rear, laughing, chatting, and smoking, probably 
engaged here and there in games of cards and other amuse- 
ments indulged in while feeling safe and comfortable, awaiting 
orders. In the rear of them were other parties driving up and 
butchering beeves." 

Returning from this point of observation, Jackson proceeded 
to make his dispositions of attack, which by six o'clock were 
completed. The divisions of Rodes and Colston were formed 
at right angles to the old turnpike, the division of Rodes being 
in advance, and the division of A. P. Hill, in column on the 
road, formed the reserve. 

Howard's corps was first assailed. This corps, being sur- 
prised, was panic-stricken and fled precipitately, and in its 
flight communicated the panic to the troops through which it 
passed. Jackson's forces followed, routing line after line, until 
arrested by the close of day. The rout of the Federal army 
was fast becoming general, and it was only saved from entire 
defeat by the interposition of night. When compelled to halt 
Jackson remarked that with one more hour of dajlight he 
could have completed the destruction of the Federal army. 

This, the most famous of all Jackson's brilliant achieve- 
ments, closed his military career. After his troops had halted, 
and while the lines were being adjusted, he rode forward with 
several of his staff to reconnoitre the Federal position. It was 
then after nine o'clock at night. The moon faintly illumi- 
• nated the scene, but floating clouds dimmed its light. The 
battle had ceased, and deep silence reigned over what recently 
had been the scene of war's fiercest turmoil. The reconnoiter- 
ing party rode several hundred yards in advance of the lines, and 
halted to listen for any sounds that might come from the direc- 
tion of the enemy, when suddenly a volley was poured into 
them from the right of the road. They had been mistaken 



CHANCELLORSVILLE. 257 

for Federal scouts by the Confederate infantry. Some of the 
party fell, and Jackson wheeled his horse in the wood in dread 
of a renewal of the fire. 

This movement proved an unfortunate one. It bi ought him 
directly in front of, and not twenty paces from, a portion of 
his own men, who had been warned against a possible attack 
from the Federal cavalry. A volley saluted him, with the 
unfortunate effect of wounding him in three places — two bul- 
lets striking his left arm, and one his right hand. At this 
moment his left hand held the bridle, while his right was held 
erect, perhaps to protect his face from boughs, yet seemingly 
with the peculiar gesture which he frequently used in battle. 
When the bullets struck him his wounded hand dropped, but 
he instantly seized the bridle with his bleeding right hand, 
while the frightened horse wheeled and darted through the 
wood. As he did so the limb of a pine tree struck Jackson 
in the face, hurled off his cap, and nearly flung him to the 
ground. Retaining his seat with difficulty, he reached the 
road and his own lines, where he was assisted to dismount by 
Captain Wilbourn, one of his staff officers, who laid him at 
the foot of a tree. 

He was soon afterward supported to the rear by his officers, 
and, becoming so weak as to be unable to walk, was placed in 
a litter and borne from the field. His last order, as he was 
being carried back, was given to General Pender, who had 
expressed doubts of being able to hold his position. The 
eyes of the wounded hero flashed as he energetically replied, 
"You must hold your ground, General Pender! You must 
hold your ground, sir!" 

The discharge of musketr)'' provoked a terrible response from 
the Federal batteries, which swept the ground as Jackson was 
being borne from the field. During this movement one of the 
bearers stumbled and let fall his end of the litter. A groan of 
agony came from the wounded man, and in the moonlight his 
face looked deathly pale. On being asked, however, if he was 
much hurt, he replied, "No, my friend; don't trouble yourself 
about me. ' ' 

There is an incident of considerable interest in relation to 

17 



258 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the wounding- of General Jackson which has never yet been 
told, yet is worthy of being put on record as one of those re- 
markable coincidences which have so often happened in the 
lives of great men. On the morning of May 2d, Jackson was 
the first to rise from the bivouac above described, and, observ- 
ing a staff officer (General W. N. Pendleton) without cover, he 
spread over him his own overcoat. The morning being chilly, 
he drew near a small fire that had been kindled by a courier, 
and the writer, who soon after sought the same place, found 
him seated on a cracker-box. He complained of the cold, and, 
.as the cooks were preparing breakfast, I managed to procure 
liim a cup of hot coffee, which by good fortune our cook was 
able to provide. 

While we were still talking the general's sword, which was 
leaning against a tree, without apparent cause fell with a clank 
to the ground. I picked it up and handed it to him. He 
tkaiiked me and buckled it on. It was now about dawn, the 
troops were on the march, and our bivouac was all astir. After 
a few words with General Lee he mounted his horse and rode 
off. This was the last meeting of Lee and Jackson. 

I have spoken of the falling of Jackson's sword because it 
strongly impressed me at the time as an omen of evil — an inde- 
finable superstition such as sometimes affects persons on the 
falling of a picture or mirror. This feeling haunted me the 
whole da}^ and when the tidings of Jackson's wound reached 
my ears it was without surprise that I heard this unfortunate 
confirmation of the superstitious fears with which I had been 
so oppressed. 

After the fall of Jackson the command fell to General Stuart, 
who was co-operating with him, and was the senior officer pres- 
ent. General A. P. Hill having been wounded at the same time 
with Jackson. About midnight Lee received from Stuart the 
report both of Jackson's wound and his success. Instructions 
were sent to Stuart to continue what had been so success- 
fully begun, and Anderson was directed to support him, while 
McLaws threatened Hooker's right. 

Early on the morning of the 3d the attack was resumed by 
the Confederates with great vigor. Hooker, taking advantage 



CHANCE LLORSVILLE. 259 

of the night, had restored order in his army and strengthened 
his position; his troops regained courage and contested the 
field with great stubbornness until ten o'clock, when they 
yielded at every point and rapidly retreated before the impet- 
uous assaults of Rodes, Heth, Pender, Doles, Archer, and other 
gallant leaders within a^ strong line of defences which had 
been previously constructed to cover the road to the United 
States Ford, their line of communication with the north side 
of the Rappahannock, When Stuart assumed the direction 
of affairs on the night of the 2d the command of the cavalry 
devolved on Fitz Lee, who operated with vigor on the flanks 
of the enemy during the continuance of the operations about 
Chancellorsville. 

/ General Lee's part in this battle of the 3d can be best de- 
scribed in the words of Colonel Charles Marshall, in his elo- 
quent address at the Soldiers' Memorial Meeting in Baltimore: 

' ' General Lee accompanied the troops in person, and as they 
emerged from the fierce combat they had waged in ' the depths 
of that tangled wilderness,' driving the superior forces of the 
enemy before them across the open ground, he rode into their 
midst. The scene Is one that can never be effaced from the 
minds of those that witnessed it. The troops were pressing for- 
ward with all the ardor and enthusiasm of combat. The white 
smoke of musketry fringed the front of the line of battle, while 
the artillery on the hills in the rear of the infantry shook the 
earth with its thunder and filled the air with the wild shrieks 
of the shells that plunged into the masses of the retreating foe. 
To add greater horror and sublimity to the scene, the Chancel- 
lorsville house and the woods surrounding it were wrapped in 
flames. In the midst of this awful scene General Lee, mounted 
upon that horse which we all remember so well, rode to the 
front of his advancing battalions. His presence was the signal 
for one of those uncontrollable outbursts of enthusiasm which 
none can appreciate who have not witnessed them. 

"The fierce soldiers, with their faces blackened with the 
smoke of battle, the wounded, crawling with feeble limbs from 
the fury of the devouring flames, all seemed possessed with a 
common impulse. One long, unbroken cheer, in which the 



26o MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

feeble crv of those who lay helpless on the earth blended with 
the strong voices of those who still fought, rose high above the 
roar of battle and hailed the presence of the victorious chief 
He sat in the full realization of all that soldiers dream of — 
triumph; and as I looked on him in the complete fruition of 
the success which his genius, courao^e, and confidence in his 
army had won, I thought that it must have been from some 
such scene that men in ancient days ascended to the dignity 
of the gods. 

"His first care was for the wounded of both armies, and he 
was among the foremost at the burning mansion, where some 
of them lay. But at that moment, when the transports of his 
victorious troops were drowning the roar of battle with accla- 
mations, a note was brought to him from General Jackson. It 
was brought to General Lee as he sat on his horse near the 
Chancellorsville house, and, unable to open it with his gaun- 
tleted hands, he passed it to me with directions to read it to 
him. The note made no mention of the wound which Gen- 
eral Jackson had received, but congratulated General Lee upon 
the great victory. 

" I shall never forget the look of pain and anguish that passed 
over his face as he listened. With a voice broken with emo- 
tion he bade me say to General Jackson that the victory was 
his, and that the congratulations were due to him. I do not 
know how others may regard this incident, but for myself, as 
I gave expression to the thoughts of his exalted mind, I forgot 
the genius that won the day in my reverence for the generosity 
that refused its glory." 

The troops being much fatigued and having accomplished 
all that could have been expected of them, Lee caused a sus- 
pension of further operations in order that they might rest and 
refresh themselves preparatory for the final blow. While the 
operations above described were in progress at Chancellorsville, 
General Early by skilful manoeuvring had detained Sedgwick 
at Fredericksburg until the 3d, when that general, by a deter- 
mined advance, forced back Early, carried Marye's Heights, 
and proceeded toward Chancellorsville. The condition of 
affairs was communicated to General Lee during the forenoon. 



CHANCELLORS VILLE. 261 

Wilcox's brigade, then at Banks's Ford, was ordered to inter- 
cept Sedgwick and retard his advance, while McLaws's divis- 
ion was ordered to support him. Wilcox on reaching Salem 
Church, six miles from Chancellorsville, encountered the Fed- 
eral advance, and after a sharp conflict he repulsed it with loss. 

The success of Wilcox delayed Sedgwick until Anderson and 
Mcl^aws could come up. The premeditated attack on Hooker 
being thus interrupted, Lee on the forenoon of the 4th repaired 
to the neighborhood of Fredericksburg. A combined attack 
was then directed to be made by Early on the rear, while Mc- 
lyaws and Anderson bore down upon the front. The battle 
was hotly contested during the afternoon, in which the forces 
of Sedgwick were defeated, and were only saved from destruc- 
tion by a night-passage across the Rappahannock at Banks's 
Ford. On the 5th, Lee collected his forces at Chancellorsville 
to give the coup de grace to Hooker, but that general, under 
cover of a dark and stormy night, effected his retreat beyond 
the Rappahannock at the United States Ford. 

The losses sustained at Chancellorsville and Fredericksburg 
were estimated at the time at 20,000 killed and wounded, and 
among the wounded was General Hooker, besides a large num- 
ber of prisoners. Swinton places Hooker's loss at Chancellors- 
ville at 17,000; Sedgwick's loss at Fredericksburg must have 
considerably increased that number. The loss sustained by 
the Confederates was proportionately as great as that of the 
Federals. The casualties reported were about 9000. After 
expressing his praise and admiration for the heroic conduct 
of his troops, and after mentioning the names of a large num- 
ber of line officers whose zeal and gallantry entitled them to 
special notice. General Lee thus concludes his report : 

"The loss of the enemy in the battle of Chancellorsville 
and the other engagements was severe. His dead and a large 
number of wounded were left on the field. About 5000 pris- 
oners exclusive of the wounded were taken, and 13 pieces of 
artillery, 19,500 stands of arms, 17 colors, and a large quantity 
of ammunition fell into our hands. To the members of my 
staff I am greatly indebted for assistance in observing the 
movements of the enemy, posting troops, and conveying or- 



262 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ders. On so extended and varied a field all were called into 
requisition and all evinced the greatest energy and zeal. The 
medical director of the army, Surgeon Guild, with the ofiicers 
of his department, were untiring in their attention to the 
wounded. Lieutenant-colonel Corley, chief quartermaster, 
took charge of the disposition and safety of the trains of the 
army. Lieutenant-colonel Cole, chief commissar\' of subsist- 
ence, and Lieutenant-colonel Baldwin, chief of ordnance, were 
everywhere on the field attending to the wants of their depart- 
ments; General Chilton, chief of staff, Lieutenant-colonel 
Murray, Major Peyton, and Captain Young, of the adjutant- 
and inspector-general's department, were active in seeing to 
the execution of orders ; Lieutcntant-colonel Smith and Cap- 
tain Johnston of the Engineers in reconnoitering the enemy 
and constructing batteries ; Colonel Long in posting troops 
and artillery ; Majors Taylor, Talcott, Marshall, and Venable 
were engaged night and day in watching the operations, car- 
rying orders, etc. 

" Respectfully submitted, R. E. Lek, Geyicral. 

"Note. — Notwithstanding the unfavorable character of the 
country for the use of artillery. Colonels Brown, Carter, and 
Hardaway succeeded in placing thirty or forty guns in posi- 
tion to be used with effect on parts of the enemy's position, 
especially that in the vicinity of the Chancellor house." 

On the 7th, General Lee ordered his troops to resume their 
former position about Fredericksburg. A few days after the 
sad ititelligence of the death of Lieutenant-general Jackson 
reached the army. Tlie estimation in which that distinguished 
officer was held will be best explained by the general orders of 
the commander-in-chief announcing his death to the army : 

"Headquarters Army of Nortiifrn Virginia, 
"Gcncr.1l Orders No. 6r. May il, 1863. 

"With deep regret the commanding general annoimces to 
the army the death of Lieutenant-general T, J. Jackson, who 
expired on the loth instant at a quarter past 3 p. m. The dar- 
ing, skill, and energy of this great and good soldier by the 
decree of an all-wise Providence are now lost us. But while 



CHANCELLORSVILLE. 263 

we mourn his death we feel that his spirit still lives, and will 
inspire the whole army with his indomitable courage and un- 
shaken confidence in God as our hope and strength. Let his 
name be a watchword to his corps, who have followed him 
to victory on so many fields. Let his officers and soldiers 
emulate his invincible determination to do everything in the 
defence of our beloved country. 

"R. E. Lee, General:' 

It is but just to pause at this point in our narrative, and 
append some remarks upon the appearance and character of the 
remarkable man whose striking history ends with the field of 
Qhancellorsville and with the achievement of a victory in 
which he was the chief instrument, under the skilful control 
of the great Confederate leader. 

The writer first knew Jackson as a young man, then an officer 
in the First Artillery. Shortly after that time he retired from 
the army and became a professor in the Virginia Military Instl, 
tute, which he left to join the army of the Confederacy. I next 
saw him in Richmond when on a brief visit to Lee to consult 
in regard to the projected movement against McClellan. Hcr 
seemed then in much better health than before he left the 
United States army, but presented the same tall, gaunt, awk- 
ward figure and the rusty gray dress and still rustier gray 
forage-cap by which he was distinguished from the spruce 
young officers under him. There was nothing of a very strik- 
ing character in his personal appearance. He had a good face, 
but one that promised no unusual powers. Yet in the excite- 
ment of battle his countenance would light up and his form 
appear to expand, a peculiar animation seeming to infuse 
itself through his whole person. At the battle of Gaines's Mill, 
where I next saw him, he was very poorly mounted on an old 
sorrel horse, and in his rusty suit was anything but a striking 
figure. And yet as he put himself at the head of his last reg- 
iment and advanced with his face lit up with the enthusiasm 
of war, he looked truly heroic and appeared a man made by 
Nature to lead armies to victory. 

I saw him frequently afterward during the progress of the 



264 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

war, and in the march against Harper's Ferry I wrote off the 
order for the movement. The conversation in regard to it 
between Lee and Jackson took place in my presence, and I 
well remember not only his strong approval of it, but also the 
earnest energy with which he undertook the enterprise. He 
at that time seemed improved in health, and was more animated 
than usual in manner. It was in the camp near Winchester, 
however, that Jackson presented his most attractive appearance. 
General Stuart had made him a present of a new uniform, and 
a handsome horse in place of his old raw-boned sorrel. It was 
with some difficulty that he was induced to part with his ancient 
attire in favor of this new and showy dress, and it is doubtful 
if he was ever quite comfortable in it. 

He was a very reticent man, and ordinarily seemed absorbed 
in his own thoughts, while he displayed some marked peculiar- 
ities of manner. One of these was a strange habit of stopping 
and throwing up his hands, as if in supplication to the Invisible. 
In religion he was a strict Presbyterian of the sternest creed, 
and very attentive to religious observances. He not only 
believed in predestination, but had a strong belief in his per- 
sonal safety — a presentiment that he would never fall by the 
hands of the enemy that seemed singularly warranted by the 
result. The men under his command were to a considerable 
extent of his own faith. In this he presented a parallel with 
Cromwell, whom, indeed, he resembled in character. 

Jackson was very hospitable in disposition and welcomed 
warmly any guest to his tent or his table. The writer has 
often partaken of his hospitality, and found him ever an agree- 
able and generous host. As for himself, he was very abstemi- 
ous. He had been at one period of his life a decided dyspeptic, 
and was always obliged to be very careful of his diet. 

In this work the greater part of his military history has been 
included, yet no description has been given of that notable 
Valley campaign in which he so greatly astounded his adver- 
saries, and to which he owes so much of his reputation as a 
brilliant tactician and a commander of extraordinary powers. 
This campaign formed no part of the military history of Gen- 
eral Lee, and it is but alluded to here as a fitting close to this 



CHANCELLORSVILLE. 265 

tribute to the most remarkable, and one of the most able, of 
the great champions developed during our Civil War. 

After the return of the victorious army to its old quarters at 
Fredericksburg the remainder of Alay was consumed in recruit- 
ing and reorganizing. The infantry was formed into three 
corps of three divisions each. The First corps was commanded 
by Longstreet, the Second by Ewell, and the Third by A. P. 
Hill. Each of these officers had been elevated to the rank of 
lieutenant-general. The organization of the cavalry remained 
unchanged, but that of the artillery demanded the special 
attention of the commander-in-chief. The artillery of the 
army consisted of abouto sixty batteries of light artillery and 
of six batteries of horse artillery, whose persomtel was un- 
surpassed by any troops in the army, though they were 
imperfectly organized. General Lee, having determined to 
improve the efficiency of his artillery, directed a plan to be 
drafted for its more perfect organization. The plan presented 
and adopted was to group the artillery of the army into battal- 
ions of four batteries each. The artillery of the line was thus 
formed into fifteen battalions, besides the battalion of horse 
artillery. To each battalion was assigned a lieutenant-colonel 
and major, and two or three battalions constituted the com- 
mand of a colonel. The whole light artillery of the army was 
separated into three divisions, each of which was commanded 
bv a chief with the rank of brigadier-general. One of these 
divisions was assigned to each corps of infantry. The chiefs 
of the corps of artillery reported and received orders direct 
from the corps commanders, and the chief of artillery of the 
army reported direct to the commander-in-chief. This organ- 
ization proved entirely successful, and the Confederate artillery 
became famous in the later campaigns. 

By the ist of June the reconstruction and equipment of the 
army was completed, and the Army of Northern Virginia ap- 
peared the best disciplined, the most high-spirited, and enthu- 
siastic army on the continent. It consisted of 52,000 infantry, 
250 pieces of artillery, and 9000 cavaln^, making an aggregate 
force of 65,000 men. The successful campaign which this 
army had recently passed through inspired it with almost 



266 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE.. 

invincible ardor. This splendid result had been accomplished 
by the almost unaided efforts of General Lee.* 

The fmancial condition of the country became worse almost 
daily, without any effectual efforts being made to arrest the 
continual decline in the value of money and give a healthy 
tone to the currency. Almost all external resources had been 
cut off, and now the only course to be adopted to improve the 
currency was the resort to direct taxation. At this time the 
real estate and the personal wealth of the country' afforded an 
ample basis for the establishment of a currency reliable and 
sufficient for the general demand. But this resource was neg- 
lected, and the finances of the country came to naught. The 
want of money was severely felt by the army, and many of the 
best soldiers were only retained by the assurance of the patriotic 
citizens that their families should be provided for. To add to 
the embarrassment of the army, it was confined to one line of 
operations — the defence of Richmond. Both the State and 
Confederate Governments demanded with Quixotic persistency 
the defence of a place that had been rendered almost untenable 
since the Federals had gained the possession of the James and 
York rivers. The general had been heard to say that Rich- 
mond was the millstone that was dragging down the army. 

* The rapid increase of the army after the battle of Chancellorsville was mainly due 
to the return of Longstreet's two divisions and tlie cavalry brigades of Hampton, Robert- 
«on, and Jones, which had been detached from the army during the fall and winter. 



CHAPTER XV. 

GETTYSBURG. 

A New Plan of Operations Discussed. — The Army Advances. — Through Shenandoah 
Valley to the Potomac. — The Federals March North. — Hooker Superseded by 
Meade. — The Army in Pennsylvania. — General Order. — Both Armies Move upon 
Gettysburg. — The Battle of July ist. — An Assault Ordered for the Next Morning. — 
Criticism of the Count of Paris. — Topography. — Stuart's Movement. — Lee's Anx- 
iety at the Delay. — An Opportunity Lost. — Position of Sickles's Corps. — A Dash 
for Little Round Top. — The Texans Repulsed. — The Fight at the Peach Orchard. — 
Federal Repulse. — Ewell's Assault. — The Battle of the 3d. — An Attack Ordered 
on the Centre. — Pickett's Charge. — Failure of the Assault. — Colonel Taylor's Tes- 
timony. — Lee's Letter to Pickett. — After the Battle. — Retreat to the Potomac. — 
Advance of the Federal Army. — Lee Crosses the Potomac. — Subsequent Move- 
ments. — Venable's Anecdote. — Story of a Federal Soldier. 

BY the first of June General Lee had completed his arrange- 
ments for the ensuing campaign. The army, though 
numerically less than it was when he commenced his opera- 
tions against McClellan on the Chickahominy, had been by its 
recent victories imbued with a confidence that greatly increased 
its efficiency. Its spirit was now high, and it was anxious 
to grapple again its powerful foe, which still lingered on the 
Stafford Heights. 

The object of the campaign being the defence of Richmond, 
General Lee could either continue on the defensive and op- 
pose the Federal advance as he had recently done, or he might 
assume the offensive and by bold manoeuvring oblige the 
Federal army to recede from its present line of operations to 
protect its capital or oppose the invasion of Maryland or 
Pennsylvania. The advance upon Richmond would thus be 
frustrated, and the attack upon that city delayed, at least for a 
time. The dispirited condition of the Federal army since its 
late defeat, and the high tone of that of the Confederates, in- 
duced the adoption of the latter plan. 

This decision was reached by General Lee near the close of 

267 



268 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

May and after the completion of the reorganization of the 
army which followed the battle of Chaiicellorsville. Before 
the movement began his plans of operation were fully matured, 
and with such precision that the exact locality at which a con- 
flict with the enemy was expected to take place was indicated 
on his map. This locality was the town of Gettysburg, the 
scene of the subseqiient great battle. 

At the period mentioned he called the writer into his tent, 
headquarters being then near Fredericksburg. On entering I 
found that he had a map spread on the table before him, which 
he seemed to have been earnestly consulting. He advised me 
of his designed plan of operations, which we discussed together 
and commented upon the probable result. He traced on the 
map the proposed route of the army and its destination in 
Pennsylvania, while in his quietly effective manner he made 
clear to me his plans for the campaign. He first proposed, in 
furtherance of his design, to manoeuvre the army in such a way 
as to draw Hooker from the Rappahannock. At this point in 
the conversation I suggested that it might be advantageous to 
bring Hooker to an engagement somewhere in the vicinity of 
the old battlefield of Manassas. To this idea General Lee 
objected, and stated as his reason for opposing it that no results 
of decisive value to the Confederate States could come from a 
victory in that locality. The Federal army, if defeated, would 
fall back to the defences of Washington, as on previous occa- 
sions, where it could reorganize in safety and again take the 
field in full force. 

In his view, the best course would be to invade Pennsylva- 
nia, penetrating this State in the direction of Chambersburg, 
York, or Gettysburg. He might be forced to give battle at 
one or the other of these places as circumstances might sug- 
gest, but, in his view, the vicinity of Gettysburg was much 
the best point, as it was less distant from his base on the 
Potomac, and was so situated that by holding the passes of 
the South Mountain he would be able to keep open his line 
of communication. York, being some twenty-five miles far- 
ther from the mountains, was a less desirable locality. 

In this plan he had a decided object. There was in his 



GETTYSBURG. 269 

mind no thought of reaching Philadelphia, as was subse- 
quently feared in the North. Yet he was satisfied that the 
Federal army, if defeated in a pitched battle, would be seri- 
ously disorganized and forced to ' retreat across the Susque- 
hanna — an event which would give him control of Maryland 
and Western Pennsylvania, and probably of West Virginia, 
while it would very likely cause the fall of Washington 
City and the flight of the Federal Government. Moreover, 
an important diversion would be made in favor of the West- 
ern department, where the affairs of the Confederacy were 
on the decline. These highly important results, which would 
in all probability follow a successful battle, fully warranted, in 
his opinion, the hazard of an invasion of the North. 

The plan which he thus indicated was already fully matured 
in his own mind, and the whole line of movement was laid 
down on the map. He alluded to the several strategic points 
in Maryland, but did not think it would be advisable to make 
any stand in that State, for the same reason as before given. 
This interview took place about two weeks before the move- 
ment began. The proposed scheme of operations was sub- 
mitted to President Davis in a personal interview, and fully 
approved by him. 

General Lee entertained the reasonable expectation that with 
his powerful cavalry he would be able to obtain all necessary 
supplies in Pennsylvania. It was his intention to subsist his 
soldiers on the country of the enemy, and he knew that the 
fertile Cumberland Valley could supply an army of any size. 
He had strong confidence of success in this movement, relying 
greatly on the high spirit of his army and the depressed con- 
dition of Hooker's forces. Everything, indeed, seemed to 
promise success, and the joyful animation with which the men 
marched North after the movement actually began and the des- 
tination of the army was communicated to them appeared a 
true presage of victory. 

Since the battle of Chancellorsville, although the Federal 
army had been increased to its former dimensions, it still 
retained a spiritless attitude. As yet no future plan of opera- 
tions had been developed. It was just to conclude that General 



270 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Hooker would not again advance on his present line, and thai 
a change of base was in contemplation, and as the James and 
York presented the most propitious lines, it was probable that 
the Army of the Potomac, if left uninterrupted, would move in 
that direction. But the arrival of the advance of the Confed- 
erate army early in June at Culpeper Court-house excited the 
apprehensions of the Federal authorities for the safety of their 
capital, and forced them to entertain new ideas as to the desti- 
nation of the Army of the Potomac. 

On the 2d of June, E well's corps, preceded by the cavalry, 
was sent forward to Culpeper Court-house. A day or two after, 
Longstreet, accompanied by the commander-in-chief, followed 
Ewell, while Hill remained at Fredericksburg to observe the 
movements of Hooker. By the 8th of June the main body of 
the Confederate army was concentrated in the neighborhood of 
Culpeper and the Federal army was in motion for the upper 
Rappahannock. 

Early on the morning of the 9th, Pleasonton's cavalry crossed 
the Rappahannock and attacked Stuart in his position south 
of that river. A fierce engagement ensued, in which the Con- 
federate cavalry was roughly handled, but finally, with the 
assistance of Rodes's division of infantry, the Federals were 
repulsed and forced to cross the Rappahannock. 

Having learned by this encounter that Lee was in force at 
Culpeper, Hooker hastened the concentration of his forces in 
the neighborhood of Rappahannock Station. On the loth, 
Ewell was advanced toward the Shenandoah Valley, both for the 
purpose of expelling from that section a considerable Federal 
force, and to create an impression of a flank movement with the 
view of interrupting Hooker's communications. Having not yet 
recovered from the shock he had received at Chancellorsville, 
and having before him the picture of Pope's disaster of the 
previous year, Hooker suddenly withdrew from the Rappahan- 
nock and retired to the vicinity of Manassas and Centreville, 
where he assumed a defensive attitude for the protection of 
Washington. 

Thus by a series of bold strategic movements General Lee 
removed the enemy from his path and accomplished the most 



GE TTYSB URG. 2 7 1 

difficult step in his plan of operations without opposition. The 
extension of his line from Fredericksburg to Winchester in the 
face of an enemy of more than double his numerical strength 
would ordinarily be considered an act of unpardonable rash- 
ness, but on the present occasion, being aware of the dispirited 
condition of the Federal army and the dread of disaster to 
Washington, Lee felt safe in undertaking this movement. 

General Ewell on the 14th defeated Milroy at Winchester, 
and after expelling him from the Valley took a position on the 
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad between Martinsburg and Har- 
per's Ferry. Hill, as soon as the enemy disappeared from his 
front, withdrew from Fredericksburg and proceeded to close 
upon the main body of the army. 

On the 15th, Longstreet was put in motion for the Valley, 
and Hill was directed to follow a day later, while Stuart was 
left east of the Blue Ridge with instructions to observe closely 
the movements of the enemy. 

General Lee arrived with Longstreet' s corps at Berry ville on 
the i8th, where he remained two or three days perfecting his 
preparations for the invasion of Pennsylvania. About the 21st 
he continued his advance in two columns: the one, composed 
of the corps of Ewell and Hill, was directed to Shepherdstown, 
and the other, consisting of Longstreet' s corps and the supply- 
train, proceeded to Williamsport. Ewell crossed the Potomac 
on the 23d, followed by Hill on the 24th, while its passage 
was effected by Longstreet and the trains on the 25th at 
Williamsport. 

As Lee's plan of operations unfolded itself, Hooker advanced 
to the Potomac and took possession of the fords in the neigh- 
borhood of Leesburg. When he learned that Lee had entered 
Maryland he immediately crossed the river and advanced to 
Frederick. A controversy then occurred between Halleck and 
himself, which resulted in his removal on the 27tli and the 
placing of General Meade in command of the Army of the 
Potomac. 

Previous to the passage of the Potomac, General Stuart was 
instructed to make the movements of the cavalry correspond 
with those of the Federal army, so that he might be in position 



272 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to observe and report all important information. In the per- 
fonnance of this duty Stuart had never failed, and probably 
his great confidence in him made Lee less specific in his instruc- 
tions than he would otherwise have been. But on this occasion, 
either from the misapprehension of instructions or the love of 
the ^clat of a bold raid, Stuart, instead of maintaining his 
appropriate position between the armies, placed himself on the 
right flank of the enemy, where his communication with Lee 
was effectually severed. This greatly embarrassed the move- 
ments of General Lee, and eventually forced him to an engage- 
ment under disadvantageous circumstances. 

Immediately on completing the passage of the Potomac, Lee 
resumed his advance, directing Ewell to Carlisle, while he pro- 
ceeded with Longstreet and Hill to Chambersburg. Ewell 
sent Early to York by way of Gettysburg, and then moved 
with the rest of his corps, accompanied by Jenkins's cavalry, 
to Carlisle. These places were occupied without opposition. 
Longstreet and Hill reached Chambersburg on the 26th, when 
they were halted to wait tidings of Stuart and to gain informa- 
tion of the movements of the enemy. Such was the disposi- 
tion of the Confederate army during the latter part of June. 

On the day succeeding his arrival at Chambersburg, General 
Lee issued the following order to his army, which breathes the 
same highly commendable spirit as that issued on the occasion 
of the advance into Maryland: 

"Headquarters Army of Northern Vfrginia, 
"Chambersburg, Pa., June 27, 1863. 

''General Order No. 73. 

" The commanding general has observed with marked satis- 
faction the conduct of the troops on the march, and confidently 
anticipates results commensurate with the high spirit they have 
manifested. No troops could have displayed greater fortitude 
or better performed the arduous marches of the past ten days. 
Their conduct in other respects has, with few exceptions, been 
in keeping with their character as soldiers, and entitles them 
to approbation and praise. 

"There have, however, been instances of forgetfulness on 



GETTYSBURG. 273 

the part of some that they have in keeping the yet unsullied 
reputation of the army, and that the duties exacted of us by 
civilization and Christianity are not less obligatory in the coun- 
try of the enemy than in our own. The commanding general 
considers that no greater disgrace could befall the army, and 
through it our whole people, than the perpetration of the bar- 
barous outrages upon the innocent and defenceless and the 
wanton destruction of private property that have marked the 
course of the enemy in our own country. Such proceedings 
not only disgrace the perpetrators and all connected with them, 
but are subversive of the discipline and efficiency of the army 
and destructive of the ends of our present movements. It must 
be remembered that we make war only on armed men, and that 
we cannot take vengeance for the wrongs our people have suf- 
fered without lowering ourselves in the eyes of all whose abhor- 
rence has been excited by the atrocities of our enemy, and 
offending against Him to whom vengeance belongeth, without 
whose favor and support our efforts must all prove in vain. 

"The commanding general therefore earnestly exhorts the 
troops to abstain, with most scrupulous care, from unnecessary 
or wanton injury to private property, and he enjoins upon all 
officers to arrest and bring to summary punishment all who 
shall in any way offend against the orders on this subject. 

"R. E. Lee, 
" General. ' ' 

To the strict observance of the above order Colonel Free- 
mantle, of the British army, thus testifies: "I saw no strag- 
gling into the houses, nor were any of the inhabitants disturbed 

or annoyed by the soldiers I went into Chambersburg 

again, and witnessed the singular good behavior of the troops 

toward the citizens To one who has seen, as I have, 

the ravages of the Northern troops in Southern towns this for- 
bearance seems most commendable and surprising." 

Colonel Freemantle was also on the field of Gettysburg, and 
behaved most handsomely on the repulse of Pickett's division. 
Speaking of that affair, he says: "General Lee and his officers 
were fully impressed with a sense of the situation, yet there 

18 



"2 74 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

was much less noise, fuss, or confusion of orders than at an 
ordinary field-day. The men, as they were rallied in the wood, 
were brought up in detachments and lay down quietly and 
coolly in the positions assigned them." 

By referring to the map of Pennsylvania it will be seen that 
Chambersburg, Carlisle, and York are nearly equidistant from 
Gettysburg, each being about twenty-five miles distant from 
that place. When General Lee arrived at Chambersburg he 
had received no intelligence from Stuart for several da}'S, con- 
sequently he had no information of the movements of the Army 
of the Potomac, and the continued want of intelligence for 
several days longer greatly embarrassed him. 

Lee first learned of the appointment of General Meade to the 
command of the Federal army on the ^8th of June. He was 
surprised to hear of such a change of commanders being made 
at that critical stage of affairs. The change itself he consid- 
ered advantageous to the Federal cause, as he had always held 
Meade in much higher estimation as a commander than Hooker. 
But he was of the opinion that the difficulties which would be- 
set Meade in taking command of an army in the midst of a 
campaign would more than counterbalance his superiority as a 
general over the previous commander. He was therefore rather 
satisfied than otherwise by the change. Tlie army at large was 
in no sense discomposed in learning that General Lee was 
opposed to a new adversary. They had known the same thing 
to happen on several previous occasions with rather loss than 
gain to the Federal cause, and the news tended to add to their 
hopes of success. They had little fear that any of the generals 
of the Army of the Potomac would prove a match for their 
own admired and almost worshipped leader. 

On reaching Chambersburg, General Lee, not having heard 
from Stuart, was under the impression that the Federal army 
had not yet crossed the Potomac. It was not until the night 
of the 28th that he learned that the enemy had reached Fred- 
erick. This important infonnation was brought by a scout 
from Hood's Texas brigade. 

On receiving this news Lee immediately ordered the advance 
of Robertson's and W. E. Jones's divisions of cavalry, which 



GETTYSBURG. 275 

Stuart had left to guard the passes of the Blue Ridge. This 
cavalry, however, did not arrive in time to be of any service in 
the movements preceding the battle. 

The rapid advance of General Meade was unexpected, ai]d 
exhibited a celerity that had not hitherto been displayed by the 
Federal army. A speedy concentration of the Confederate 
army was now necessary. Before dawn on the morning of the 
29th orders were despatched requiring the immediate junction 
of the army, and on the 30tli the Confederate forces were in 
motion toward Gettysburg. At the same time General Meade 
J was pressing forward for that place. 

This movement of the Confederate army began with the 
advance of A. P. Hill's corps, which bivouacked near Green- 
ville on the night of the 29th, and reached Cashtown during 
the next day. Orders had been sent to Ewell to recall his 
advanced divisions and concentrate in the same locality. 
Longstreet's corps followed on the 30th, accompanied by head- 
quarters, and encamped that night near the western base of 
South Mountain, in the neighborhood of the Stevens furnace. 
On July ist he advanced to Cashtown, a locality about six miles 
from Gettysburg. 

While Lee and his staff were ascending South Mountain 
firing was heard from the direction of Gettysburg. This 
caused Lee some little uneasiness. The unfortunate absence 
of the cavalry prevented him from knowing the position and 
movements of the enemy, and it was impossible to estimate the 
true condition of affairs in his front. He was at first persuaded 
that the firing indicated a cavalry affair of minor importance, 
but by the time Cashtown was reached the sound had become 
heavy and continuous, and indicated a severe engagement. 

General Lee now exhibited a degree of anxiety and impa- 
tience, and expressed regret at the absence of the cavalry. He 
said that he had been kept in the dark ever since crossing the 
Potomac, and intimated that Stuart's disappearance had mate- 
rially hampered the movements and disorganized the plans of 
the campaign. 

In a short time, however, his suspense was relieved by a 
message from A. P. Hill, who reported that he was engaged 



276 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

with two corps of the enemy, and requested reinforcements. 
Anderson's division, which had just reached Cashtown, was at 
once pushed forward to his support, and General Lee with his 
staff quickly followed. 

The situation in front at that time was as follows: During 
the forenoon of July ist the two leading corps of the Federal 
army, commanded by General Reynolds, had arrived at Gettys- 
burg; at the same time the heads of Hill's and Ewell's corps 
were rapidly approaching. About ten o'clock, General Heth 
of Hill's corps encountered a part of Buford's cavalry, which 
had been thrown forward on the Chambersburg road to a small 
stream called Willoughby Run, three miles from Gettysburg. 
Having driven back Buford, Heth engaged Wads worth's divis- 
ion of the First corps, which was soon reinforced by other 
divisions of that corps, while Heth was supported by Pender's 
division of Hill's corps. The advance of the Eleventh corps 
(Howard's) and the arrival of Rodes's and Early's divisions of 
Ewell's corps, increased the proportions of the combat, which 
quickly became animated and continued with spirit until about 
four o'clock in the afternoon, when the Federal corps were totally 
defeated and driven from the field with very heavy loss. Gen- 
eral Reynolds was killed, and his two corps were seriously 
reduced in numbers and greatly disorganized. The Confeder- 
ate loss was much smaller than that of the enemy; neverthe- 
less, the fall of many gallant soldiers was to be regretted. 
Among the wounded was the gallant General Heth, whose 
command suffered severely. 

Near the close of the action General Lee reached the field. 
Anderson's division came up soon afterward, and about the 
same time Longstreet arrived in advance of his corps, which 
was a few miles behind. As the troops were evidently very 
much fatigued, and somewhat disorganized by rapid marching 
and hard fighting, it seemed inadvisable to immediately pursue 
the advantage which had been gained, particularly as the re- 
treating forces of the enemy were known to have been rein- 
forced, and to have taken a defensive position about a mile 
youth of the town. 

This subject occupied Lee's attention upon perceiving the 



GETTYSBURG. 2JJ 

situation of affairs and the victory gained by his advance forces, 
and he entered into a conversation with Longstreet, in the 
presence of the writer, concerning the relative positions of the 
two armies and the movements it was advisable to make, 
lyongstreet gave it as his opinion that the best plan would be 
to turn Meade's left flank and force him back to the neighbor- 
hood of Pipeclay Creek. To this General Lee objected, and 
pronounced it impracticable under the circumstances. 

At the conclusion of the conversation Colonel Long was 
directed to make a reconnoissance of the Federal position on 
Cemetery Ridge, to which strong line the retreating troops 
had retired. This he did, and found that the ridge was occu- 
pied in considerable force. On this fact being reported to Gen- 
eral Lee, he decided to make no farther advance that evening, 
but to wait till morning before attempting to follow up his 
advantage. This decision the worn-out condition of his men 
and the strength of the position held by the enemy rendered 
advisable. He turned to Longstreet and Hill, who were pres 
ent, and said, "Gentlemen, we will attack the enemy in the 
morning as early as practicable." In the conversation that 
succeeded he directed them to make the necessary prepara- 
tions and be ready for prompt action the next day. Long- 
street's corps was at that time near Cash town, but bivouacked 
for the night on Willoughby's Creek, about four miles from 
the battlefield. 

I will here add that Gettysburg affords a good example of 
the difficulties to be encountered and the uncertainty of being 
able to harmonize the various elements of armies when the 
field of operations is extensive. This battle was precipitated 
by the absence of information which could only be obtained by 
an active cavalry force. General Lee had previously considered 
the possibility of engaging the enemy in the vicinity of Gettys- 
burg, but the time and position were to have been of his own 
selection. This could have been easily effected had not the 
cavalry been severed from its proper place with the army. 

At a later hour in the evening than that of the events above 
mentioned the writer had a further conversation with General 
Lee, which is of sufiicient interest to be here narrated. We 



278 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

were then together at the bivouac, under the trees of an apple 
orchard. 

The general, as if he had been thinking over his plans and 
orders, turned to me with the remark, "Colonel Long, do you 
think we had better attack without the cavalry ? If we do so, 
we will not, if successful, be able to reap the fruits of victory." 

"In my opinion," I replied, " it would be best not to wait 
for Stuart. It is uncertain where he is or when he will arrive. 
At present only two or three corps of the enemy's army are up, 
and it seems best to attack them before they can be greatly 
strengthened by reinforcements. The cavalry- had better be 
left to take care of itself." 

General Lee evidently agreed with me in this opinion. Much 
as he had been annoyed and his movements hampered by Stu- 
art's absence, the condition of affairs was such that but one 
judicious course was open. An attack in force on the enemy 
before he could concentrate his army was ver}^ promising of 
success, and it was with this purpose fully determined upon in 
the general's mind that the events of that day ended for the 
Confederate army. 

At this stage of the campaign the Count of Paris alludes to 
the tactics and strategy of General Lee in a tone of criticism 
which calls for some rejoinder on our part. He remarks : 

" He has four alternatives to select from : He has the choice 
to retire into the gaps of the South Mountain, in order to com- 
pel Meade to come after him ; or to wait steadily in his present 
positions for the attack of the Federals ; or, again, to manoeu- 
vre in order to dislodge them from those they occupy by men- 
acing their communications by the right or left ; or, finally, to 
storm these positions in front, in the hope of carrying them by 
main force. The best plan would undoubtedly have been the 
first, because, by preserving the strategic offensive, Lee would 
thils secure all tlie advantages of the tactical defensive." 

Could the count have seen the actual field of operation and 
have known the circumstances that governed General Lee, he 
would probably have taken a different view of his actions. 

It must be borne in mind that in entering Pennsylvania with- 
out his cavalry General Lee was unable to accumulate supplies. 



GETTYSBURG. 27Q 

In fact, the subsistence of his army mainly depended on the 
provisions that could be collected in the vicinity of his line 
of march by detachments of infantry mounted on artillery- and 
wagon-horses. Therefore, if Lee had adopted the count's pre- 
ferred plan of operation and occupied one of the passes of South 
Mountain, he would have placed his army in a trap that would 
have, in the absence of a miracle, resulted in its destruction ; 
for Meade with his superior forces could have enclosed him 
without supplies or the means of obtaining them. Lee would 
thus have been reduced to the alternative of laying down his 
arms or of cutting his way out with great sacrifice of life and 
the loss of his artillery and transportation. 

The above objection is also applicable to the count's second 
plan, with the addition that General Lee's line was too much ex- 
tended to admit of a successful defence against General Meade's 
superior force. In answer to the count's third plan, it is only 
necessary to say that the proximity of the two armies and the 
absence of cavalry on the part of the Confederates rendered 
manoeuvring impracticable. The fourth is the only one that 
admitted of the hope of success, and was the one adopted by 
General Lee. 

That the battle may be more clearly described it is necessary 
to present some of the principal topographical features of the 
neighborhood of Gettysburg. The town of Gettysburg, nest- 
ling in a small valley, is surrounded by numerous low ridges 
making various angles with each other. The most important 
of them is the one situated about a mile south-west, known as 
Cemetery Ridge. It is terminated by two conical mounds about 
four miles apart. The one to the south is designated the Round 
Top. The one to the north is called Culp's Hill. 

Immediately after the defeat of the First and Eleventh corps 
Cemetery Ridge was selected as the Federal position. Nearer 
the town is a second ridge, nearly parallel to, and about a thou- 
sand yards west of, the Cemetery Ridge. This ridge during 
the battle formed the Confederate centre. From its southern 
extremity springs obliquely a spur extending almost on a line 
with the Round Top. This naturally formed the Confederate 
right. East of the town the valley is traversed by a small 



2So MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

stream, beyond which rises abruptly a commanding ridge which 
was occupied by the Confederate left. The more distant view 
is bounded by South Mountain and its projecting spurs. 

As we have said so much in regard to the absence of the 
cavalry and the difficulties thence arising, it is proper at this 
point to explain its cause. Stuart's passage of the Potomac at 
a point eastward of that where the Federal crossing was made 
was intended, as has been said, as a feint, with the view of 
creating a diversion in favor of General Lee by arousing fears 
of danger to Washington, to the vicinity of which city the 
cavalry advanced. However, the movement proved a highly 
unfortunate one, and was followed by irretrievable disaster; for 
Stuart had no sooner entered Maryland than his return was 
barred by the intrusion of a large Federal force between him 
and the river, and he was thus obliged to make a wide circuit 
through Maryland and Pennsylvania before he could resume 
his proper place with the army. This occupied him seven or 
eight days, and it was the 2d of July before he rejoined the 
, army at Gettysburg in a very reduced condition, for many of 
his men had been dismounted, and the horses of those who 
remained in the saddle were much jaded by long and rapid 
marches. Notwithstanding the bad plight of his cavalry, 
Stuart, with his usual promptitude, placed it on the flanks 
of the army, where its presence was miich needed. On the 3d 
it engaged the enemy's cavalry in frequent skirmishes and 
several fierce encounters, in one of which General Hampton 
was severely wounded. 

The divisions of Robertson and Jones, which had been order- 
ed up from the passes of the Blue Ridge, did not reach the army 
in time to take part in the battles of the ist and 2d, and were 
too late to be of any service in preliminary reconnoissances. 
In consequence of these facts. General Lee in the Avhole of this 
campaign was deprived of the use of that portion of his force 
which has been truly named "the eye of the anny," since 
without it all movements are made in the dark and the army 
is forced to grope its way forward. 

At an early hour on the morning of the 2d the writer (Col- 
onel Long) was directed to examine and verify the position of 



GETTYSBURG. 251 

the Confederate artillery. He accordingly examined the whole 
line from right to left, and gave the necessary instructions for 
its effective service. As the morning advanced surprise began 
to be felt at the delay in commencing the attack on the right, 
which had been ordered to take place at an early hour. The 
object was to dislodge the Federal force, that had retreated after 
its defeat to the position known as Cemetery Ridge, before it 
could be reinforced to any considerable extent. By so doing 
Lee hoped to be able to defeat the Federal army in detail before 
it could be concentrated. Ewell was directed to take a position 
opposite the eastern termination of Cemetery Ridge, while Hill 
occupied the ridge parallel to it; and Longstreet, whose corps 
had bivouacked four miles in the rear, was to move early 
the next morning and assail the Federal left, while Ewell 
was to favor his attack by an assault upon the Federal right. 
Hill was to hold himself in readiness to throw his strength 
where it would have the greatest effect. 

After completing the duties assigned him, Colonel Long 
returned to join General Lee, whom he met at Ewell' s head- 
quarters about 9 A. M. As it appeared, the general had been 
waiting there for some time, expecting at every moment to 
hear of the opening of the attack on the right, and by no 
means satisfied with the delay. After giving General Ewell 
instructions as to his part in the coming engagement, he pro- 
ceeded to reconnoitre Cemetery Ridge in person. He at once 
saw the importance of an immediate commencement of the 
assault, as it was evident that the enemy was gradually strength- 
ening his position by fresh arrivals of troops, and that the ad- 
vantage in numbers and readiness which the Confederate army 
possessed was rapidly disappearing. 

Lee's impatience increased after this reconnoissance, and he 
proceeded in search of Longstreet, remarking, in a tone of 
uneasiness, "What can detain Longstreet? He ought to be 
in position now." This was about lo A. m. 

After going some distance he received a message that Long- 
street was advancing. This appeared to relieve his anxiety, 
and he proceeded to the point where he expected the arrival 
of the corps. Here he waited for some time, during which 



282 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

interval lie observed that the enemy had occupied the Peach 
Orchard, which formed a portion of the ground that was to 
have been occupied by Longstreet. This was that advance 
movement of Sickles's command which has given rise to so 
much controversy among Federal historians. 

General Lee, on perceiving this, again expressed his im- 
patience in words and renewed his search for Longstreet. It 
was now about i o'clock p. m. After going some distance to 
the rear, he discovered Hood's division at a halt, while McLaws 
was yet at some distance on the Fairfield road, having taken a 
wrong direction. Longstreet was present, and with General 
Lee exerted himself to correct the error, but before the corps 
could be brought into its designated position it was four o'clock. 
The hope that had been entertained of taking the enemy at a 
disadvantage and defeating him in detail no longer existed. 
The whole of the Federal force, except Sedgwick's corps, was 
strongly posted on Cemetery Ridge. Sedgwick, whose corps 
had made a march of thirty-five miles in twenty hours, had 
reached the field, though his men were too much exhausted by 
the length and -rapidity of their march to be of immediate 
service. Yet the opportunity which the early morning had 
presented was lost. The entire Army of the Potomac was 
before us ! 

General Longstreet has published an explanation of the 
causes of this unfortunate, if not fatal, delay in the arrival 
of his troops, yet it cannot be said that the reason which he 
gives is entirely satisfactory. He says that on the ist of July 
the march of his corps had been greatly delayed by the occu- 
pation of the road by a division of the Second corps and its 
wagon-trains. Yet his whole force, except Law's brigade, 
had reached a position within four miles of Gettysburg by 
midnight. On the next day, "Fearing that my force was too 
weak to venture to make an attack, I delayed until General 
Law's brigade joined its division. As soon after his arrival as 
we could make our preparations the movement began. Engi- 
neers sent out by the commanding general and myself guided 
us by a road which would have completely disclosed the 
move. Some delay ensued in seeking a more concealed route. 




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GETTYSBURG. 283 

Mclvaws's division got into position opposite tlie enemy's left 
about 4 P. M. Hood's division was moved on farther to our 
right, and got into position, partially enveloping the enemy's 
left." 

This explanation, as we have said, is not satisfactory. Long- 
street, as he admits, had received instructions from Lee to move 
with t^iat portion of his comniaitd which was iip^ to gain the 
Emmettsburg road. These orders he took the responsibility 
of postponing on account of the absence of one brigade of his 
command, so that, instead of being in readiness to attack in 
the early morning, it was four o'clock in the afternoon when 
his troops reached the field. 

He now found the position which had been laid out for him 
occupied by Sickles's corps of the Federal army, which had 
pushed forward considerably in advance of the line of Cemetery 
Ridge and taken position on the lower ridge along which ran 
the Emmettsburg road. Cemetery Ridge at this portion of its 
extent is ill defined, and the movement of Sickles to occupy 
the advanced position was not without tactical warrant. Yet 
it was faulty, from the fact that his line, to gain a defensive 
position for its left flank, had to be bent at a considerable angle 
at the advanced point known as the " Peach Orchard." Gen- 
eral Humphreys's division occupied the road, while Birney's 
division held the salient point at the Peach Orchard, and was 
stretched back through low ground of woods and wheatfields 
toward Round Top, near which the left flank rested in a rocky 
ravine. 

The weak point in this line was the salient at the Peach 
Orchard, which formed the key of Sickles's position; and on 
this, when the columns of Longstreet's corps moved to the 
attack at 4.30 P. m., the greatest vigor of the assault felt. The 
first assault, however, was made by Hood's division, which 
attacked the left wing of Sickles's corps, extending from the 
Peach Orchard to the vicinity of the two elevations known as 
Round Top and Little Round Top. 

Through an interval which lay between Sickles's left and the 
foot of Round Top, Hood's extreme right thrust itself unper- 
ceived by the Federals, and made a dash for Little Round Top, 



284 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

wliicli, through some strange oversight, was at this moment 
quite unoccupied by any portion of Meade's army. The eleva- 
tion known by this name is a bold spur of the loftier height 
called Round Top. It is very rough and rugged, covered with 
massive boulders, and rendered difficult of ascent by its steep- 
ness and its outcropping granite ledges. Yet it was the key- 
point of that whole section of the battlefield, and had Hood 
dreamed of its being unoccupied, pushed a powerful force in 
that direction, and seized the commanding summit, the victory 
would have been in his grasp, since the possession of this point 
would not only have placed Sickles's corps in a highly peril- 
ous position, but have enabled him to take the entire line in 
reverse. 

It was at this critical moment that the Federals discovered 
their error and hastened to amend it. The prompt energy of 
a single officer. General Warren, chief engineer of the army, 
rescued Meade's army from imminent peril. He had reached 
Little Round Top at the point of time in which Hood's men 
penetrated the undefended space between Sickles's left and 
Round Top, and just as the signal-officers who occupied the 
summit were folding up their flags preparatory to leaving the 
dangerous situation. Directing them to continue waving their 
flags, Warren hastened away in search of some available force 
to hold the hill, and, meeting a division of Sykes's corps which 
was marching to the support of Sickles's command, he detached 
from it Vincent's brigade, which he hurried to the threatened 
summit. A battery also, with great difficulty, was dragged 
and lifted to the top of the rugged hill. 

It was a desperate rush from both sides for the possession of 
the important point, and the Federal brigade reached the crest 
just as the gallant Texans of Hood's division were swarming 
up the rocky slope with shouts of triumph. There ensued a 
desperate struggle for the contested summit. A severe volley 
from the Federals met Hood's men full in the face as they 
clim])ed the steep acclivity. The fight quickly became a hand- 
to-hand conflict, in which levelled bayonet and clubbed musket 
did their share in the work of death. For half an hour the 
4>ontest continued. But the advantage of the Federals in their 



GETTYSBURG. 285 

possession of the summit was not to be overcome, and, though 
the brave Texans stubbornly held the rocky glen at the foot 
of the hill, and worked their way up the ravine between the 
two elevations, they were eventually forced back by the Fed- 
erals, though not without causing heavy loss to the latter. 
The error which had been made by the Federals was imme- 
diately retrieved by the reinforcement of Vincent's brigade, 
while Round Top was occupied at a later hour in the evening. 

While this desperate struggle was in progress the assault on 
Sickles' s corps' was vigorously pressed by McLaws's division, 
particularly at the salient in the Peach Orchard, which was 
evidently the weak point of the line. The Federal resistance 
was stubborn, and reinforcements were hurried up to the im- 
perilled point ; yet the Confederate onslaught proved irresist- 
ible, pushing the line back to a wheatfield in the rear of the 
Peach Orchard, and eventually breaking it and hurling the 
enemy in disordered flight toward the high grounds in the reai. 

This success rendered the Federal position untenable. The 
flanks of the broken line were exposed right and left, and, 
though reinforcements were in rapid succession hurried to the 
front, the whole line was gradually forced back toward Ceme- 
tery Ridge, leaving the hotly-contested field strewn with thou- 
sands of dead and wounded. Thus, after a severe conflict for 
several hours, Longstreet had gained the position which he 
could have occupied earlier in the day without opposition. 
His advantage had not been gained without heavy loss, and, 
though the Confederates had gained the base of Cemetery 
Ridge, its crest was crowned with troops and artillery too 
strongly placed to be driven out by Longstreet' s men in their 
exhausted condition. 

A desperate effort to carry the ridge was made, but it proved 
unsuccessful, and the battle on that part of the line ended 
without a decisive result. It had been contested with great 
determination, and the loss on both sides had been heavy, but 
the Confederate success had consisted in driving the Federals 
out of an intrinsically weak p9sition, while the strong defen- 
sive line of Cemetery Ridge remained intact in their hands. 
Whether the result would have been different had the original 



286 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

assault been made on this line is a question which it is impos* 
sible now to answer, and the advantage or disadvantage of 
Sickles' s advance movement cannot be determined except 
from the standpoint of military strategy. 

During Longstreet's assault on the right Hill's corps had 
made strong demonstrations against the Federal centre, but 
EvN^ell's demonstration on the left, which was ordered to be 
made at the same time, was delayed, and the corps only got 
fairly to work about sunset. The assault was maintained with 
great spirit by the divisions of Early and Edward Johnson 
until after dark. Early carried Cemetery Ridge, but was 
forced to relinquish it by superior numbers. The left of Ew- 
ell's corps penetrated the breastworks on the extreme right of 
the Federal line, and this position was held during the night. 
The ill-success of Early's movement was due to lack of sup- 
port, the columns on his right failing to reach the contested 
point until after he had been forced to relinquish the position 
he had gained on the crest and retire to his original ground. 

In the words of Colonel Taylor, "The whole affair was dis- 
jointed. There was an utter absence of accord in the movements 
of the several commands, and no decisive results attended the 
operations of the second day." This discordance was one of 
the unfortunate contingencies to which every battle is subject, 
and is in no sense chargeable to General Lee, whose plan had 
been skilfully laid, and had it been carried out in strict accord- 
ance with his instructions would probably have led to a very 
different result. On both sides the disregard by. corps com- 
manders of the express intentions of their superiors had 
changed the conditions of the battle. Sickles' s advance be- 
yond the position designed to be held by General Meade had 
exposed his corps to repulse and heavy loss, which possibly 
might have been avoided had he held the line of Cemetery 
Ridge, while Longstreet's assumption of the responsibility of 
delaying the assault ordered certainly had a most important 
influence on the result of the battle. 

The dawn of the 3d of July found the two armies in the 
position in which the battle of the preceding day had ended. 
Though Cemetcrv Ridj-e remained intact in the hands of the 



GETTYSBURG. 287 

Federals, yet the engagement had resulted at every point in 
an advantage to the Confederates. Longstreet had cleared his 
front of the enemy, and occupied the ground from which they 
had' been driven. Ewell's left held the breastworks on Gulp's 
Hill on the extreme right of the Federal line. Meade's army 
was known to have Sustained heavy losses. There was, in 
consequence, good reason to believe that a renewed assault 
might prove successful. Ewell's position of advantage, if 
held, would enable him to take the Federal line in reverse, 
while an advance in force from Longstreet' s position offered 
excellent promise of success. General Lee therefore deter- 
mined to renew the assault. 

Longstreet, in accordance with this decision, was reinforced, 
and ordered to assail the heights in his front on the morning 
of the 3d, while Ewell was directed to make a simultaneous 
assault on the enemy's right. Longstreet's dispositions, how- 
ever, were not completed as early as those of Ewell, and the 
battle opened on the left before the columns on the right were 
ready to move. Johnson, whose men held the captured breast- 
works, had been considerably reinforced during the night, and 
was on the point of resuming the attack when the Federals 
opened on him at four o'clock with a heavy jEire of artillery 
which had been placed in position under cover of the darkness. 
An infantry assault in force followed, and, though Ewell's 
men held their ground with their usual stubbornness, and main- 
tained their position for four hours, they were finally forced to 
yield the captured breastworks and retire before the superior 
force of the enemy. 

This change in the condition of affairs rendered necessary a 
reconsideration of the military problem, and induced General 
Lee, after making a reconnoissance of the enemy's position, to 
change his plan of assault. Cemetery Ridge, from Round Top 
to Culp's Hill, was at every point strongly occupied by Federal 
infantry and artillery, and was evidently a very formidable 
position. There was, however, a weak point upon which an 
attack could be made with a reasonable prospect of success. 
This was where the ridge, sloping westward, formed the depres- 
sion through which the Emmettsburg road passes. Perceiv- 



288 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ing that by forcing the Federal lines at that point and turning 
toward Cemeter)- Hill the right would be taken in flank and 
the remainder would be neutralized, as its fire would be as 
destructive to friend as foe, and considering that the losses of 
the Federal army in the two preceding days must weaken its 
cohesion and consequently diminish its power of resistance. 
General Lee determined to attack at that point, and the execu- 
tion of it was assigned to Longstreet, while instructions were 
given to Hill and Ewell to support him, and a hundred and 
forty-five guns were massed to cover the advance of the 
attacking column. 

The decision here indicated was reached at a conference held 
during the morning on the field in front of and within cannon- 
range of Round Top, there being present Generals Lee, Long- 
street, A. P. Hill, and H. Heth, Colonel A. L. Long, and ^^^ 
Major C. S. Venable. The plan of attack was discussed, and'v^ 
it was decided that General Pickett should lead the assaulting 
column, to be supported by the divisions of ]\IcLaws and Hood 
and such other force as A. P. Hill could spare from his com- 
mand. The only objection offered was by General Longstreet, 
who remarked that the guns on Round Top might be brought 
to bear on his right. This objection was answered by Colonel 
Long, who said that the guns on Round Top could be sup- 
pressed by our batteries. This point being settled, the attack 
was ordered, and General Longstreet was directed to carry 
it out. 

Pickett's division was fresh, having taken no part in the 
previous day's fight, and to these veterans was given the post 
of honor in the coming affray, which promised to be a des- 
perate and terrible one. 

About twelve o'clock the preparations for the attack were 
completed and the signal for battle was given, which was 
immediately followed by the concentrated fire of all the Con- 
federate artillery on Cemetery Hill, which was promptly re- 
sponded to by the powerful Federal batteries. Then ensued one 
of the most tremendous artillery engagements ever witnessed 
on an open field: the hills shook and quivered beneath the 
thunder of two hundred and twenty-five guns as if they were 



GETTYSBURG. ' 289 

about to be torn and rent by some powerful convulsion. In 
the words of General Hancock in reference to the performance 
of the opposing batteries, "Their artillery fire was the most 
terrific cannonade I ever witnessed, and the most prolonged — ■ 
.... one possibly hardly ever paralleled." 

For more than an hour this fierce artillery conflict continued, 
when the Federal guns began to slacken their fire under the 
heavy blows of the Confederate batteries, and ere long sank 
into silence — an example which was quickly followed by the 
Confederates. 
^" A deathlike stillness then reigned over the field, and each 
army remained in breathless expectation of something 5-et to 
come still more dreadful. In a few moments the attacking 
column, consisting of Pickett's division, supported on the left 
by that of Heth commanded by Pettigrew, and on the right: 
by Wilcox's brigade of Anderson's division, appeared from, 
behind a ridge, and, sweeping over its crest, descended into 
the depression that separated the two armies. # The enemy foi 
a moment seemed lost in admiration of this gallant array as it 
advanced with the steadiness and precision of a review. Theii 
batteries then opened upon it a spasmodic fire, as if recovering 
from a stunning blow. The force that moved to the attack 
numbered about 15,000 men. It had a terrible duty to per- 
form. The distance which it was obliged to traverse was more 
than half a mile in width, and this an open plain in full front 
of the enemy, who thickly crowded the crest of the ridge, and 
within easy range of their artillery. 

But the tempest of fire which burst upon the devoted column 
quickly reduced its strength. The troops of Heth's division, 
decimated by the storm of deadly hail which tore through 
their ranks, faltered and fell back in disorder before the 
withering volleys of the Federal musketry. This compelled 
Pender's division, which had marched out to support the move- 
ment, to fall back, while Wilcox, on perceiving that the attack 
had grown hopeless, failed to advance, leaving Pickett's men 
to continue the charge alone. The other supports, Flood's and 
McLaws's divisions, which had been expected to advance in sup- 
port of the charging column, did not move, and were too remote 

19 



290 MEMVIKS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to offer any assistance. The consequence was that Pickett was 
left entirely unsupported. 

Yet the gallant Virginians marched steadily forward, through 
the storm of shot and shell that burst upon their devoted ranks, 
with a gallantry that has never been surpassed. As they 
approached the ridge their lines were torn by incessant vol- 
leys of musketry as by a deadly hail. Yet with imfaltering 
courage the brave fellows broke into the double-quick, and 
with an irresistible charge burst into the Federal lines and 
drove everything before them toward the crest of Cei^etery 
Hill, leaping the breastworks and planting their standards on 
the captured guns with shouts of victory. 

The success which General Lee had hoped and expected was 
gained, but it was a dearly-bought and short-lived one. His 
plan had gone astray through the failure of the supporting 
columns. Now was the time that they should have come to 
the aid of their victorious comrades; but, alas! Heth's divis- 
ion, which had behaved with the greatest gallantr)' two days 
before, had not been able to face the terrible fire of the Fed- 
eral lines, while the other supports were too remote to afford 
timely relief. The victory which seemed within the grasp of 
the Confederate army was lost as soon as won. On every side 
the enemy closed in on Pickett's brigades, concentrating on 
them the fire of every gun in that part of their lines. It 
was impossible to long withstand this terrific fusillade. The 
band of heroes broke and fell back, leaving the greater part 
of their number dead or wounded upon the field or captive 
in the hands of their foes. 

The Confederates lost in this attack about 4000 men, the 
most of whom were in Pickett's division. No troops could 
have behaved better than those of the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia on witnessing Pickett's repulse. The officers of every 
grade on that part of the field exerted themselves with the 
utmost coolness in preserving order and in endeavoring to 
re-form the broken ranks, and the men so promptly obeyed the 
call to rally that their thin ranks were soon restored to order 
and the whole line was again established. The anny was not dis- 
couraged or dispirited, and its sole wish was for an opportunity 



GETTYSBURG. 29 1 

to efface the mortification of its first serious repulse. The desire 
was general that Meade should assume the offensive and in his 
turn make an attack, and no doubt was felt of the ability to 
give him a yet hotter reception than that which Pickett had 
received. But Meade found his army so much shattered and 
discouraged by his recent losses that he deemed it inadvisable 
to attempt to follow up his success. 

In this connection Colonel Biddle of General Meade's staff 
says : "It had been General Meade's intention to order a gen- 
eral advance from our left after the close of the action, but 
owing to the lateness of the hour and the wearied condition 
of the army, with a 'wisdom that did guide his valor to act 
in safety,' he abandoned the movement he had contemplated. 
For this he has been severely censured. General Howard, in an 
article in the Atlantic Monthly^ says : ' I have thought that the 
fearful exposure of General Meade's headquarters, where so much 
havoc was occasioned by the enemy's artillery, had so impressed 
him that he did not at first realize the victory he had won.' 
The reverse of this is true. General Meade was not in the 
least ' demoralized ' by the enemy's fire, but realized fully the 
exact condition of affairs. Lee had been repulsed, not routed, 
and if Meade had yielded to his own inclination to attack he 
would have been repulsed himself, and would thus have thrown 
away the fruits of his great victory." 

That this view is correct is proved by the following pas- 
sage from Mr. William S win ton's History 0/ the Army of the 
Potomac. Mr. Swinton says : " I have become convinced from 
the testimony of General Longstreet himself that attack would 
have resulted disastrously. ' I had, ' said that officer to the 
writer, ' Hood and McLaws, who had not been engaged ; I 
had a heavy force of artillery ; I should have liked nothing 
better than to have been attacked, and have no doubt that I 
should have given those who tried as bad a reception as Pick- 
ett received.' " 

Mr. Swinton further informs us that besides the heavy loss 
it had sustained by Pickett's attack, the Army of the Potomac 
was thrown into much confusion by the intermingling of the 
troops of different divisions and corps. Among the wounded 



292 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

were ]\Iajor-generals Hancock and Gibbon, two of its most 
prominent officers. The same writer also informs us that the 
aggregate loss of the Army of the Potomac during the three 
days' battle was 23,000 men. Among the officers killed was 
Major-general J. F. Reynolds, whose gentlemanly bearing and 
soldierly qualities were unsurpassed in any other officer of 
either army. In view of this heavy loss, while admitting that 
General Lee was defeated, it must be acknowledged that Gen- 
eral Meade was so much crippled that he could not reap 
any advantage of victor}'. 

The attack of Pickett's division on the 3d has been more 
criticised, and is still less understood, than any other act of the 
Gettysburg drama. General Longstreet did not enter into the 
spirit of it, and consequently did not support it with his wonted 
vigor. It has been characterized as rash and objectless, on 
the order of the "charge of the Light Brigade." Neverthe- 
less, it was not ordered without mature consideration and on 
grounds that presented fair prospects of success. By extend- 
ing his left wing west of the Emmettsburg road, Meade weak- 
ened his position by presenting a weak centre, which being 
penetrated, his wings would be isolated and paralyzed, so far 
as regarded supporting each other. A glance at a correct 
sketch of the Federal position on the 3d will sufficiently cor- 
roborate this remark, and had Pickett's division been promptly 
sui:)ported when it burst through IMeade's centre, a more posi- 
tive proof would have been given, for his right wing would 
have been overwhelmed before the left could have disengaged 
itself from woods and mountains and come to its relief. 

Pickett's charge has been made the subject of so much dis- 
cussion, and General Lee's intentions in ordering it have been 
so misunderstood, that it is deemed proper to here offi^r, in 
corroboration of what has been said above, the testimony of 
one who was thoroughly conversant with all the facts. Col- 
onel Walter H. Taylor, adjutant-general on the staff of General 
Lee, \\\ Southern Historical Society Papers^ vol. iv. p. 83, states 
as follows: "Later, General Lee rode over to General Fwcll's 
front and conferred as to future movements. He war.tcd to 
follow up the success gained — thought that with Jo]:nson's 



GETTYSBURG. 293 

division, then up, that General Ewell could go forward at dawn 
next day. Ewell, Early, and Rodes thought it best to await 
Ivongstreet's arrival and make the main attack on the enemy's 
left. This was determined on. Longstreet was then about 
four miles off, with two of his divisions. He was expected 
early on the morning of the 2d. Orders were sent him to 
move up to gain the Emmettsburg road. He did not reach 
the field early, and his dispositions were not completed for 
attack until four o'clock in the afternoon. In his report Gen- 
eral Longstreet says he received orders to move with the portion 
of his command that was then up, to gain the Emmettsburg 
road on the enemy's left, but, fearing that he was too weak to 
attack, he delayed until one of his brigades (Law's) joined 
its division, and that he began the movement as soon after its 
arrival as his preparations would admit. It seemed impossible 
to get the co-operation of the commanders along the line. 
When Longstreet did attack, he did it in handsome style- 
drove the enemy and captured prisoners, artillery, and other 
trophies. So far, we had succeeded in every encounter with 
the enemy. It was thought that a continuance of the attack 
as made by Longstreet offered promise of success. He was 
ordered to renew the fight early on the 3d; Ewell, who was to 
co-operate, ordered Johnson to attack at an early hour, antici- 
pating that Longstreet would do the same. Longstreet delayed. 
He found that a force of the enemy occupying high ground on 
their left would take his troops in reverse as they advanced. 
Longstreet was then visited by General Lee, and they conferred 
as to the mode of attack. It was determined to adhere to the 
plan proposed, and to strengthen him for the movement he was 
to be reinforced by Heth's division and two brigades of Pen- 
der's of Hill's corps. With his three divisions which were to 
attack Longstreet made his dispositions, and General Lee went 
to the centre to observe movements. The attack was not made 
as designed: Pickett's division, Heth's division, and two brig- 
ades of Pender's division advanced. Hood and McLaws were 
not moved forward. There were nine divisions in the army; 
seven were quiet, while two assailed the fortified line of the 
enemy. A. P. Hill had orders to be prepared to assist Long- 



294 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

street further if necessary. Anderson, who commanded one 
of Hill's divisions and was in readiness to respond to Long- 
street's call, made his dispositions to advance, but General 
Longstreet told him it was of no use — the attack had failed. 
Had Hood and McLaws followed or supported Pickett, and 
Pettigrew and Anderson been advanced, the design of the com- 
manding general would have been carried out: the world would 
not be so at a loss to understand what was designed by throw- 
ing forward, unsupported, against the enemy's stronghold so 
small .a portion of our army. Had General Lee known what 
was to happen, doubtless he would have manoeuvred to force 
General Meade away from his strong position by threatening 

his communications with the East, as suggested by ; but 

he felt strong enough to carry the enemy's lines, and I believe 
success would have crowned his plan had it been faithfully 
carried out." 

The author can add his testimony to that of Colonel Taylor. 
The original intention of General Lee was that Pickett's attack 
should be supported by the divisions of McLaws and Hood,* 
and General Longstreet was so ordered. This order was given 
verbally by General Lee in the presence of Colonel Long and 
Major Venable of his staff and other officers of the army. 

It is to be regretted that we have no report from the gallant 
General Pickett in regard to this celebrated charge. It has, 
however, recently been developed that Pickett did make a very 
full report, which he forwarded to General Lee. The report 
severely criticised the failure to furnish him with the support- 
ing force which had been ordered ; and Lee, with his usual 
magnanimity, and in his great desire for harmony between the 
officers of his army, returned the report to Pickett, requesting 
him to withdraw it and to substitute in its stead a report em- 
bracing merely the casualties of his command ; to which Pickett 
assented and destroyed his first report. 

The following is a copy of General Lee's letter to General 
Pickett in which he made this request : 

* " As they were ordered by General Lee, for I heard him give the orders when 
Rrranj^inp the fij^ht, and called his attention to it long afterward, when there was discus- 
sion aljout it. lie said, ' I know it! I know it!' C. S, Venable." 



GETTYSBURG. 295 

" General G. E. Pickett, commanding General: 

' ' You and your men have crowned 5^ourselves with glory, 
but we have the enemy to fight, and must carefully, at this 
critical moment, guard against dissensions which the reflections 
in your report will create. I will therefore suggest that you 
destroy both copy and original, substituting one confined to 
casualties merely. 

"I hope all will yet be well. 

"I am, with respect, your obedient servant, 

"R. E. I.EE, 

' ' General. ' ' 

But one course remained open for General Lee. Retreat 
was necessary. After the failure of the attack he had with- 
drawn Ewell to Seminary Ridge, a position north-west of the 
town, covering the Chambersburg and Fairfield roads, which 
he caused to be rapidly and strongly fortified in anticipation 
of the assault which this contraction of his line might invite. 
He had still an army of 50,000 men, unbroken in spirit and 
quite ready to sustain any attack which might be made upon 
them. But it was quickly evident that Meade had no inten- 
tion of making an aggressive movement, and a renewed assault 
on the part of the Confederates would have been madness. 
Moreover, the ammunition of the army had been nearly ex- 
hausted in the three days' fight, and, in Lee's own words, 
"the difficulty of procuring supplies rendered it impossible to 
continue longer where we were." There was danger of the 
line of communications being cut by the enemy. General 
Meade had sent a force to reoccupy Harper's Ferry, and a 
body of Federal cavalry had reached the Potomac near Fall- 
ing Waters and destroyed the pontoon bridge laid there fot 
the passage of the Confederate army. 

Under these circumstances General Lee determined upon a 
retreat, but not such an immediate or hasty one as would pre- 
sent the appearance of flight. That he had deeply felt the fail- 
ure of his effort is unquestionable, yet he preserved much of 
his ordinary calmness of demeanor, and not one word came 
from his lips to show that he laid blame on any subordinate 



296 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

officer. An incident is told which shows in a clear light his 
noble spirit. 

The repulse of Pickett's column, and the terrible loss it had 
sustained, were a severe blow to that gallant officer. Over- 
come by the disaster to his men, he rode up to General Lee, 
and, almost sobbing, declared that his division had been 
nearly destroyed. . Lee listened with his face full of sympa- 
thy, and replied with his usual kindness and consideration, 
"Never mind, general ; all this has been my fault. It is /who 
have lost this fight, and you must help me out of it in the best 
way you can." 

In illustration of his feeling concerning this battle we may 
here quote from a private letter to a lady relative which has 
been kindly placed at our disposal. After remarking, "I 
cannot tell how often and much I have thought of }'ou the past 
winter, how I have grieved over your restraint and ill-usage by 
our enemies, and how I have regretted my inabifity to relieve 
you," he continues : 

" I knew that crossing the Potomac would draw them off, 
and if we could only have been strong enough we should have 
detained them. But God willed otherwise, and I fear we shall 
soon have them all back. The army did all it could. I fear 
I required of it impossibilities. But it responded to the call 
nobly and cheerfully, and, though it did not win a victory, it 
conqiiered a success. We must now prepare for heavier blows 
and harder work. But my trust is in Him who favors the 
weak and relieves the oppressed, and my hourly prayer is that 
He will 'fight for us once again.' " 

During the interval between the repulse of Pickett's charge 
and the night of July 4th no aggressive movement was made by 
General Meade, and the Army of Northern Virginia was left 
undisturbed by the enemy. General Lee employed this repose 
in preparation for his retreat. He caused the dead to be buried 
and the severely wounded to be carefully provided for, while 
those- whose wounds permitted their removal were placed in 
ambulances and wagons and moved out on the Chambcrsburg 
road. In tlie afternoon the ambulance- and empty suppl\-trains, 
under the escort of Imboden's cavalr>-, were put in motion on 



GETTYSBURG. 297 

the Chambersburg road, and after passing Soutli Mountain 
were moved on the direct road to Williamsport. 

When it became dark the withdrawal of the army began. 
First the trains, under protection of Hill's corps, moved out on 
the Fairfield road ; Longstreet followed Hill ; then came Ewell, 
bringing up the rear.^ The movement was so much impeded 
by soft roads, darkness, and rains that the rear-guard could not 
be withdrawn until daylight on the morning of the 5th. Gen- 
eral Meade did not attempt to harass the retreating columns of 
Lee until the rear-guard had reached the neighborhood of Fair- 
field ; then a pursuing column appeared on the neighboring 
heights, which Early promptly prepared to meet by throwing 
the rear-guard across its path. After exchanging a few shots 
the enemy retired, and the retreat was continued without any 
other molestation than an attack on the ambulance-train by a 
detachment of the enemy's cavalry and the capture of a few 
ambulances and wagons loaded with wounded. This mishap 
was attributable more to the roving character and want of 
discipline of the escort than to the daring of the enemy. 

Without further interruption the trains reached Williams- 
port on the 6th, where their progress was arrested by a swollen 
river. Being menaced soon after their arrival by a large body 
of the enemy's cavalry, 1500 teamsters promptly volunteered, 
and, being armed with muskets brought from Gettysburg, gal- 
lantly defended their trains until reinforced by General Fitz 
Lee, when the combined force of teamsters and cavalry sig- 
nally repulsed the enemy. About the same time Stuart encoun- 
tered Pleasonton near Hagerstown, and after a fierce conflict 
Pleasonton was obliged to retire behind the Antietam. 

The army bivouacked on the night of the 5th in South 
Mountain Pass, and on the morning of the 6th entered the 
rich and beautiful Cumberland Valley. The sky had cleared, 
and the bright sun and beautiful landscape filled the hearts of 
the stern veterans with pleasure as they passed with measured 
tread over the smooth and easy-graded roads. 

Reaching Williamsport on the 7th, and finding his pontoon 
bridge destroyed and the Potomac swollen far above the ford- 
ing-point, General Lee occupied a strong position, covering 



298 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Williaiiisport and Falling Waters, the point where he had left 
his bridge on advancing into Pennsylvania. As day after day 
passed without the appearance of the enemy, General Lee was 
able to complete his defences, so that when Meade arrived in 
force on the 12th the Army of Northern Virginia was eager 
to encounter its old antagonist, though double its numerical 
strength. 

"The retreat of Lee, which became definitely known to the 
Federal commander on the morning of Sunday, July 5th, 
brought with it the important question of pursuit. Now, there 
were two lines bv which the Confederates mijrht be fol- 
lowed up : the one was a direct pursuit by the same routes 
over which they had retreated, pressing them down the Cum- 
berland Valley; the other, a flank march by the east side of the 
South IMountains, defiling by the Boonsboro' passes, with the 
view to head off the enemy or take him in flank. The former 
had the advantage of being the shorter line — the distance to 
the Potomac at Williamsport being in this case about forty 
miles, and by the latter line nearly eighty. The only disadvan- 
tage attending it arose from the fact that the enemy might hold 
the debouches of the mountains with a rear-guard while making 
good his escape with his main body and trains. General ]\Ieade 
appears to have been in some doubt as to the proper method 
of action, but on the morning of the 6th he sent a column in 
direct pursuit. He ordered Sedgwick's Sixth corps, then the 
freshest in the army, to follow up the enemy on the Fairfield 
road, while he despatched a cavalry force to press the retreat- 
ing Confederates on the Chambersburg road. Sedgwick that 
evening overtook the rear of the Confederate column, after a 
pursuit of ten miles, where the Fairfield road breaks through a 
pass in the South Mountain range. This position was found 
to be very defensible, but there was no attack, as another 
course had meanwhile been determined on, and Sedgwick was 
recalled. Instead of pursuing the Confederates by the direct 
route over which the retreat had been made, Meade judged it 
better to make a flank march by Middletown and the lower 
passes of the South Mountain. To this end. General French, 
wlio with 7000 inen had since the evacuation of Harper's Ferry 



GETTYSBURG. 299 

been occupying Frederick, was directed to seize these passes 
in advance and repossess himself of Harper's Ferry. Both of 
these orders were executed by General French, who also sent 
out a cavalry force that penetrated as far as Williamsport and 
destroyed there a pontoon bridge across the Potomac. Then the 
army was put in motion by the east side of the South Mountains. 
On July 6th a large part of the army moved from Gettysburg to- 
ward Emmettsburg, and the remainder on the following day. 

"On July 7th the Federal headquarters were at Frederick. 
On the 8tli they were at Middletown, and nearly all the army 
was concentrated in the neighborhood of that place and South 
Mountain. On the 9th the headquarters were at South Moun- 
tain House, and the advance of the army at Boonsboro' and 
Rohrersville. On the loth they were moved to Antietam 
Creek, while the left of the line crossed the creek and the 
right moved up near Funkstown. On the nth the engineers 
threw a new bridge over the Antietam Creek, when the left 
of the line advanced to Fairplay and Jones's Cross-roads, while 
the right remained nearly stationary. On the 12th, Meade had 
his forces in front of the position taken up by Lee to cover the 
passage of the Potomac. 

"The above data will suffice to show that the pursuit was con- 
ducted with an excessive circumspection, and that Lee, having 
reached the river six days before, had time to select and fortify 
a strong position. Indeed, the Confederate army might have 
effected an unmolested escape into Virginia had it not been for 
the fact that the great rains had so swollen the Potomac as to 
make it impassable by the ford at Williamsport, and that the 
pontoon bridge at Falling Waters had been destroyed by Gen- 
eral French. This perilous circumstance compelled Lee to 
take up a defensive position where he might stand at bay while 
his communications were being re-established." * 

From the fact that Lee was not pursued, and that no effort 
was made to crush him before he could extricate himself from 
his perilous situation at Williamsport, it would be just to con- 
clude that the Army of the Potomac was too much crippled to 
do so, and that Meade's success was mainly due to the want of 

* Swinton's Campaigns of the Arviy of the Potomac, pp. 366-368. 



300 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

prompt co-operation by a portion of the forces of his antagonist, 
otherwise, as an able general, he would have vigorously followed 
up his advantage in order to gather the fruits of his victory. 

Notwithstanding the Anny of the Potomac after its departure 
from Gettysburg was reinforced to its former numerical strength, 
General IMeade did net attack, but employed the 12th and 13th 
in fortifying his position. On the other hand, General Lee, 
now that his bridge was finished and that the river had fallen 
so as to be fordable for cavalry and empty and lightly-loaded 
wagons, being unwilling to engage in a battle that could not 
promise important results, withdrew from his position on the 
night of the 13th, and retired across the Potomac. The move- 
ment was completed during the forenoon of the I4tli without 
interruption, and the broad Potomac rolled between the hostile 
armies. The only incident that indicated that the retreat had 
been discovered was the charge of a squadron of Federal cavalry 
on the rear-guard as it was about to follow the army across the 
river, the result of which was a slight loss to the Confederates, 
including the gallant General Pettigrew of North Carolina, who 
was rapidly rising to distinction. General Lee continued to 
retire slowly toward Winchester, and shortly after Aleade moved 
down the river to the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry, and late 
in July entered Virginia east of the Blue Ridge, whereupon 
Lee withdrew from the Valley and took a position behind the 
Rapidan about the ist of August, while General IMeade occu- 
pied the neighborhood of Culpeper Court-house. 

The losses of the army in killed, wounded, and prisoners 
were heavy, reaching nearly 16,000 men: many of these, how- 
ever, being slightly wounded, returned to the ranks in time to 
participate in the ensuing campaign. Amongst the killed were 
Generals Armistead, Garnett, and Barksdale, gallant soldiers, 
much beloved by the army; among the wounded were Generals 
Hood, Heth, and Kemper, and Pender mortally. 

The Anny of Northern Virginia was distinguished for valor 
in battle, for discipline and patient endurance on the toilsome 
marches and in comfortless bivouacs: although depressed by 
defeat, it did not lose its courage for a moment, nor was its 
confidence shaken in its ereat commander. 



CE TTYSB URG. 30 1 

Having placed the army iu position on the Rapidan, and 
fearing the failure of his campaign in Pennsylvania might 
have caused the Confederate authorities to lose confidence in 
him, and feeling unwilling by retaining command of the army 
to embarrass them in their future plan of operations, General 
L/ce sent his resignation to the President ; which was, however, 
returned by Mr. Davis with every assurance of confidence. 

Colonel Venable has related to the author an anecdote of 
considerable interest as showing the estimable character of 
General I^ee. The incident occurred during the retreat from 
Gettysburg. 

One day in July, 1863, after the battle of Gettysburg, when 
the Army of Northern Virginia lay on the north bank of the 
Potomac between Williamsport and Falling Waters, General 
lyce spoke pretty hotly to Lieutenant-colonel Venable of his 
staff for making a report of an unsatisfactory condition of things 
at the Williamsport ford or ferry in too loud a tone of voice. 
Venable retired to his tent in no pleasant mood. Very soon, 
however, the general sent him an invitation to come and drink 
a glass of buttermilk with him. He of course accepted the 
invitation, but his angry feelings at what he esteemed an un- 
merited rebuke were only partially soothed by partaking of 
the friendly glass of the mild but sour beverage with his 
honored chieftain. On the next night the army recrossed the 
Potomac. About 3 A. m., after getting through the work of 
supervision of the crossing of the army-trains at one of the 
Williamsport fords, which had been assigned to Lieutenant- 
colonel Baldwin and himself, Venable rode down, in a driz- 
zling rain, to the vicinity of the pontoon bridge at Falling 
Waters. Having made his report, he threw himself on the 
ground near by, and soon fell asleep. When he awoke he 
found General Lee had taken the oil-cloth poncho from his 
own shoulders and thrown it over him. The hot-tempered 
aide-de-camp was thoroughly conquered. 

We cannot better end this somewhat extended chapter than 
by presenting the following incident, for whose authenticity 
we can give no higher authority than the columns of a news- 
paper, yet which is so consonant with all that the writer knows 



302 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of the character of General Lee that no better voucher for its 
complete truth could be offered. It is a story told by an old 
"Grand Army" man who has been viewing the panorama of 
the battle of Gettysburg, and says : 

"I was at the battle of Gettysburg myself, and an incident 
occurred there which largely changed my views of the South- 
ern people. I had been a most bitter anti-South man, and 
fought and cursed the Confederates desperately. I could see 
nothing good in any of them. The last day of the fight I was 
badly wounded. A ball shattered my left leg. I lay on the 
ground not far from Cemetery Ridge, and as General Lee 
ordered his retreat he and his officers rode near me. As they 
came along I recognized him, and, though faint from exposure 
and loss of blood, I raised up my hands, looked Lee in the face, 
and shouted as loud as I could, ' Hurrah for the Union !' The 
general heard me, looked, stopped his horse, dismounted, and 
came toward me. I confess that I at first thought he meant to 
kill me. But as he came up he looked down at me with such 
a sad expression upon his face that all fear left me, and I won- 
dered what he was about. He extended his hand to me, and 
grasping mine firmly and looking right into my eyes, said, 
'My son, I hope you will soon be well.' 

" If I live a thousand years I shall never forget the expres- 
sion on General Lee's face. There he was, defeated, retiring 
from a field that had cost him and his cause almost their last 
hope, and yet he stopped to say words like those to a wounded 
soldier of the opposition who had taunted him as he passed by ! 
As soon as the general had left me I cried myself to sleep there 
upon the bloody ground." 



CHAPTER XVI. 

A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 

Inactivity. — Promotions. — Reduction of Both Armies. — Lee's Forward Movement. — •' 
Meade Retires. — Cavalry Engagement. — Lee at Culpeper. — Meade's Movements, 
— Stuart's Dilemma. — Lee and the Scout.^ — Escape of the Cavalry. — Engagement 
at Bristoe. — Meade Safe from Pursuit. — Lee Retires. — *' The Buckland Races." — ■ 
Federal Successes. — The Armies Return to their Old Positions. — Meade's Scheme 
to SurjDi-ise Lee. — Concentration of the Confederates. — Intrenching at Mine Run. — 
The Federals Siuprised. — Meade's Movements. — He Withdraws. — Lee Pursues. — 
In Winter Quarters. — Cavalry Raid. — Long Saves the Artillery. — Kilpatrick Re- 
pulsed. — Death of Dahlgren. — A Barbarous Order. — Federal Disclaimer. — Letter 
to Richmond City Council. 

FOR several weeks both armies remained inactive in the 
positions they had assumed — lyce on the Rapidan, and 
Meade in the vicinity of Culpeper Court-house. During thai 
time so many convalescents and other absentees were restored 
to the ranks that the Army of Northern Virginia, with a 
small accession from other sources, was % raised to a strength 
of nearly 60,000 men. Since the reorganization of the artil- 
lery in May that arm had been greatly increased in efficiency ; 
and as the scope for promotion had been extended, many artiU 
lery officers who had been previously confined to the lower 
grades had now before them a prospect of advancement. 
About the last of September, Colonel Long of General Lee's 
staff was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, and as- 
signed to the command of the artillery of the Second corps. 
Colonel E. P. Alexander of the artillery of the First, and Col- 
onel Lindsay Walker, chief of that of the Third corps, were 
a little later promoted to a similar rank to Colonel Long, and 
a number of other promotions were made in the lower grades. 
The repose of two months had greatly improved the condition 
of the Confederate army. 

Within the same period two corps had been detached from 

303 



304 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the Federal army, and about the same time Longstreet with 
two divisions was withdrawn from the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia to reinforce General Bragg in Tennessee, and the third 
division (Pickett's) was sent to the district south of Petersburg 
to arrest raiding-parties of the enemy and collect supplies for 
the army. This reduction brought the opposing forces more 
nearly to a numerical equality than had previously been the 
case, and the change of conditions in his favor induced Lee 
to make an effort to force Meade to an engagement while his 
army was reduced in numbers. 

There ensued a singular and interesting campaign, in which 
manoeuvring in great measure took the place of fighting, each 
of the commanding generals endeavoring to take the other at 
a disadvantage, and each signally failing through the alertness 
and skill of his opponent. It was a game of wits instead of 
bullets, and for two months the armies were marched back and 
forth over the war-trodden soil of Virginia, ending very much 
where they began, the advantages of the game being about 
equal on both sides. 

In pursuance of his plan of operations, on the 9th of October 
Lee crossed the Rapidan, and advanced to the neighborhood 
of Madison Court-house, leaving Fitz Lee with his division 
of cavalry and a sm^U detachment of infantry to guard the 
fords of that stream, while Stuart with Hampton's division 
covered the army from the intrusion of the Federal cavalry, 
which was at that time picketing Robinson's River. On the 
loth, Stuart encountered Kilpatrick's cavalry in the neighbor- 
hood of James City, and after a sharp conflict Kilpatrick with- 
drew, but still hovered in the vicinity of Stuart during the 
remainder of that day and part of the next, without, how- 
ever, inviting another collision. From Madison Court-house 
Lee directed his course eastward, taking a circuitous route in 
order to screen his movements from observation by means of 
the forest and intervening mountain-spurs. Being much re- 
tarded by difficult roads, he did not reach his objective point 
near Culpeper Court-house until the afternoon of the nth, too 
late to assail the Federal position that day. 

Meanwhile, Meade had become aware of the movement of 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 305 

the Confederate army. His first intimation of this had come 
from the cavalry engagement between Kilpatrick and Stuart. 
It becoming clear that Lee's infantry was moving in the rear 
of the cavalry, and that the Federal right was already turned, 
Meade quietly withdrew his army from its position at Culpeper, 
and retired during the night along the line of the Orange and 
Alexandria Railroad toward the Rappahannock. Pleasonton's 
cavalry was left to cover the retreat. 

Stuart, whom Fitz Lee had joined on the previous even- 
ing, pushed forward with his usual energy, and on reaching 
Culpeper Court-house came upon the enemy's rear-guard, 
consisting of Kilpatrick' s division of cavalry, which occupied 
the ridges east of the village. As Stuart approached they 
fell back toward Brandy Station. Stuart pursued with Hamp- 
ton's division, and a little beyond the station closed on Kil- 
patrick and forced him to an engagement. On hearing the 
sound of battle, Fitz Lee came rapidly to the support of Stu- 
art, but at the moment he was about to attack Kilpatrick in 
flank he discovered Buford on his own flank in order of battle. 
Affairs had now assumed a most singular attitude, Kilpatrick 
being between Stuart and Fitz Lee, while Fitz Lee was be- 
tween Kilpatrick and Buford. Fitz Lee dexterously extricated 
himself from this perilous situation, while Kilpatrick availed 
himself of the opportunity to join Buford. Stuart and Pleas- 
onton, being now again face to face with nearly equal force, 
renewed the conflict on the same ground which had been the 
scene of an indefinite conclusion several months before — one 
of the most brilliant cavalry engagements of the war, in which 
both sides claimed the victory. The advantage of the present 
affair remained with the Southern cavalry, their opponents 
retiring before them toward the Rappahannock. That night 
the Federal army crossed the river and blew up the railroad 
bridge in their rear. 

Thus ended the first move in the game. On the approach 
of Lee his alert opponent had hastily retired, yet with such 
skill that nothing of value was left behind. Lee's purpose of 
bringing the enemy to battle south of the Rappahannock had 
been foiled by this rapid retreat. It became necessary, if the 
20 



306 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

flanking movement was to be continued, to cross the river and 
endeavor to reach the Orange and Alexandria Railroad in time 
to intercept the retreat of the foe. Unluckily, the rapidity of 
movement which this required was hindered by a lack of pro- 
visions. The army was obliged to remain at Culpeper Court- 
house nearly all day of the nth in order to collect supplies. 

During^ this halt an incident occurred which shows an inter- 
esting phase of General Lee's character, and which we give in 
the words of General Hunt : 

"Lee, while encamped at Culpeper, was of course cordially 
received by the people of the town. One of these, a lady who 
had been somewhat scandalized by the friendly relations be- 
tween some of her neighbors and the Yankees, took occasion 
to complain to the general that certain young ladies, then pres- 
ent, had been in the habit of visiting General Sedgwick at his 
headquarters, which was pitched in the ample grounds of a 
citizen whose house he had declined to use. 

"The young ladies were troubled, for the general looked 
ver}^ grave. But they were soon relieved when he said, ' I 
know General Sedgwick very well. It is just like him to be 
so kindly and considerate, and to have his band there to enter- 
tain them. — So, young ladies, if the music is good, go and hear 
it as often as you can, and enjoy yourselves. You will find 
that General Sedgwick will have none but agreeable gentle- 
men about him.' " 

Early on the morning of the I2th, Lee became aware of the 
Federal movement. The army was at once put in motion in 
the direction of Warrenton Springs. The advance and retreat 
now presented much the character of a race. There is reason 
to believe that Meade was as willing to accept battle as Lee 
was to offer it, but neither general had any desire to fight at a 
disadvantage, and a brisk series of manoeuvres for the advan- 
tage of position began. 

Directing Stuart to follow and retard as much as possible the 
retreating column of the enemy, Lee advanced by a route 
nearly parallel with that on which Meade was retreating, with 
the hope of intercepting him at some point north of the Rappa- 
hannock. 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 307 

Meanwhile, Meade had made a false move in the game which 
threatened to place him in a dangerous position. On the morn- 
ing of the i2th he became aware of Lee's halt at Culpeper 
during the previous day. Conceiving the idea that his own 
haste had been premature, and that the intended movement 
of the Confederate general had been completed, he ordered a 
countermarch of the main body of the army to the south of 
the Rappahannock, retaining only the Third corps and Gen- 
eral Gregg's cavalry division on the north of the stream. 

The situation was now a singular one. While Lee was 
marching rapidly northward to seize Meade's communications, 
the latter was marching southward to meet Lee at Culpeper. 
It was an error that might have proved disastrous to the Federal 
army had not its commander become speedily aware of his 
mistake. 

Gregg's division of cavalry, which had been advanced to 
watch the passage of the upper Rappahannock at Warrenton 
Springs, found itself assailed on the afternoon of the 12th by 
the van-guard of Lee's army, which was crossing the stream at 
that point. Gregg was severely handled by the Confederate 
column, and hastened back to apprise Meade of the movement 
he had discovered. 

There was no longer any doubt as to Lee's intention. A 
courier was at once sent back in all haste to the three Federal 
corps south of the river to apprise them that the whole Con- 
federate army was in full march upon Warrenton. Reaching 
them about midnight at their bivouac on the road to Culpeper, 
the messenger delivered his order, and very soon afterward the 
camp was broken up and the whole force in a rapid retrograde 
march toward the stream which they had so recently crossed. 
On the morning of the 13th the Federal army was again con- 
centrated on the north of the Rappahannock. 

Lee, unaware of the division of the Federal army and of the 
smallness of the force that was opposed to him north of the 
river, lost the important advantage which might have come from 
an attack on this single corps had he been advised of its isolated 
position. He continued his march upon Warrenton, in which 
location he was beyond the head of Meade's column, and if he 



308 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

could have continued the pursuit on a converging hue, he 
would have reached Bristoe Station in advance of Meade, and 
could have forced him to a general engagement. But as the 
army had progressed more rapidly than the supply-trains and 
the haversacks of the men v/ere empty, it was necessary to halt 
in order to replenish them. 

In the mean time, Stuart was expected to retard the retreat 
of the enemy as much as possible, and keep General Lee fully 
informed of his movements. While thus employed he observed 
a large wagon-train, and, hoping to secure a valuable prize, he 
pushed forward two brigades for that purpose. It may be 
remarked that an attack upon the train might have been the 
most effective way of accomplishing his purpose of retarding 
the Federal retreat, as Meade would have probably come to the 
rescue of so important an element in his army. But on ap- 
proaching the train Stuart found it too strongly guarded to 
admit a possibility of its capture; he therefore abandoned the 
enterprise and prepared to regain his former position, when to 
his chagrin he found himself intercepted by two large bodies 
of Federal infantry, who were marching north by parallel roads 
on both sides of his position. His only chance of escape was 
to conceal his force from observation, which he did with remark- 
able coolness and address behind a wooded ridge that flanked 
the enemy's line of retreat. Here he was compelled, by the 
proximity of the enemy, to remain twelve hours. The position 
was a perilous one, as the coming of daylight would expose his 
little force to capture or annihilation. He sent a staflE" officer. 
Major A. R. Venable, to ride in the darkness between the two 
marching columns of the enemy until he could pass around 
the head of that one between him and the Confederate forces, 
and report his danger and the movements of the enemy to the 
commanding general. As this was a long road, he also sent 
one of his favorite scouts, Goode, to make his way on foot 
directly through the enemy's columns to*General Lee and give 
him his exact position, with the request that a heavy fire of 
artillery be opened on the Federal columns at a point near the 
village of Auburn on their line of retreat, and thus facilitate 
the escape of his force, which he proposed to effect by simul- 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 309 

taneously opening fire on them, with his own guns, and then 
making a dash through with a combined charge of cavalry and 
artillery. Meantime, General Lee, who had camped near War- 
renton for the night, hearing nothing from Stuart as to the 
position and movements of the enemy, became uneasy, and 
remained awake until a very late hour of the night in order to 
make preparations and give the necessary orders for the early 
movement of his army. Goode made his way safely through 
the Federal columns, and arrived at headquarters about one 
o'clock in the morning. 

For the description of this event above given we are indebted 
to Colonel Venable, and particularly for the following character- 
istic anecdote of General Lee, which adds another to the many 
evidences of his innate nobility of soul: 

General Lee, after listening by the camp-fire to Goode' s 
account of Stuart's situation, retired to his tent. The scout, 
however, being very anxious in regard to General Stuart's 
danger, began, after the general retired, to explain more fully 
with the map to an aide-de-camp the relative positions of 
Stuart's and the enemy's forces, and the exact point where the 
fire of our artillery v/ould be most effective in promoting his 
safe retreat from his perilous environment. 

General Lee could hear from his tent something of this 
conversation, but caught from it only that Goode was talking 
of matters which scouts, as a rule, were permitted to tell only 
to the commanding general himself. So, coming to the door 
of his tent, he called out with stern voice that he did not wish 
his scouts to talk in camp. He spoke very angrily, and stepped 
back into his tent. Goode fairly trembled. The aide-de-camp, 
however, went forward to the general's tent and told him that 
the scout, who was devoted to Stuart and naturally very anx- 
ious for his safety, was only endeavoring to mark accurately on 
the map the point at which the diversion of the artillery fire 
was to be made, and was by no means talking from the mere 
desire to talk. General Lee came out at once from his tent, 
commanded his orderly to have supper with hot coffee put on 
the table for Goode, made him sit in his own camp-chair at the 
table, stood at the fire near by, and performed all the duties of 



3IO MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

a hospitable host to the fine fellow. Few generals ever made 
such thorough amends to a private soldier for an injustice done 
him in anger. 

Immediately afterward, Lee ordered Ewell to the relief of 
the imperilled cavalr}^ In the mean time, Lomax with his 
brigade of cavalry was endeavoring to create a diversion in 
Stuart's favor. On approaching Auburn, Ewell's advance- 
guard encountered the enemy's rear-guard and engaged it in 
a sharp skirmish, which terminated without important results. 
From his position Stuart heard all night the continuous tramp 
of the enemy. About daylight a detachment halted opposite 
his place of concealment to take some refreshments. While the 
unsuspecting Federals were thus employed Stuart suddenly 
opened upon them with his artiller}^, knocking over their cof- 
fee-pots and other utensils, as he says in his report, while his 
sharpshooters poured a rapid fire into the surprised troops. 
They were as quickly as possible moved to the opposite side 
of the hill, under cover from this destructive fire. Taking 
advantage of the confusion he had created, the "roUicksome 
sabreiir'''' wheeled to the left and emerged safely toward War- 
renton. He was greeted with cheers by the army, and the 
whole force was in the best of spirits at their narrow escape 
from capture or destruction. 

Yet the delay thus occasioned was favorable to Meade, who 
continued his rapid movement toward IManassas. In General 
Lee's report of these operations no mention is made of this 
mishap of Stuart, which had such an injurious effect upon 
them. It is therefore to be inferred that he considered it an 
excusable accident of war. 

On the release of Stuart from his perilous position Ewell 
and Hill resumed the pursuit. IMeade had made the best use 
of the several unavoidable delays of the Confederate army, and 
though Hill, who was seeking to intercept the Federal retreat 
at Bristoe Station, made all haste in his march, he arrived 
there only in time to meet the rear-guard of Meade's army. 
He made a prompt attack on the Federal column, which was 
hastening to pass Broad Run, which the remainder of the army 
had already crossed. The assault proved unfortunate. General 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 3II 

Warren, who led tlie Federal rear-guard, quickly posted his 
men behind the railroad embankment at that point, from which 
impromptu breastwork he poured a destructive fire upon Hill's 
advancing troops. General Cooke, who led the charging bri- 
gade, was severely wounded, and his command repulsed with 
the loss of a number of prisoners and five pieces of artillery. 

General Warren, having achieved this success, did not wait 
for a further assault, but hastened across Broad Run and hur- 
ried forward to join the main body. By the next morning the 
Federal army had crossed Bull Run, behind which they were 
erecting fortifications, their line extending toward the Little 
River turnpike. 

When General Lee reached the position of Hill's repulse, 
that officer, mortified by his mishap, endeavored to explain 
the causes of his failure. The general listened in silence, and 
as they rode over the field strewn with dead bodies replied with 
sad gravity, "Well, well, general, bury these poor men and 
let us say no more about it." 

The movement had evidently proved a failure. Meade was 
safe from any further pursuit, with the intrenchments around 
Washington and Alexandria to fall back upon in the event of 
a repulse or to retire to if he wished to avoid a battle. Lee 
felt it expedient to withdraw, and after destroying the railroad 
from Cub Run to the Rappahannock, he retired on the i8th 
to the line of that river, leaving the cavalry in the enemy's 
front. 

Stuart did not retreat without giving the enemy a character- 
istic reminder of his presence. Leaving Fitz Lee near Manas- 
sas on the Federal front, he made a rapid detour with Hamp- 
ton's division, and attacked the Second corps of Meade's army 
with his men dismounted and acting as sharpshooters. This 
assault produced some alarm at first, from the natural surmise 
that the attacking force might be the van-guard of Lee's 
army. On the advance of the Federal infantry, however, 
Stuart quickly drew back, and rode ofi" in the direction of 
Warrenton. 

He was followed by a body of Federal cavalr}^ under General 
Kilpatrick, who came up with him near the village of Buck- 



312 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

land on the Warrenton road. Here Stuart, at Fitz Lee's sug- 
gestion, executed a shrewd manoeuvre. He retired, with Hamp- 
ton's division, before the Federal cavalry, leaving Fitz Lee on 
the enemy's left flank. Kilpatrick pushed forward ardently 
after his retreating adversary, when suddenly the boom of Fitz 
Lee's artillery gave the prearranged signal. At sound of the 
guns Stuart wheeled and charged fiercely upon his pursuers. 
Fitz Lee at the same moment fell upon their flank. This unex- 
pected double attack threw the enemy into confusion, and they 
retreated with headlong haste, pursued by Stuart at full speed 
" from within three miles of Warrenton to Buckland." The 
flight and pursuit was afterward known among the troopers by 
the humorous title of " the Buckland Races." 

Lee remained on the Rappahannock until the railroad track 
was broken up and the rails removed for a distance extending 
from Catlett's Station to Culpeper Court-house. Meanwhile, 
the Federal army had again advanced, rapidly repairing the 
railroad as they moved forward, and on November 7th reached 
the Rappahannock. Lee's army was now encamped at Cul- 
peper, with advanced forces near the river. A crossing was 
quickly effected at Kelly's Ford, and the troops which occu- 
pied the rifle-pits at that point were driven off with consider- 
able loss in prisoners. An attack was made at the same time 
on a Confederate force which was injudiciously posted on the 
north bank of the river at Rappahannock Station. Here some 
old Federal intrenchments were occupied by a brigade of Early's 
division. They were assailed in force by a part of Sedgwick's 
corps, the works carried, and nearly the whole brigade, with a 
battery of artillery, captured by the Federals. 

The way being thus cleared, Meade threw his whole army 
across the river and advanced on Culpeper, Lee retiring to his 
former position on the Rapidan. All the advantages of the 
campaign had been gained by Meade, and General Lee's well- 
designed movement had been defeated by untoward circum- 
stances and by the alertness of the enemy. The summer 
campaign having been one of unusual activity, and the late 
operations having entailed severe hardships, it was thought 
advisable to go into winter quarters, particularly as a sharp 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRA TEG Y. 3 1 3 

prelude had already announced the approach of winter and 
the proper season for active operations seemed to be at an 
end. 

Yet Meade was not of this opinion. He was destined, ere 
the winter had fully set in, to make a movement which would 
prove as unsuccessful for him as the one just described had 
been for his antagonist, and end the year's campaigning with 
the final advantage in Lee's favor. As a prelude to this move- 
ment we may briefly describe the position of Lee's army, upon 
which the effort of his antagonist was based. 

Ewell's corps occupied a position extending from the base of 
Clark's Mountain to Mine Run, a small tributary of the Rap- 
idan, and covered Mitchell's, Morton's, Raccoon, and Summer- 
ville's fords; A. P. Hill's corps extended from Orange Court- 
house to Liberty Mills ; and Stuart, as usual, protected the 
front and flanks of the army. Longstreet, as we have seen, 
had been detached on distant service; and, as numerous fur- 
loughs had been granted since the return of the army to the 
Rapidan, Lee's forces were far below any previous minimum. 

Taking this circumstance into consideration, and having 
failed to satisfy the expectations of the Washington authorities, 
Meade determined to strike a blow that might accomplish 
some desirable result. Therefore, about the last of November 
he advanced his entire force to Germanna Ford, hoping to cross 
the Rapidan at that point and surprise Lee in his extended win- 
ter quarters. The movement seemed hopeful of success could 
Lee be caught unawares. Meade began his march upon the 
Rapidan on November 26th, making every efibrt to ensure 
secrecy and rapidity. Yet his advance had but fairly begun 
when the watchful Stuart discovered the movement, and has- 
tened to report it to the Southern commander, who at once 
instituted measures for the rapid concentration of his army. 
An order was despatched to A. P. Hill to march to Vediers- 
ville, and there form a junction with Ewell, who was directed 
to retire from the Rapidan and take position behind Mine Run, 
a small stream which was excellently defended by Nature. 

Ewell, who was at hand, concentrated his forces quickly, 
while Hill, who had from fifteen to twenty miles to march, was 



314 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

but a few hours later in taking his position. The night of the 
26th, during which these hasty movements were taking place, 
was a severely cold one. Yet General Lee, in his plain uniform 
and without other protection from the weather, was early in the 
saddle, and had reached Vediersville, where Stuart was bivou- 
acked, before sunrise. Here, beside an open-air fire, covered 
only with an army blanket, the cavalry leader lay stretched in 
slumber. Lee is said to have remarked admiringly, as Stuart 
rose and advanced to meet him, "What a hardy soldier!" 
After a short consultation Stuart rode to the front, where he 
formed his command in face of the advancing foe, and with 
artiller}' and dismounted sharpshooters made every effort to 
obstruct their advance. 

Meanwhile, Meade's army was advancing in the lightest 
marching order. All the trains had been left behind and the 
men supplied with ten days' rations, that nothing might impede 
their progress. Yet there were unforeseen causes of delay. The 
Third corps was three hours late in reaching the Rapidan, 
detaining the whole army for that time, since IMeade was not 
willing to risk a crossing with less than his whole force. In 
laying the pontoon bridges they proved too short, causing 
another delay. Other obstacles arose, so that by the time the 
river was crossed twenty-four hours had elapsed. 

This delay gave Lee all the time he needed. The rugged 
banks of Mine Run were densely clothed with timber, which 
the troops as they reached the ground hastily attacked with 
axes, and dragged the heavy logs to the points to be defended. 
The breastworks rose as if by magic. Lee rode along the 
banks of the stream, and with his great engineering skill se- 
lected the points to be defended and gave the necessary orders. 
In a remarkably short space of time an extended line of works 
was erected, composed of double walls of logs filled in with 
earth and with a strong abatis in front. The position had sud- 
denly become formidable. 

The Federal army had in the mean time been still further 
delayed. French's corps, marching too far to the right, had 
fallen in with Johnson's division of Ewell's corps. A sharp 
brush was the result, and by the time it could extricate itself 



^ 



%i 



■^ 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRA TEG Y. 3 1 5 

and open communications with the remainder of the army- 
night had fallen. 

It was not until the morning of the 28th that the army- 
made its final advance to Mine Run, where, when Meade ar- 
rived hoping to gain an easy victory, he was confronted by a 
strong line of breastworks garnished with 150 pieces of artillery 
and backed by 30,000 veterans. The sight surprised him. The 
remarkable rapidity with which the defences on Mine Run were 
constructed must be attributed to the natural intelligence of 
the men, aided by their previous experience in throwing up 
earthworks around Richmond and Fredericksburg under the 
eye of General Lee, who, it must be remembered, had long 
been distinguished as a military engineer. 

It was a bitter disappointment to General Meade to find that 
his well-laid plans had been utterly foiled by the skill and 
alertness of his antagonist. The next two days were spent in 
reconnoitering movements, in hope of finding a favorable point 
of attack. On the 29th, Warren reported favorable conditions 
for assault on the Confederate right, while Sedgwick discov- 
ered what seemed a weak point on its left. Orders for an 
assault at both points on the next morning were accordingly 
given, and at the appointed time the artillery of the right and 
centre opened briskly on the Confederate lines. 

But not a sound came from Warren on the left. A new con- 
clusion had been reached in that quarter — a verdict of the men 
themselves, communicated in a manner of startling significance 
to their commander. As the hour for the assault arrived it was 
found that each man had pinned to his blue blouse a scrap of 
paper with his name written thereon, that he might be recog- 
nized by his friends in case of death. This significant indi- 
cation of the verdict of men whom long experience had made 
as expert military critics as their officers, was not to be disre- 
garded. Warren, and after him Meade, made a new recon- 
noissance of the works before them, and the designed assault 
was pronounced hopeless. Meade declared that the position 
could not be carried without the loss of 30,000 men. This 
contingency was too terrible to be entertained. Yet the rations 
of the men were nearly exhausted, and nothing remained but 



31 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

retreat. This was safely accomplished on the night of the ist 
of December, and on the following day the Federal army 
regained its quarters at Culpeper Court-house. Lee was more 
surprised at the retreat of Meade than he was by his advance, 
and his men, who had been in high spirits at the prospect of 
obliterating the memory of Gettysburg, were sadly disappointed 
at the loss of the opportunity. 

During these operations occurred an incident which has 
often been told of General Lee. On Sunday, the 28th, while 
waiting for the expected Federal attack, the general was riding 
down the lines, attended by General Hill with his staff, when 
he came upon a group of his men who were holding a prayer- 
meeting. They were riding briskly, but the general at once 
halted and listened reverently to the singing of the men. He 
remained in that attitude until the benediction was pronounced, 
when he raised his hat, received the blessing, and then contin- 
ued his ride. It was an impressive scene, and disposed to sol- 
emn feelings all who were present. 

Finding that the enemy was not inclined to attack, Lee 
decided to give them a surprise, and to assail their lines on the 
morning of December 2d. Preparations were made during the 
night, two divisions being concentrated on the right in readi- 
ness to fall on the enemy's left flank, while all other arrange- 
ments for a battle were completed. But with the dawning of 
the next day it was discovered that the camp in front, which 
the day before had been full of busy life, was silent and 
empty. Meade's army was in full retreat toward the Rapidan. 
Pursuit was immediately made. But it was in vain. The light 
marching equipment of General Meade enabled him to far out- 
strip his pursuers. So suddenly had he disappeared that the 
army was astounded. This fact is illustrated in a story told by 
a staff officer who had been sent with an order to General 
Hampton. 

'*In looking for him," he says, "I got far to our right, and 
in a hollow of the woods found a grand guard of the Eleventh 
cavalry, with pickets and videttes out, gravely sitting their 
horses and watching the wood-roads for the advance of an 
enemy who was then retreating across Ely's Ford." 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 317 

The pursuit was quickly abandoned as useless, and the army- 
was marched back over a road which was bordered by burning 
woods, which had been set on fire by the Federal camp-fires. 
It was an imposing spectacle as the gleaming flames lit up 
the pathway of the army which was marching between them 
toward the impregnable post in which it had so recently 
defied a still more threatening foe. 

Thus ended the campaigning of the year 1863, the most 
eventful year of the war, and one in which, while the army 
led by General Lee had experienced a variety of fortunes, it 
had won for itself imperishable fame, and done much to estab- 
lish for its leader his well-deserved title of ' ' one of the great 
captains of the world." The year had not closed as propi- 
tiously for the Confederate cause as the previous year, and the 
brilliant success of the army in the spring had been marred by 
its unsuccessful campaign in Pennsylvania. Although it had 
not felt itself beaten and its spirit was still unshaken, yet its 
failure to accomplish what had been expected, together with 
the fall of Vicksburg and the want of success in the South and 
West, had a depressing effect. Yet, despite these reverses, the 
Army of Northern Virginia at all times presented a bold and 
defiant front, and was ever ready to meet the enemy in battle, 
with thorough confidence in the ability of its leader and in its 
own steady valor. 

The season was now so far advanced that neither general 
contemplated the prosecution of further operations during the 
winter ; therefore preparations were commenced for going into 
winter quarters. While the main body of the Confederate 
army remained on the Rapidan, the artillery, with the excep- 
tion of two or three battalions, was sent to the line of the Vir- 
ginia Central Railroad, for the greater convenience of foraging 
the horses. The artillery of the Second corps was located at 
Frederick's Hall, while that of the Third occupied the neigh- 
borhood of Cobham Station, a few miles west of Gordonsville. 

The prayer-meeting scene which we have described was sig- 
nificant of an unusual phase of army life of which something 
further may be said. A revival of religion had taken place in 
the army, and reliofious gatherings in the woods and in the 



31 8 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

camp, in which bronzed and war-worn veterans listened de- 
voutly to the exhortations of their pastors and prayed fervently 
to the God of battles for aid to their country and themselves, 
became of common occurrence. General Lee took great pleas- 
ure in this display of religious emotion. He gave it every 
encouragement, conversed with the chaplains, and assisted 
them in their labors to the utmost of his power. He requested 
their prayers for himself, and exhibited that sincere religious 
faith which was ever a strong element in his character. 

An interval of favorable weather in February caused the 
Army of the Potomac to exhibit signs of renewed activity ; 
but the prompt appearance of General Lee induced General 
Meade to return to his winter quarters. The inactivity of win- 
ter was not again disturbed until March, when the Federals 
projected a cavalry expedition for the capture of Richmond by 
a secret and rapid movement. This expedition was conrposed 
of two columns, one of which advanced toward Richmond 
under Kilpatrick, while the other, commanded by Colonel 
Dahlgren, proceeded from the neighborhood of Culpeper Court- 
house, with instructions to destroy the artillery at Frederick's 
Hall, form a junction with Kilpatrick, capture Richmond by 
a coup de inain^ destroy the city, and liberate the prisoners on 
Belle Isle. Being apprehensive that a cavalry dash might be 
made on the artillery cantoned about Frederick's Hall, Gen- 
eral Long applied for two regiments of infantry in order to 
secure him against such an attempt. This small force was 
declined, on the ground that the army was so much depleted 
that it could with difficulty protect the line of the Rapidan. 

General Long, however, obtained a hundred and twenty- 
five muskets and accoutrements, which he distributed among 
four battalions of artillery, and organized in each a small com- 
pany of sharpshooters. To this precaution may be attributed 
the safety of the artillery at Frederick's Hall. Dahlgren cap- 
tured the Confederate pickets at Germanna Ford, crossed the 
Rapidan, and advanced within a few miles of the artillery can- 
tonment before his approach had been discovered. Long had 
barely time to make the following disposition : Colonel Brax- 
ton was ordered to place one battery in position to command 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRATEGY. 319 

the road on wliich Dahlgren was advancing, to deploy liis 
sharpshooters as skirmishers, and to withdraw his other bat- 
teries to a position near the station ; at the same time he 
directed Brown's battalion to be placed in position to com- 
mand the approaches below the station. Cutshaw's and Car- 
ter's battalions were ordered to a position a little in the rear 
of Braxton's and Brown's, in order to support them, and 
sharpshooters were sent to reinforce Brown's battalion. 

These dispositions were barely completed before the head 
of Dahlgren' s column came in view of Braxton's battery on 
the road. Seeing the battle-flag flying above the battery, and 
catching a glimpse of the bayonets of the sharpshooters, he 
halted in some surprise, having been led to suppose that the 
artillery at Frederick's Hall was without an infantry support. 
Bringing forward a contraband who had been recently captured, 
Dahlgren inquired whether or not there was infantry posted 
with the artillery, to which the negro replied, "Yes, massa, 
plenty of it." Being doubtful whether the negro knew what 
infantry meant, he asked him hov/ he knev/ it. "Because," 
he said, " the infantry had stickers on the ends of their guns." 
Convinced by the evidence of the negro that the artillery was 
not unprotected, Dahlgren made a detour to the left, keeping 
beyond the range of the guns. The only loss sustained was 
the capture of a^ court-martial which was in session in a house 
on the enemy's line of march; whereupon a wag remarked, as 
the court, prisoners, and witnesses were all present, the trial 
might go on and the proceedings might be sent to General 
Long from Point Lookout or Fort Delaware. The court, how- 
ever, was not reduced to this alternative, as all, with one excep- 
tion, escaped during the following night. 

Kilpatrick, having failed to meet Dahlgren at the appointed 
time before Richmond, determined not to wait, but to attack at 
once. He crossed the outer line of defences without resistance, 
but on reaching the second line he was so warmly received that 
he was obliged to retire, and with difficulty made good his retreat 
through the Confederate lines. This lack of co-operation in 
the Federal forces was due to the fact that Dahlgren put in 
the responsible position of guide a contraband who showed his 



320 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

fidelity to the Southern cause by misleading him from his pro* 
posed line of march, and thus created a delay which prevented 
his forming a junction with Kilpatrick. We are told that the 
negro was executed on the alleged charge of treachery. When 
Dahlgren approached the neighborhood of Richmond he was 
met by a Confederate force and signally defeated ; he himself 
was killed, and only a remnant of his command escaped de- 
struction. 

Colonel Beale of the Ninth Virginia cavalry thus relates 
the circumstance of Dahlgren' s death {Southern Historical 
Papers^ April, 1877) : 

"On reaching the route of the enemy's march, he met a 
home-guard company under command of Captain Richard 
Hugh Bagly, with several lieutenants and some privates from 
other regular regiments, ready to dispute the advance of the 
enemy. Falling back until a good position was reached, the 
men were posted and darkness closed in. No advance was 
expected, and a lieutenant was kept in command on the road. 
About eleven o'clock the tramp of horses was heard, and when 
within twenty or thirty paces the officer stationed at this point 
commanded, ' Halt !' The reply was, ' Disperse, you damned 
rebels, or I shall charge you.' — 'Fire !' ordered the lieutenant, 
and under it the horsemen retreated rapidly. Their leader had 
fallen, being instantly killed as his horse wheeled. Deserted 
by their officers, the men next morning on the flats before the 
hill hoisted the white flag. Important papers were found on 
Colonel Dahlgren' s person, consisting of an address to the com- 
mand, the order of attack from the south side of the James 
upon the city of Richmond, enjoining the release of the pris- 
oners, the killing of the executive officers of the Confederate 
Government, the burning and sacking of the city, directions 
where to apply for the materials necessary for setting fire to 
the city, and an accurate copy of the last field return of our 
cavalry made to General Stuart, with the location of every 
regiment. This last was furnished by the Bureau of Instruc- 
tion at Washington. The rest was accredited to no one. We 
forwarded all the papers by Pollard's courier to Richmond. 
After the publication of the papers and the denial of their 



A CAMPAIGN OF STRA TEG V. 3 2 1 

authenticity, we were interrogated, and ordered to forward the 
memorandum-book, which was done." 

It is but justice to the memory of Dahlgren to say that no 
act of cruelty was perpetrated by him throughout this hapless 
expedition. His soldierly spirit abhorred the duty that had 
been assigned him. 

In the succeeding April, General Lee was directed to inquire, 
under flag of truce, of General Meade if he or his Government 
had -sanctioned the barbarous orders which had been found on 
Colonel Dahlgren' s person. A reply was received to the effect 
that neither the Government at Washington nor any of the 
commanding officers had ordered or approved of the atrocities 
mentioned. General Kilpatrick stated that the photographic 
copy of the "address" which General L-ee had forwarded was 
a fac-simile' of an address which Dahlgren had submitted to 
him for approval, except that it lacked his approval, and that 
the objectionable passages it contained were not. in that which 
had been submitted to him. General Meade's disclaimer was 
equally candid and emphatic. 

It may be mentioned here that during the period covered by 
the events of this chapter (in November, 1863) the City Coun- 
cil of Richmond passed a resolution to purchase an elegant 
mansion for General Lee, to replace his lost mansions of Ar- 
lington and the White House, and in token of the esteem in 
which he was held by the city he had so long defended. Gen- 
eral Lee, on hearing of this offer, wrote as follows to the pres- 
ident of the Council : 

' ' I assure you, sir, that no want of appreciation of the honor 
conferred upon me by this resolution, or insensibility to the 
kind feelings which prompted it, induces me to ask, as I most 
respectfully do, that no further proceedings be taken with ref- 
erence to the subject. The house is not necessary for the use 
of my family, and my own duties will prevent my residence in 
Richmond. I should therefore be compelled to decline the 
generous offer, and I trust that whatever means the City Coun- 
cils may have to spare for this purpose may be devoted to the 
relief of the families of our soldiers in the field, who are more 
in want of assistance, and more deserving of it, than myself." 
21 



CHAPTER XVII. 

WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 

General Grant in Command of the Army of the Potomac. — Preparations for the Cam- 
paign. — New Policy. — The Overland Route Selected. — Passage of the Rapidan. — 
In "The Wilderness." — Grant Intercepted by Lee. — The Fight on the 5th. — The 
Federal Error. — Battle of the 6th. — Longstreet's Oi)portune Arrival. — Statement of 
Colonel Venable. — Hancock Repulsed. — Longstreet Wounded. — The Woods on 
Fire. — Graphic Descriptions of the Battle. — March for Spottsylvania Court-house. — 
Grant Outgeneralled. — Lee in Position. — His Able Strategy'. — Battle of May loth. 
— Federal Repulse. — Battle of the 12th. — Johnson's Division Captured. — Terrible 
Conflict. — The Federals Checked. — Deadly Character of the Conflict. — A Tree Cut 
down by Bullets. — Sheridan's Raid on Richmond. — Death of General Stuart. — 
March to the North Anna. — Lee's Brilliant Strategy. — Grant's March to the Pamun- 
key. — Lee on the Totopotomoy. — Battle of Cold Harbor. — Terrible Slaughter in 
Grant's Army. — The Men Refuse to Charge. — Losses. — Lee's Tactics. — Grant's 
Change of System. 

THE hostile armies having remained opposed to each other 
for more than six months, and having freqnently meas- 
ured each other's strength with the skill of practised gladiators, 
were aware that the ensuing campaign would be one of the most 
formidable character. Therefore, each side made full use of its 
resources in preparation for the coming struggle. The North 
replaced the fragmentary principle on which the war had been 
previously conducted by a system of powerful combinations, 
the guidance of which was entrusted to a strong and energetic 
hand. 

In March, 1864, General Ulysses S. Grant was appointed 
lieutenant-general and assigned to the command of all the 
Federal armies. These were formed into two grand divisions. 
That of the West was assigned to the command of General 
Sherman, while that of the East was commanded by General 
Grant in person. Having established his headquarters with 
the Army of the Potomac, he applied himself to the study of 
the military situation in Virginia and of the several lines of 

322 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 323 

operation which appeared worthy of consideration for the future 
movements of the army. While thus employed he caused the 
Army of the Potomac to be raised to the imposing strength of 
140,000 men, and to be furnished with all the appliances neces- 
sary to place it in the highest state of efficiency. At the same 
time, the Army of the James, that of the Valley, and the Grand 
Army of the West were put in a condition to alTord the most 
effective co-operation in support of the principal object of the 
campaign. 

In the mean time, General Lee applied himself with his 
accustomed energy and far-seeing policy to the preparation of 
his army for the field. By recalling Longstreet from Tennes- 
see and ordering into the ranks the convalescents and the con- 
scripts that had been raised during the winter, and by using 
every other means at his disposal, he could only raise an effec- 
tive force of 64,000 men. No,twithstanding this inequality of 
numbers, the Army of Northern Virginia on the ist of May 
awaited with undaunted spirit the opposing host. 

In addition to the difference in numbers there was as marked 
a difference in condition. The Army of the Potomac was well 
clothed and amply supplied. The Army of Northern Virginia 
was in ragged clothing and but half fed. For this condition 
of his troops General Lee was in no sense accountable. He 
had protested against it in vain: the supplies did not come. 
But, as on previous occasions of the kind, the soldiers were 
ready to fight, and were not likely to let lack of provisions 
affect their valor in the field. 

They had before them a severer task than any they had yet 
experienced. General Grant had proved himself the ablest 
commander in the Federal army, and had come fresh from 
victory in the West to measure his strength with the ablest of 
the Confederate leaders. And their previous ill-success had 
taught the Federal authorities the useful lesson to leave the 
direction of military affairs to the commander in the field, 
and, while supplying him with abundant reinforcements, to 
cease hampering him with the incessant restrictions to which 
the preceding commanders had been subjected. 

The new Federal general did not fail to properly estimate the 



324 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

magnitude of the task before liiin, and lie equally perceived 
that his skilled antagonist was not to be overcome by the 
policy which had hitherto been pursued. For three years a 
succession of pitched battles had been fought with no decisive 
result. The two armies still stood face to face — with a marked 
difference in numbers, it is true, but this was no new circum- 
stance — and its enemies clearly realized that the army of the 
South was as dangerous as ever and as ready to show its teeth 
to its foes. General Grant, governed by these considerations, 
devised a new system of operations, as set forth in his official 
report. In this he said that his design was '7<9 hammer contin- 
itoiisly against the armed force of the enemy and his resources, 
until by mere attrition., if by nothing else, there should be 
nothing left for him but an equal submission with the loyal 
section of our common country to the Constitution and the 
laws." 

This was a policy that was sure to result in terrible loss to 
the Federal armies, since it threw Lee on the defensive, and 
his army had more than once shown a remarkable ability to 
defend itself against assault. "Lee's army," says a Northern 
writer of that period, "is an army of veterans: it is an instru- 
ment sharpened to a perfect edge. You turn its flanks — well, 
its flanks are made to be turned. This effects little or nothing. 
All that we reckon as gained, therefore, is the loss of life in- 
flicted on the enemy." This General Grant thoroughly under- 
stood. He knew that there was but one policy by which Lee 
could be beaten, and estimating, in a somewhat heartless man- 
ner, that even if he lost ten men to Lee's one he could better 
afford the loss, he firmly resolved to pursue the "continual 
hammering" system until he had utterly worn away the Army 
of Northern Virginia and left his opponent unsupported by a 
single regiment of his war-worn veterans. 

While fully decided to make an advance in force against 
Richmond, Grant had two plans of movement to consider — 
that of transferring his whole army, after leaving a sufficient 
force for the defence of Washington, to the Peninsula or to the 
.south side of the James River, and that of pursuing the "over- 
land route." Pie seems to have been at first strongly in favor 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 325 

of the movement by way of the James. While in the West he 
had strongly urged it as the measure most promising of success. 
But on taking command of the Army of the Potomac he appears 
to have changed his views, possibly under that persistent pres- 
sure from Washington which his predecessors had so severely 
felt. However that may be, he determined on the southward 
movement through Virginia with his main army, while send- 
ing General Butler with 30,000 men to operate against Rich- 
mond from the James, and Sigel with a considerable force to 
advance through West Virginia and up the Shenandoah Valley. 

Yet as the position of General Lee behind the Rappahannock 
was too strong to warrant a direct attack, it became necessary 
to select a line of movement that would turn this position by 
either the right or the left flank. The experience of General 
Pope had already demonstrated the dangers attending the line 
that traversed the upper fords of the Rapidan. Grant was 
therefore induced to adopt the other line — crossing the Rap- 
idan above Lee's left, and to endeavor to turn that flank of the 
Confederate army. This line, besides being shorter, possessed 
the advantage of preserving intact the communication with 
Washington, while it threatened to sever Lee's connection 
with Richmond. 

The line being decided on and the necessarj'- preparations 
being completed. General Meade on the 4th of May, under the 
eye of General Grant, put the Army of the Potomac in motion. 
The corps of Sedgwick and Warren moved forward on the road 
to Germanna Ford, while Hancock's corps proceeded to Ely's 
Ford, each column being preceded by a large force of cavalry. 
The passage of the river was effected without opposition. 

This easy passage of the Rapidan does not seem to have been 
anticipated by General Grant. In his report he says: "This I 
regarded as a great success, and it removed from my mind the 
most serious apprehension I had entertained, that of crossing 
the river in the face of an active, large, well-appointed, and 
ably-commanded army." Lee had made no movement to 
dispute the passage of the stream. He could, had he chose^i, 
have rendered its passage extremely difficult. But perceiv- 
ing that Grant was making the mistake that had proved so 



326 MEMOIRS OF R OBER T E. L EE. 

disastrous to Hooker, by plunging with his army into that 
dense and sombre thicket well named " The Wilderness," he 
took care to do nothing to obstruct so desirable a result. 

On reaching the southern side of the stream, Grant estab- 
lished himself at the intersection of the Germanna and old 
plank roads and at Chancellors ville. This position embraced 
the upper part of what is known as the Wilderness of Spott- 
sylvania. 

Lee simultaneously ordered the concentration of his forces 
on Mine Run, a position about four miles north-west of that 
occupied by Grant. The corps of Ewell and Hill and the 
artillery of Long and Walker gained their positions on Mine 
Run during the evening and night of the 4th; Longstreet's 
corps, which since its arrival from Tennessee had been posted 
at Gordonsville, distant twenty miles from the point of concen- 
tration, was necessarily delayed in reaching the scene of the 
coming struggle. 

There seemed no good reason to believe that General Lee 
would risk the hazard of a battle in open field, and expose his 
small force to the danger of being overwhelmed by Grant's 
enormous army. That he would offer battle somewhere on the 
road to Richmond was unquestionable, but Grant naturally 
expected his adversary to select some point strong alike by 
nature and art, and which must be forced by sheer strength 
ere the march to Richmond could be resumed. He did not 
dream that Lee would himself make the attack and force a 
battle with no other intrenchments than the unyielding ranks 
of his veteran troops. 

Yet Lee had already tried the woods of the Wilderness as a 
battlefield, and knew its advantages. Its intricacies, which 
were familiar to him and his generals, were unknown ground 
to Grant. In them he had already vanquished a large army 
with half its force. The natural hope of success in baffling 
his new opponent which this gave him he did not fail to avail 
himself of, and Grant found himself on his southward march 
unexpectedly arrested by the presence of the Confederate anny 
in the wilds in which, just a year before, Hooker's confident 
<irmy had been hurled back in defeat. 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 327 

The writer spent the night of the 4th at Lee's headquarters, 
and breakfasted with him the next morning. The general 
displayed the cheerfulness which he usually exhibited at meals, 
and indulged in a few pleasant jests at the expense of his staff 
officers, as was his custom on such occasions. In the course of 
the conversation that attended the meal he expressed himself 
surprised that his new adversary had placed himself in the same 
predicament as " Fighting Joe " had done the previous spring. 
He hoped the result would be even more disastrous to Grant 
than that which Hooker had experienced. He was, indeed, in 
the best of spirits, and expressed much confidence in the result 
— a confidence which was well founded, for there was macli 
reason to believe that his antagonist would be at his mercy 
while entangled in these pathless and entangled thickets, in 
whose intricacies disparity of numbers lost much of its im- 
portance. 

On the morning of the 5th, Lee's army advanced in two. col- 
umns, Bwell taking the Orange Court-house and Fredericks- 
burg turnpike, while Hill moved on the plank road. After 
advancing about three miles, Ewell encountered the enemy's 
outposts. Jones's brigade and a battery of artillery were then 
placed in position to cover the further deployment of Ewell' s 
corps. Rodes's division formed in line to the right and at right 
angles to the road. The divisions of Early and Edward John- 
son executed a similar deployment to the left. 

Before this movement was finished Jones's brigade was 
ordered to change its position, and while in the execution 
of this was suddenly attacked by a heavy Federal force which 
had advanced unobserved under cover of a dense thicket. 
Before it could be extricated General Jones, its gallant leader, 
was killed, with the loss of several hundred of his men, either 
killed, wounded, or taken prisoner. This was the prelude to 
a succession of battles. 

About four o'clock in the afternoon a collision occurred be- 
tween the Federal right and the Confederate left. The hostile 
forces were concealed from view by a wilderness of tangled 
brushwood until they were within musket-range of each other. 
Then the Confederates, being in position, were prepared to 



32S MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

deliver a staggering volley the moineut their antagonists ap- 
peared, which was followed up so persistently that the Federals 
were driven back with heavy loss for nearly a mile. This affait 
closed the operations on the left. 

On the right Hill met the enemy on the plank road and 
engaged in a heavy conflict. Hancock, who was opposed to 
him, made desperate efforts to drive him from his position, 
but in vain. "The assaults," as General Lee wrote, "were 
heavy and desperate, but every one was repulsed." Night 
fell, leaving both parties in the position which they held at 
the beginning of the fight. Neither had advanced or retired, 
but Hill had held his post and established his connection with 
Ewell. 

The two armies had now assumed a most singular attitude. 
They had enveloped themselves in a jungle of tangled brush- 
wood so dense that they were invisible to each other at half 
musket-range, and along the lines of battle in many places 
objects were not discernible half the length of a battalion. A 
Northern writer aptly described this region as a "terra incog- 
nita." It formerly had been an extensive mining district, 
from which the timber had been cut to supply fuel for feeding 
the smelting-furnaces, and since then the young growth had 
sprung up ten times thicker than the primeval forest. The 
roads traversing it and the small brooks meandering through 
it, with a few diminutive clearings, were the only openings in 
this dismal wilderness. 

As soon as General Grant had crossed the Rapidan and 
enveloped himself in the Wilderness of Spottsylvania, Gen- 
eral Lee determined, as above said, to bring his adversary to 
an engagement in a position whose difficulties neutralized the 
vastly superior force against him. "Neither General Grant 
nor General Meade believed that aught but a small force was 
in front of Warren to mask the Confederate retreat, as it was 
not deemed possible that Lee, after his defensive line had been 
turned, could have acted with such boldness as to launch for- 
ward his anny in an offensive sally. It was therefore at once 
resolved to brush away or capture this force, but as this deter- 
mination was formed under a very erroneous apprehension of 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 329 

the actual situation, tlie means employed were inadequate to 
the task" (Swinton). 

In corroboration of this statement may be quoted a remark 
ascribed to General Meade in conversation with Warren, Sedg- 
wick, and others on the morning of the 5th: "They have left 
a division to fool us here, while they concentrate and prepare 
a position toward the North Anna; and what I want is to pre- 
vent those fellows from getting back to Mine Run." 

Before nightfall of that day it was discovered that "those 
fellows ' ' had other objects in view, and were not to be brushed 
away with a wave of the hand. Grant had become convinced 
that Lee was advancing upon him in force, and hastened to 
put his whole army in battle array. His line, crossing the 
plank road and old turnpike nearly at right angles, extended 
from Todd's Tavern on Brock road to within a short distance 
of Germanna Ford, presenting a front of about five miles. 

General Lee had accompanied the advance of Hill on the 
plank road, and witnessed the noble firmness with which the 
divisions of Heth and Wilcox maintained the conflict against 
greatly superior odds until relieved by the coming of night. 
Pei::eiving that these troops had sustained considerable loss 
and were greatly fatigued by the exertions of the day, he 
wished to relieve them by Longstreet's corps, which had 
bivouacked during the evening about five miles from the field 
of battle. He therefore sent a message to General Longstreet 
to hurry him forward. 

Notwithstanding the severe conflicts during the day, the 
troops of both Ewell and Hill maintained their unshaken 
courage, and lay upon their arms during the night in antici- 
pation of a renewal of the attack. 

Early on the following morning Hill's division was assailed 
with increased vigor, so heavy a pressure being brought to 
bear upon Heth and Wilcox that they were driven back, and, 
owing to the difiiculties of the country, were thrown into con- 
fusion. The failure of Longstreet to appear came near causing 
a serious disaster to the army. But at this critical moment he 
arrived and attacked with such vigor that the enemy was driven 
back and the position regained. 



330 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Colonel C. S. Venable of General Lee's staff, in his address 
before the Southern Historical Society, thus describes this 
eveift: "The assertion, made by several writers, that Hill's 
troops were driven back a mile and a half is a most serious 
mistake. The right of his line was thrown back several hun- 
dred }ards, but a portion of his troops still maintained their 
I^osition. The danger, however, was great, and General Lee 
sent his trusted adjutant. Colonel W. H. Taylor, back to 
Parker's Store to get the trains ready for a movement to the 
rear. He sent an aide also to hasten the march of Longstreet's 
divisions. These came the last mile and a half at a double- 
quick, in parallel columns, along the plank road. 

"General Longstreet rode forward with that imperturbable 
coolness which always characterized him in times of perilous 
action, and began to j)ut them in jDosition on the right and left 
of the road. His men came to the front of the disordered battle 
with a steadiness unexampled even among veterans, and with 
an tla?i that presaged restoration of our position and certain 
victory. When they arrived the bullets of the enemy on our 
right flank had begun to sweep the field in the rear of the 
artillery-pits on the left of the road, where General Lee was 
giving directions and assisting General Hill in rallying and 
re-forming his troops. 

" It was here that the incident of Lee's charge with Gregg's 
Texas brigade occurred. The Texans cheered lustily as their 
line of battle, coming up in splendid style, passed by Wilcox's 
disordered columns and swept across our artillery-pit and its 
adjacent breastwork. IMuch moved by the greeting of these 
brave men and their magnificent behavior, General Lee spurred 
his horse through an opening in the trenches and followed close 
on their line as it moved rapidly forward. The men did not 
percei\e that he was going with them until they had advanced 
some distance in the charge. When they did recognize him, 
there came from the entire line as it rushed on the cry, ' Go 
back, General Lee! go back!' Some historians like to put 
this in less homely words, but the brave Texans did not pick 
their phrases: 'We won't go on unless you go back.' A ser- 
geant seized his bridle-rein 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 33 1 

"Just then I turned his attention to General Longstreet, 
whom he had been seeking, and who sat on his horse on a 
knoll to the right of the Texans directing the attack of his 
divisions. He yielded with evident reluctance to the entreaties 
of his men, and rode up to Longstreet's position. With the 
first opportunity I informed General Longstreet of what had 
just happened, and he with affectionate bluntness urged Gen- 
eral Lee to go farther back. I need not say the Texans went 
forward in their charge and did well their duty. They were 
eight hundred strong, and lost half their number killed and 
wounded on that bloody day. The battle was soon restored 
and the enemy driven to his position of the night before." 

"Wilcox's and Heth's divisions, to whom Longstreet's arrival 
and General Lee's presence had done much to restore con- 
fidence, were placed in line a short distance to the left of the 
plank road. Shortly afterward Anderson's division arrived 
from Orange Court-house. Longstreet now advanced from his 
own and Anderson's divisions three brigades to operate on the 
right: flank of the enemy, while himself advancing on their 
front. 

Attacked with great vigor by these fresh troops and his 
right flank rolled up at the same time that a heavy onslaught 
fell upon his front, Hancock's force was completely defeated, 
and sent reeling back toward the Brock road, the important 
highway to the seizure of which Lee's efforts were directed. 
That this purpose would be achieved seemed highly probable 
when an unfortunate accident put a stop to the Confederate 
advance. General Longstreet, who afterward declared that he 
"thought that he had another Bull Run on them," had ridden 
forward with his staff in front of his advancing, line, when he 
was fired upon by a portion of his own flanking column, who 
mistook the party for Federal cavalry. He was struck by a 
musket-ball, and fell from his horse severely wounded. 

This accident — which, as will be seen, bears a striking re- 
semblance to that in which Lee's other great lieutenant, Jack- 
son, was disabled in a previous battle in that same region — 
threw the lines into disorder and put a stop to the advance. 
General Lee, as soon as he learned of the accident, hastened 



332 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to the spot to take command of the corps. But a considerable 
time elapsed before the divisions were ready for a renewal of 
the assault, and in the mean time the enemy had recovered 
from his confusion and had been strongly reinforced. 

The battle was renewed about four o'clock in the afternoon, 
the columns of Longstreet and Hill, now commanded by Lee 
in person, making a most vigorous assault upon Hancock's 
men, who now lay intrenched behind a strongly-built breast- 
work of logs. The battle raged with great fury. The inces- 
sant volleys set fire to the woods, as at Chancellorsville, and 
flames and smoke soon filled the valley in which the contest 
was raging. The flames ere long caught to the breastworks 
of the enemy, which were soon a mass of seething fire. The 
battle went on through smoke and flame, and a portion of the 
breastworks were carried, though they were not long held. 
The few who had entered them were quickly driven out by a 
forward rush of a Federal brigade. With this charge ended 
the main action of the day. 

In this engagement the attack of General IMeade was con- 
ducted with such vigor by Hancock, Warren, and Burnside 
that under ordinary circumstances, with his great superiority 
of force, it would have been successful; but here the difficulties 
of the country prevented his making systematic combinations, 
and failure was the consequence. 

While the battle was in progress on our right a spirited com- 
bat ensued between a part of Ewell's and Sedgwick's corps 
which terminated without important results. General Grant, 
being satisfied that any further attempt to dislodge Lee would 
be fruitless, determined to draw him out by a change of posi- 
tion. Therefore on the ytli he made his preparations to with- 
draw by night toward Spottsylvania Court-house. 

Before ending our account of the battle of the Wilderness it 
may be of interest to offer some extracts from other writers 
which present graphic pictures of the singular and terrible 
character of the conflict. A Northern writer describes the 
country as covered bv "a dense undergrowth of low-limbed 
and scraggy pines, stiff" and bristling chinkapins, scrub oaks, 
and hazel. It is a region of gloom and the shadow of death. 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. ^^2) 

Manoeuvring here was necessarily ont of the question, and 
only Indian tactics told. The troops could only receive direc- 
tion by a point of the compass, for not only were the lines of 
battle entirely hidden from the sight of the commander, but no 
officer could see ten files on each side of him. Artillery was 
wholly ruled out of use; the massive concentration of three 
hundred guns stood silent, and only an occasional piece or 
section could be brought into play in the roadsides. Cavalry 
was still more useless. But in that horrid thicket there lurked 
two hundred thousand men, and through it lurid fires played, 
and, though no array of battle could be seen, there came out 
of its depths the roll and crackle of musketry like the noisy 
boiling of some hell-caldron that told the dread story of death." 

A Southern writer describes the struggle in equally vivid lan- 
guage: " The land was sombre — a land of thicket, undei growth, 
jungle, ooze, where men could not see each other twenty 
yards off, and assault had to be made by the compass. The 
fights there were not as easy as night-attacks in open country, 
for at night you can travel by the stars. Death came unseen ; 
regiments stumbled on each other, and sent swift destruction 
into each other's ranks guided by the crackling of the bushes. 
It was not war — military manoeuvring ; science had as little to 
do with it as sight. Two wild animals were hunting each 
other; when they heard each other's steps they sprang and 

grappled. The conqueror advanced or went elsewhere 

Here, in blind wrestle as at midnight, did two hundred thou- 
sand men in blue and gray clutch each other — bloodiest and 

weirdest of encounters On the low line of the works, 

dimly seen in the thickets, rested the muzzles spouting flame ; 
from the depths rose cheers ; charges were made and repulsed, 
the lines scarcely seeing each other ; men fell and writhed and 
died unseen, their bodies lost in the bushes, their death-groans 
drowned in the steady, continuous, never-ceasing crash." 

During the battle the numerous cavalry of Grant's army, 
commanded by General Sheridan, was completely neutralized 
by the topographical difficulties of the country. Becoming 
impatient of its inaction, a portion of Wilson's division passed 
the Brock road and advanced a short distance into the open 



334 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

country, where it was met by General Rosser with his brigade, 
and after a sharp conflict was compelled to retreat into the Wil- 
derness from which it had emerged. The country was equally 
unfavorable for the use of artillery, which could only be em- 
ployed along the roads or fired at random in the direction 
of the sounds of battle. The infantry, being thus deprived of 
its two powerful auxiliaries, was compelled to grapple single- 
handed its resolute antagonist. The casualties of both armies 
during the 5th and 6th were heavy. The Confederates, besides 
the loss of 70CX) men killed and wounded, had to lament the 
severe wound of General Longstreet, which disabled him dur- 
ing the remainder of the campaign, and the death of Colonel 
J. Thompson Brown of the artillery and the gallant General 
Jenkins of South Carolina. The Federal loss was much greater. 

During the ytli the battle was not resumed and the day passed 
in comparative quiet. General Lee waited behind his slight 
intrenchments for an assault from the Federal army, though 
keenly on the alert for a possible southward march of Grant's 
columns. Grant, indeed, designed by a rapid flank movement 
to seize the important position of Spottsylvania Court-house, 
fifteen miles south-east of the Wilderness battlefield. But 
quick as he was, his antagonist proved too active for him. 

Having been informed by Stuart on the afternoon of the 
7th that the wagon-trains of the Federal army were moving 
southward, Lee at once divined Grant's intention, and he has- 
tily took the necessary measures to forestall it. He ordered 
Longstreet's corps, then commanded by General R. H. Ander- 
son, to proceed that night, by a circuitous route a few miles 
to the right of the left flank of the enemy, to Spottsylvania 
Court-house, situated on the main route to Richmond. While 
Anderson was in rapid progress toward that point, the Federal 
army was advancing in two columns for the same place — the 
one by the Brock road, and the other by way of Chancellors- 
ville. By reason of the numerous diflliculties to be encoun- 
tered, and the steady opposition of vStuart's men, who behind 
improvised breastworks harassed the Federal advance at every 
step, the movement was so much retarded that the advance 
corps under Warren did not reach the neighborhood of Spott- 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 335 

sylvania Court-house until about tlie middle of the forenoon 
of the 8th. 

The Confederate cavalry, under Fitz Lee, yielded before the 
strong advance of Warren's leading division. At that oppor- 
tune moment Anderson reached the field, and as the cavalry 
gave way the Federals found themselves unexpectedly con- 
fronted by a line of infantry and met by a severe musketry 
fire, which took them so greatly by surprise that they hastily 
fell back to a position a mile and a half north of the court- 
house. Lee had again outgeneralled his opponent, and placed 
his army, which was supposed to be fifteen miles in the rear, 
squarely across Grant's line of advance to Richmond, prepared 
to dispute the road with the same energy it had displayed in 
the Wilderness battle. 

The appearance of Longstreet's corps under these conditions 
naturally astounded the Federals, and forced them to retire in 
dismayed confusion. Anderson then took his position on a 
range of hills partly encircling the village on the north and 
north-east, and distant from it about a mile. The Federal 
corps, as they slowly arrived, finding Lee in their front, took 
up a position without attempting to dislodge him. Early, 
who had been assigned to the command of the Third corps 
during the temporary illness of Hill, and Ewell with his corps, 
having been directed to follow Anderson as rapidly as circum- 
stances would permit, arrived late in the afternoon and estab- 
lished themselves in strong positions. Thus General Lee had 
passed entirely around the Army of the Potomac, and planted 
himself so firmly across its path to Richmond that he could 
not be dislodged by the repeated efforts of Grant. 

The operations of the last four days furnish a page of mili- 
tary history of striking singularity. General Lee, on finding 
his position turned, to the surprise of Grant did not retreat, 
but introduced an exception to the rules of war of startling- 
audacity. On the 5th, at the head of only EwelPs corps and 
two divisions of Hill's, he boldly advanced and hurled the 
gage of battle at his antagonist in defiance of his army of 
140,000 men ; and on the 6th, with less than half his force, 
inflicted such stunning blows that on the 8th he was able to 



^;^6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

swing entirely around him and plant himself firmly across his 
path at Spottsylvania Court-house, completely reversing the 
positions of the two armies, and bringing Richmond again 
under the wing of its ever-watchful protector. 

This eccentricity of General Lee must have inspired Gen- 
eral Grant with the opinion that was expressed of Bonaparte 
by an Austrian general of the martinettish school, who, on 
being asked what he thought of the state of the war, replied : 
" Nothing can be worse on your side. Here you have a youth 
who absolutely knows nothing of the rules of war. To-day he 
is in our rear, to-morrow on our flank, next day again in our 
front. Such gross violations of the principles of the art of 
war are not to be supported " (Bourrienne). 

Before proceeding with our narrative it is important to 
give a short description of the new field of operations. 
Spottsylvania Court-house is situated at the junction of the 
Fredericksburg and Louisa Court-house road with the main 
road to Richmond. About a mile to the north and north-east 
is a range of hills that, as above said, had become the Confed- 
erate position. To the east of the court-house and parallel to 
Richmond road is another ridge, about a mile in length, which 
abruptly terminates near a third ridge of considerable eleva- 
tion nearly parallel with and about six hundred yards in rear 
of the Confederate right. To the south and south-west the 
country is level or moderately undulating. The whole face 
of the countiy is diversified by farms and bodies of timber of 
considerable extent. 

The Army of the Potomac being still surrounded by topo- 
graphical difficulties of such magnitude as to render manoeuvring 
hazardous and difficult. General Grant was obliged to extricate 
it from a false position by desperate fighting. He therefore 
formed his plans with that view, and proceeded to execute 
them with unsurpassed energy'. No ^ aggressive operations of 
importance were projected on the 9th. The opposing hosts 
during that interval were chiefly occupied in strengthening 
their positions, to which they applied themselves so diligently 
that by the close of the day each army was covered by a con- 
tinuous line of formidable breastworks. 



On the morning of the loth, General Grant formed a power- 
ful combination of the corps of Warren, Burnside, and Han- 
cock with the design of attacking Lee's left centre near the 
point of junction of the corps of Longstreet and Ewell. Short- 
ly after lo A. m. a severe attack was made upon this position, 
which was met with great intrepidity and repulsed with severe 
loss. At 3 p. M. a second assault was made, which was sim- 
ilarly repulsed with heavy slaughter. These efforts were 
preliminary to the main attack, which was ordered for five 
o'clock. 

Hancock's corps, which had crossed the Po on the preceding 
day, and advanced during the morning against the Confederate 
lines, had been ordered back to take part in the main assault. 
While retiring across the stream it was vigorously assailed, 
and both sides lost heavily. During this contest the woods in 
the rear of the Federal troops and between them and the river 
took fire, and many of the wounded perished in the flames. 
With a fierce foe in front and a burning forest in the rear 
Hancock's men found themselves in a critical situation, and 
were very severely handled in the effort to extricate them- 
selves. On crossing the stream they destroyed the bridges, 
and thus checked the Confederate pursuit. 

At five o'clock the main assault was made. Hancock's and 
Warren's men advanced with great intrepidity against the' 
strong Confederate works, but were repulsed with terrible 
slaughter. After barely sufficient time to reorganize the shat- 
tered columns another attack was made. This met with a still 
more bloody reception. The Confederate loss in the two as- 
saults was inconsiderable, while from 5000 to 6000 of the 
Federal forces lay dead and wounded upon the field. 

Throughout the day the divisions of Heth, Field, Kershaw, 
and Wilcox, with the artillery of Alexander and Walker, main- 
tained a firmness and displayed a valor that well became vet- 
erans of a hundred battles. The Army of the Potomac never 
fought with more desperate courage, nor had its ranks ever 
been visited with such frightful havoc. 

In the afternoon, about five o'clock, the Sixth corps made a 
heavy attack on Ewell' s left, which was urged with such per- 
22 



2,;^S MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

sisteiicy that the portion of the line held by Doles's brigade 
was broken, and the exultant assailants rushed through the 
breach in heavy masses. But this gallant brigade being 
quickly rallied and promptly supported by the brigades of 
Daniel, Gordon, and G. H. Steuart, the assailants were forced 
back with terrible slaughter. After their repulse the Federals 
discontinued the attack, leaving the ground thickly strewn with 
killed and wounded. The breach which had been the scene 
of so sanguinary a struggle was immediately closed and Ewell's 
line was entirely re-established. On this occasion General 
Daniel of North Carolina was killed while bravely leading his 
troops, and Major Watson of the artillery was mortally wounded. 
The loss of these officers was deeply regretted. In this engage- 
ment the Army of Northern Virginia occupied a position of 
great natural strength and fortified by strong breastworks. For 
this reason the Confederate loss was very small as compared 
with that of the Federals, who had essayed an impossible task 
and had met wnth a terrible repulse. 

During the hottest portion of this engagement, when the 
Federals were pouring through the broken Confederate lines 
and disaster seemed imminent, General Lee rode forward and 
took his position at the head of General Gordon's column, then 
preparing to charge. Perceiving that it was his intention to 
lead the charge, Gordon spurred hastily to his side, seized the 
reins of his horse and excitedly cried, 

"General Lee, this is no place for you. Do go to the rear. 
These are Virginians and Georgians, sir — men who have never 
failed — and they will not fail now. — Will you, boys? Is it 
necessary for General Lee to lead this charge?" 

"No! no! General Lee to the rear! General Lee to the 
rear!" cried the men. "We will drive them back if General 
Lee will only go to the rear." 

As Lee retired Gordon put himself at the head of his divis- 
ion and cried out in his ringing voice, "Forward! charge I 
and remember your promise to General Lee!" 

The charge that followed was fierce and telling, and the 
Federals who had entered the lines were hurled back before 
the resolute advance of Gordon's gallant men. The works 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 339 

were retaken, the Confederate line again established, and an 
impending disaster converted into a brilliant victory. 

Dnring the nth. General Grant was employed in shifting 
the positions of his corps preparatory to a new assault upon 
the Confederate lines. Before daylight on the morning of the 
12th his army assailed a portion of the Confederate lines, which 
was carried, with the capture of several thousand prisoners. 
It is proper, before describing this affair, to relate the circum- 
stances which led to it In- the afternoon of the nth. General 
Lee, having received intelligence that induced him to suspect 
that Grant was taking another step toward Richmond, directed 
that the army should be held in readiness to make a night- 
movement in case his apprehensions were correct. This in- 
volved the removal before dark of such artillery as might em- 
barrass or retard a withdrawal from the lines at night. With 
this view two batteries were withdrawn from an advanced salient 
on H well's front in the dusk of evening with as much caution 
as possible to prevent observation. Notwithstanding the in- 
tended secrecy of the removal of these two batteries, the fact 
was conveyed, as it was afterward stated, to the enemy that 
night by a deserter from Johnson's division. 

The weakening of the Confederate lines is supposed to have 
determined the Federal commander to make a night-attack, 
which General Hancock executed with his accustomed vigor a 
little before daylight on the 12th. Although the preparations 
for the attack had been heard by General Johnson, and the 
artillery had been recalled, the darkness of the night was so 
intensified by a thick fog that the attacking column was able 
to advance unobserved, to break through Johnson's line, and 
to capture his whole division, with about twenty pieces of 
artillery, almost without a struggle. The artillery that had 
been left on the line fired only two guns, while the infantry 
offered little resistance. 

This success inaugurated one of the most desperate conflicts 
that occurred during the war. The long breach made by the 
capture of Johnson's division admitted the Federals in heavy 
masses, which were promptly arrested by Ramseur's, Rodes's, 
and Gordon's infantry and Long's artillery. These troops, 



340 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

stretching ^tross the base of the salient, confined the assail- 
ants within its triangular area, while the artillery from the 
surrounding hills hurled deadly missiles upon them. 

For several hours the dense fog, hovering like a black cur- 
tain around the combatants, concealed all knowledge of the 
raging strife excepting as it was proclaimed by the deafening 
roar of musketry and the thunder of artillery. From four 
o'clock in the morning until night the battle continued, marked 
by terrible slaughter. The diminished ranks on each side were 
constantly refilled with fresh troops. General Lee sent during 
the day to the assistance of Rodes, on whose front the battle 
raged, three brigades (McGowan's South Carolina, Perrin's 
Alabama, and Harris's Mississippi), while the artillery was 
reinforced by the battalions of Cabell and Mcintosh. ' Han- 
cock was reinforced by the Sixth corps and the two divisions 
of Warren's corps. 

While Hancock's attack was in progress General Grant 
attempted to create a diversion in his favor by threatening 
the Confederate position on his right and left, which was, 
however, promptly repelled by the troops of Early and Ander- 
son. An important diversion was made during the day on the 
right by Mahone of Hill's corps, which resulted in the capture 
of several hundred prisoners. At last the persistent attacks of 
the enemy were obliged to yield to constant repulse and the 
Federals discontinued the contest. 

' ' Of all the struggles of the war, this was perhaps the fiercest 
and most deadly. Frequently throughout the conflict so close 
was the fight that the rival standards were planted on opposite 
sides of the breastworks. The enemy's most savage .sallits 
were directed to retake the famous salient, which was now 
become an angle of death and presented a spectacle ghastl)' 
and terrible. On the Confederate side of the works lay many 
corpses of those who had been bayoneted by Hancock's men 
when they first leaped the intrenchments. To these were con- 
stantly added the bravest of those who in the assaults to recap- 
ture the position fell at the margin of the works, till the ground 
was literally covered with piles of dead and the woods in front 
of the salient were one hideous Golgotha " (Swinton). 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 34I 

As had happened on the loth, so on this day General L,ee 
rode to the head of a column prepared to charge at a moment 
when the need of desperate valor was urgent. As on the pre- 
vious occasion, the men refused to move unless he would retire, 
calling out, as with one voice, "If you will go back. General 
Ivee, we will do all you desire." It was under such circum- 
stances as this that General Lee, by his readiness to share their 
dangers, endeared himself to his men. The assertion has been 
made, however, that he exposed himself purposely, courting 
death through sheer despair of success. This idea is utterly 
unfounded. On the occasions mentioned his army was in no 
more serious danger than it had been twenty times before. His 
presence and action were necessary to stimulate the men to 
greater deeds of valor. It had become a question of victory or 
defeat, and any general may excusably expose himself when 
the fate of a battle hangs upon a thread. In the writer's expe- 
rience General Lee never unnecessarily courted danger, though 
he never cautiously avoided it. It was always his custom to make 
a personal examination of the movements in progress, as he 
always wished to avoid any reckless exposure of his men. This 
habit frequently brought him under the fire of the enemy. But 
he never had a thought of self-destruction, even in the most 
desperate situations, and never exposed himself recklessly or 
unnecessarily, though no consideration of personal safety ever 
deterred him from the full performance of the duties which 
necessarily devolve upon a commanding general. 

On reviewing the results of the day it was apparent that the 
Federal success in the morning was more than counterbalanced 
by subsequent losses in killed and wounded. In this respect 
there was a great disparity between Lee's and Grant's armies. 
The Federal losses in killed, wounded, and missing up to 
the nth of May, by Grant's own estimate, reached the aggre- 
gate of 20,000 men. On the 12th the losses were fully 10,000 
more. Other statements make the losses much more consider- 
able. The Confederate losses, though severe, were much less, 
this being due to the fact that the Confederates were protected 
by secure breastworks, from behind which they could with 
comparative safety repel the assailants. At night General 



342 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Ewell withdrew to a range of hills a little in rear of his first 
position, which formed a shorter and stronger line, where he 
prepared to meet other attacks. But of these there was no im- 
mediate danger. The succession of bloody combats which had 
marked the career of Grant in the Wilderness had by this time 
so greatly reduced his army that he was obliged to pause and 
await reinforcements. 

A singular incident of the battle of the 12th has often been 
told, yet is still worth relating. The musketry fire during this 
engagement had never been exceeded in intensity. From both 
sides came an incessant, deadly hail of bullets, so continuous 
and close that every shrub and tree between 'the lines was 
pierced and scarred, and one hickory tree, of eighteen inches 
diameter, was so chipped away by the storm of lead as to be 
scarcely able to stand. The first gust of wind levelled it to the 
earth. It was literally cut down by musket-balls. This trunk 
is now preserved at Washington as a memento of the war. 

General Grant remained inactive until about the i8th, when 
a strong force advanced toward the new line of Lee's army. 
"When well within range General Long opened upon them 
with thirty pieces of artillery, which, with the fire of our 
skirmishers, broke and drove them back with severe loss. We 
afterward learned that they were two fresh divisions, nearly 
10,000 strong, just come up from the rear" {EweWs Report). 

On the 19th, General Lee directed Ewell to demonstrate 
against the enemy in his front, as he believed that he was 
moving to his right. Finding the Federals in his front to be 
strongly intrenched, Ewell was compelled to move round their 
right — a task which proved very difficult, there being many 
obstacles in the route. This delay gave the enemy, who had 
perceived his movement, time to prepare to meet him, and on 
reaching the desired point he found himself assailed by a supe- 
rior force. He maintained his ground, however, until night- 
fall, when he retreated and regained his former position, hav- 
ing lost about 900 men in the movement. 

During the operations about Spottsylvania Court-house, 
Sheridan conceived the idea of capturing Richmond by a 
coup dc inain^ and on the 9th proceeded to its execution. Of 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 343 

this movement General Stuart quickly became aware, and 
with his usual promptitude threw himself in S'heridan's path, 
and encountered him on the loth at the Yellow Tavern, a few 
miles north of Richmond. A severe conflict ensued, in which 
Stuart fell mortally wounded, and his troops were compelled 
to retire before the superior numbers of the foe. 

This contest between the two ablest cavalry leaders of the 
war led, in the fall of General Stuart, to a severe disaster to 
the Confederate cause. "Endowed by nature with a courage 
that shrank from nothing ; active, energetic, of immense phys- 
ical stamina, which enabled him to endure any amount of 
fatigue ; devoted, heart and soul, to the cause in which he 
fought, and looking up to the commander of the army with 
child-like love and admiration, — Stuart could be ill spared at 
this critical moment, and General Lee was plunged into the 
deepest melancholy at the intelligence of his death. When il 
reached him he retired from those around him, and remained 
for some time communing with his own heart and memor}'. 
When one of his staff entered and spoke of Stuart, General 
Lee said, in a low voice, ' I can scarcely think of him without 
weeping ' ' ' (Cooke). 

Sheridan had been so much delayed by Stuart's assault thai 
the small force which had been left for the defence of Rich- 
mond had time to reach the works, which were very feebly 
garrisoned on Sheridan's first approach. He carried the first 
line, but recoiled from the second, and retired toward the Cliick- 
ahominy. He subsequently rejoined Grant on the Pamunkey. 

About the same time that the Confederate army lost its great 
cavalry leader — a loss which can only be paralleled with that 
of Jackson — the Federal army was afilicted with a loss little 
less felt in the death of General Sedgwick. Always noble as 
a man and gallant as a soldier, in time of peace his generous 
heart was as unfailing in friendly sympathy as his valiant spirit 
in the time of war was ready to call forth the admiration and 
respect of his companions. 

Referring to the operations just related, the historian of the 
Army of the Potomac says: " Before the lines of Spottsylva- 
nia the Army of the Potomac had for twelve days and nights 



344 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

engaged in a fierce wrestle in which it had done all that valor 
may do to carry a position by nature and art impregnable. In 
this contest, unparalleled in its continuous fury and swelling 
to the proportions of a campaign, language is inadequate to 
convey an impression of the labors, fatigues, and sufferings of 
the troops, who fought by day only to march by niglit from 
point to point of the long line, and renew the fight on the 
morrow. Above 40,000 men had already fallen in the bloody 
encounters of the Wilderness and Spottsylvania, and the ex- 
hausted army began to lose its spirits. It was with joy, there- 
fore, that it at length turned its back upon the lines of Spott- 
sylvania." 

In no previous operations did the Army of Northern Virginia 
display higher soldierly qualities. Regardless of numbers, 
every breach was filled, and with unparalleled stubbornness its 
lines were maintained. The soldiers of that army not only 
gratified their countrymen, but by their gallantr}' and vigor 
won the admiration of their enemies. Wherever the men in 
blue appeared they were met by those in gray, and muzzle to 
muzzle and point to point they measured the foeman's strength. 

No further effort was made by Grant on the desperately-fought 
field of Spottsylvania. Having been reinforced by 40,000 re- 
serves, on the 20th of May he disappeared from the front of 
Lee's army. As in the Wilderness, he began a movement to 
turn the impregnable position of Spottsylvania by a flank 
march. 

General Lee, however, with his usual alertness, had his men 
on the march the instant the movement of his adversary was 
discovered, and he advanced with such rapidity as to reach 
Hanover Junction, at the intersection of the Fredericksburg 
and Richmond and the Central railroads, in advance of Grant. 
This objective point of the Federal army was occupied by Lee 
on the 2 2d. He at once took up a strong position, and when 
Grant arrived on the 23d it was to find himself again inter- 
cepted by his active opponent. 

The North Anna River, which here formed the Confederate 
line of defence, was strongly guarded, and Grant's immediate 
effort to throw his army across it met with strong resistance. 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 345 

Warren on the right, indeed, found an unguarded ford, and 
succeeded in crossing his whole corps without opposition. A 
severe conflict ensued, which ended in his strongly establishing 
himself But Hancock's effort to cross on the left met with 
considerable opposition, and was not achieved without loss. 

On the succeeding day Burnside endeavored to cross at a 
point intermediate between those adopted by Warren and 
Hancock. He met with severe loss in the effort, and found 
the river very strongly guarded. Lee's army, in fact, now 
occupied a singular position. Its centre touched the stream, 
while both wings were thrown back at an obtuse angle, facing 
the corps of Warren and Hancock respectively. To quote again 
from Swinton: "The game of war seldom presents a more 
effectual checkmate than was here given by Lee; for after 
Grant had made the brilliantly successful passage of the North 
Anna, the Confederate commander, thrusting his centre be- 
tween the two wings of the Army of the Potomac, put his 
antagonist at an enormous disadvantage, and compelled him, 
for the reinforcement of one or the other wing, to make a 
double passage of the river." 

Warren's corps advanced with the view of striking the Cen- 
tral Railroad, a few miles above the junction, but was met by 
Hill and driven back with loss. The corps that had crossed 
the river remained several days without manifesting any incli- 
nation to advance, and were then withdrawn to the north side 
of the stream, the movement being performed at night and 
with the greatest caution and secrecy. General Grant on this 
occasion did not exhibit his usual pertinacity, but seemed 
satisfied by observation alone that the Confederate position 
could not be carried by main strength. He therefore pro- 
ceeded down the North Anna to the Pamunkey, which he 
crossed on the 28th. Grant thus explains his withdrawal from 
before Hanover Junction: "Finding the enemy's position on 
the North Anna stronger than either of his previous ones, I 
withdrew on the night of the 26th to the north bank of the 
North Anna" (Report). 

At this time the Federal army, with the reinforcements it 
had received during its march, numbered 100,000 men, while 



346 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the Confederate anny, whose only reinforcement had been 
6ocx) men under Breckenridge and Pickett, received on the 
North Anna, did not exceed 40,000 men. According to Col- 
onel Taylor's estimate, the total reinforcements received by 
Lee from the Wilderness to Cold Harbor numbered 14,400 
men, while during the same period Grant was strengthened 
by more than 50,000 additional men.. 

In addition to this, all the aids of science and art were 
brought into use in the Army of the Potomac to an extent 
impossible to Lee. In Grant's Memoirs he gives a detailed 
account of the perfection of his signal system, by which at 
every halt of the 'army telegraphic wires were immediately 
laid along the whole line, so that in a short time after encamp- 
ing each corps and division was connected with the others and 
with headquarters by a telegraphic network, making of the 
whole extended army a single body under instant control of 
the brain of the commander through these outstretching iron 
nerves. Other points of superiority which his unlimited com- 
mand of resources gave the Federal ^commander might be 
named, but the above will suffice to show the disadvantages 
imder which Lee labored, and against which he could only 
oppose the valor of his men and his own original genius as a 
commander. 

The disparity of numbers between the two armies had pre- 
vented Lee from taking advantage of Grant's flank march from 
Spottsylvania to attack him under the advantageous circum- 
stances which such a movement presents, and forced him to 
the alternative of seeking to check his advance at strong 
defensive points. The movement of Grant to the Pamunkey 
was met by Lee in the same manner as before, by an inter- 
cepting march to the line of the Totopotomoy, a small trib- 
utary of the Mattapony, where the adjacent hills afford a good 
defensive position. Lee's purpose in this movement was the 
following: If he had marched so as to detain Grant on the 
Pamunkey, the latter would have held command of the James 
and York rivers, and would have been at liberty to reinforce 
Butler, who was operating on the James. By this means But- 
ler miulit have been strengthened sufficientlv to crush the Con- 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 347 

. federate force whicli was operating against him, and thus have 
become at liberty to co-operate with Grant against Lee or to 
capture Richmond before it could be relieved. On the other 
hand, if Grant could be detained on the line of the Totopot- 
omoy he would be unable to send detachments to Butler un- 
observed, and Lee, by his closer vicinity to Richmond, would 
be better able to obtain .the co-operation of the troops employed 
in the defence of that place. 

Proceeding on his march from the Pamunkey, Grant found 
his advance upon Richmond again arrested by Lee, who awaited 
him, as above said, on the Totopotomoy in the neighborhood of 
Mechanicsville and Atlee's Station on the Central Railroad. 
Grant did not at this point attempt to force his opponent from 
his path, but moved slowly by his left flank toward the Chick- 
ahominy, while Lee, by a similar movement to his right, kept 
pace with him and constantly confronted him at every stage. 

Both armies carefully protected themselves with breastworks 
until a flank of each rested upon the Chickahominy. On the 
ist of June, Lee was joined by about 5000 men under Pickett: 
and Hoke, who had been operating against Butler on the south 
side of the James. This increased his army to 45,000 men. At 
the same time Butler reinforced Grant with 12,000 men, raising 
his numerical strength to 112,000. 

The old battlefield of Cold Harbor was again occupied by 
the contending forces, though in an inverse order. The Con- 
federate right now occupied the position that had been pre- 
viously held by the Federals, and the Federal left held that 
which had been occupied by the Confederates. 'This field was 
about to become the theatre of a second conflict more despe- 
rate than the first. 

Apparently with the intention of blotting out the memory 
of the defeat of the Federal arms on the former occasion. Gen- 
eral Grant massed the flower of his army for battle. A portion 
of the Confederate line occupied the edge of a swamp of sev- 
eral hundred yards in length and breadth, enclosed by a low 
semicircular ridge covered with brushwood. On the previous 
night the troops assigned to this part of the line, finding the 
ground wet and miry, withdrew to the encircling ridge, leav- 



348 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ing the breastworks to be held by their picket-line. The 
attacking column quickly carried this part of the line, and 
advanced through the mud and water until arrested by the 
deliberate fire of the Confederates. 

The battle that succeeded was one of the most desperately 
contested and murderous engagements of the war. Along the 
whole Federal line a simultaneous assault was made on the 
Confederate works, and at every point with the same disas- 
trous result. Rank after rank was swept av/ay until the col- 
umn of assault was almost annihilated. Attack after attack 
was made, and men fell in myriads before the murderous fire 
from the Confederate line. While Hill, Breckenridge, Ander- 
son, and Pickett repulsed Grant's desperate assaults upon the 
right, Early with Rodes, Gordon, and Ramseur on the left suc- 
cessfully opposed Burnside and Warren. In the brief space of 
one hour the bloody battle of the 3d of June was over, and 
13,000 dead and wounded Federals lay in front of the lines 
behind which little more than 1000 of the Confederate force 
had fallen. 

A few hours aftervvard orders were sent to the corps com- 
manders to renew the assault, and transmitted by them through 
the intermediate channels to the men. Then an event occurred 
which has seldom been witnessed on a battlefield, yet which 
testified most emphatically to the silent judgment of the men 
on the useless slaughter to which they had been subjected. 
Though the orders to advance were given, not a man stirred. 
The troops stood silent, but immovable, presenting in this un- 
mistakable protest the verdict of the rank and file against the 
murderous work decided on by their commanders. 

Thus ended Grant's overland campaign, in which his losses 
aggregated the enormous total of 60,000 men — a greater num- 
ber than the whole of Lee's army at the beginning of the cam- 
paign. Lee's losses, on the contrary, were not more than 
20,000. As to the morale of the two armies, that of Lee's 
continued excellent. Their successful defence against their 
powerful opponent had raised the spirits of the men and their 
confidence in their general to the highest pitch. On the con- 
trary, the dreadful slaughter to which Grant's army had been 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 349 

subjected produced an inevitable sense of depression in the 
ranks, and a feeling that they were destined to destruction 
before the terrible blows of their able antagonist. 

It is an error to suppose that in this campaign Lee was afraid 
to meet his adversary in open field, as has been asserted by 
Northern writers. He was always ready for action, whether 
offensive or defensive, under favorable circumstances. " I hap- 
pen to know, ' ' says General Early, ' ' that General Lee had 
always the greatest anxiety to strike at Grant in the open 
field." It was the practice of both armies, whenever encamp- 
ing, to build intrenchments, and it would have been utter folly 
for Lee to leave his when he found his antagonist willing to 
attack him behind his breastworks, thus giving him that ad- 
vantage of a defensive position which the smallness of his 
army imperatively demanded. Had he advanced against Grant, 
it would only have been to find the latter behind his works, 
and the comparative size of the two armies did not warrant 
this reversal of the conditions of the contest. 

At the beginning of the campaign, perceiving that General 
Grant's role was fighting and not manoeuvring. General Lee 
restrained his desire for the bold and adventurous offensive 
and strictly confined himself to the defensive, hoping in the 
course of events to reduce his opponent sufficiently near a 
physical equality to warrant his attacking him openly 
with reasonable hope of success. Believing that object had 
been accomplished after the battle of Cold Harbor, General 
Lee was anxious to assume the offensive and attack Grant 
before his army could recover from the stunning effect of its 
defeat on that occasion ; but being obliged to send a large 
detachment from his army to oppose Sigel and Hunter in 
the Valley, he was compelled to continue on the defensive. 

Grant, on his part, had been taught a costly lesson by his 
many bloody repulses, and after the battle of Cold Harbor 
changed his whole plan of operations, deciding to endeavor 
to accomplish by patient siege what he had failed to achieve 
by the reckless application of force. With this decision began 
a new chapter in the history of the war, and one of the most 
remarkable sieo-es known to historv was inaug^urated — that in 



350 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

which the Confederate commander behind the breastworks of 
Petersburg for a full year baffled every effort of his powerful 
foe, and taught the world that General Lee was as great in 
defence as he had already proved himself in offence, and, in 
the fullest sense of the phrase, was "every inch a soldier." 

In conclusion of this chapter the following extracts from 
letters written by General Lee to Miss Margaret Stuart are of 
great interest, as showing his feeling in regard to the coming 
struggle and his natural sense of imcertainty as to its result. 
On the 29th of March, 1864, he writes from "Camp Or- 
ange Co. :' ' 

"The indications at present are that we shall have a hard 
struggle. General tGrant is with the Army of the Potomac. 
All the officers' wives, sick, etc. have been sent to Washing- 
ton. No ingress or egress from the lines is now permitted, 
and no papers are allowed to come out. They claim to be 
assembling a large force." 

On April 28th he writes from the same camp : 

"I dislike to send letters within reach of the enemy, as 
they might serve, if captured, to bring distress on others. 
But you must sometimes cast your thoughts on the Army of 
Northern Virginia, and never forget it in your pious prayers. 
It is preparing for a great struggle, but I pray and trust that 
the great God, Mighty to deliver, will spread over it his 
Almighty ann and drive its enemies before it." 

A third letter to the same person, which we give in full, is 
of considerable interest, as showing General Lee's love of a 
pleasant jest, and from the fact that the article named in it 
has been placed in the writer's hands for reproduction. Fol- 
lowing the letter is an engraving of this historic pincushion : 

"Camp Orange Co., 7th Apr., 1S64. 

"My Dear Cousin Margaret: I send you a pincushion 
made on the banks of the Ohio. The sentiment on its face I 
trust inspires the action of every man in the Confederacy, whilst 
their hearts overflow with the passion inscribed on its reverse. 
A soldier's heart, you know, is divided betweenMovc and glor}'. 
One goes to Richmond to-day who has his share of both. You 



WILDERNESS, SPOTTSYLVANIA, AND COLD HARBOR. 35 1 

will probably see him. Elevate bis desire for the latter, but 
do not hearken to his words on the former. 

'' Soliciting your prayers for the safety of the army, the suc- 
cess of our cause, and the restoration of peace to our country, 
"I am, with great affection, 

" Very truly yours, 

"R. E. Lee. 

" Miss Margaret Stuart." 




CHAPTER XVIII. 

EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 

Butler on the James. — Beauregard at Petersburg. — Butler Defeated. — Sigel Defeated at 
Newmarket. — Hunter Succeeds Sigel. — He Defeats and Kills General W. E. Jones. 
— Sheridan's Cavalry Movement. — Encountered and Defeated by Hampton. — Hun- 
ter's March upon Lynchburg. — Early Sent to the Valley. — Hunter Retires through 
the Mountains. — Early's Plan of Advance to Maryland. — At Sharjisburg. — Defeat-s 
Wallace on the Monocacy. — Marches upon Washington. — Federal Alarm. — Early 
Returns to the Valley. — Battle of Kernstown. — Federal Defeat. — Sheridan Sent to 
the Valley. — Battle of Winchester. — Early Defeated. — Fight at Fisher's Hill. — 
Early again Driven Back. — He Surprises and Defeats the Federals at Cedar Creek. 
— Sheridan Rallies his Anny and Gains a Victory. — The Spring Campaign. — Sher- 
idan drives Early from the Valley and forms a Junction with Grant. — Barbarism of 
the Valley Campaign. 

THE collateral operations bearing on the general plan of 
campaign adopted by General Grant in Virginia now 
claim attention. While the contest was in progress between 
Lee and Grant in Spottsylvania and Hanover co-operative 
columns were in motion in other quarters. Sigel was operat- 
ing in the Valley; Crook and Averell were advancing in South- 
western Virginia toward the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad; 
and Butler was ascending the James with a view of operating 
against Richmond and Petersburg from the south side of that 
river. On the 5th of May, Butler with his main force, about 
3o,ooQ strong, entered the James, and on the 6th landed at City 
Point and Bermuda Hundred, a point of land at the intersection 
of the James and Appomattox rivers. 

A column was at once .sent to capture Petersburg, but on 
approaching that place it was turned back by a false rumor that 
the town was strongly occupied by the Confederates, though in 
fact both Richmond and Petersburg were but feebly defended. 
Butler fortified his position at Bermuda Hundred by the erec- 
tion of earthworks extending from the James to the Appomat- 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 353 

to^if, and embracing a front of abont three miles. While thus 
engaged he sent a detachment of infantry and cavalry to sever 
the connection between Richmond and Petersburg by break- 
ing up the railroad, and to make a reconnoissance of the inter- 
vening country. This detachment encountered a Confederate 
force, before which it fell back after inflicting some damage on 
the railroad. 

All of the available force south of James River and that 
in North and South Carolina were ordered up to oppose But- 
ler. General Beauregard arrived at Petersburg on the loth of 
May, and assumed command of the troops assembled there. 
He immediately took energetic steps to oppose the advance of 
Butler. On the i6th a battle ensued, in which Butler was 
defeated and forced to retire within his defences at Bermuda 
Hundred. It is thought that General Beauregard would have 
gained a decisive victory had not General Whiting failed to at- 
tack as ordered. The prompt action of Beauregard on the Rich>. 
mond and Petersburg Railroad resulted in the "bottling up " of 
General Butler until he was called to the north side of the 
James River to reinforce General Grant before Richmond. 

Early in May, General Sigel entered the Valley with a force of 
10,000 or 12,000 men, and proceeded to advance toward Staun- 
ton. The Valley at that time was occupied only by a small 
force under General Imboden, which was wholly inadequate 
for its defence. General Breckenridge was therefore withdrawn 
from South-western Virginia to oppose Sigel. On the 15th of 
May, Breckenridge with a force of 3000 men encountered Sigel at 
Newmarket, and defeated him and compelled him to retire be- 
hind Cedar Creek. The cadets of the Virginia Military Institute 
formed a portion of Breckenridge' s division, and behaved with 
distinguished gallantry. General Breckenridge wished to shield 
these youths, but they insisted upon being led forward, and were 
soon in the hottest of the fight, where they maintained them- 
selves with the steadiness of veterans. After the battle of 
Newmarket, Breckenridge was withdrawn from the Valley to 
reinforce L^ee, as has been before stated, in the neighborhood 
of Hanover Junction. 

In the mean time, Crook and Averell had reached the Vir- 

23 



354 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ginia and Tennessee Railroad, where they inflicted some dam- 
age, but were compelled to retire by a force sent against them 
by General Sam Jones. They then proceeded to join the main 
colnmn operating in the Valley. 

After the battle of Newmarket, Sigel was relieved by Gen- 
eral David Hunter, who was instructed by General Grant to 
advance upon Staunton, thence to Charlottesville, and on to 
Lynchburg if circumstances favored that movement. 

Breckenridge having been withdrawn. General W. E. Jones 
was ordered to the Valley to oppose Hunter, who slowly ad- 
vanced, opposed by Imboden with an almost nominal force. 
About the 4tli of June, Imboden was joined by General Jones 
in the neighborhood of Harrisonburg with a force of between 
3000 and 4000 men, which he had hastily collected in South- 
western Virginia. This force, however, being composed of 
fragments of regiments and brigades, lacked compactness, and 
was therefore quite unreliable. Jones, nevertheless, wishing 
to attack Hunter before he could be joined by Crook and Aver- 
ell, who were advancing from the opposite direction to Staun- 
ton, determined to give him battle without delay. 

Although greatly outnumbered, he engaged Hunter near Port 
Republic, where he was defeated and killed. There were few 
men in the army of greater bravery and worth, and his loss was 
deeply felt. After the fall of Jones, McCauslin opposed Hun- 
ter with gallantry and vigor, but his small force was no match 
for the greatly superior force against which he contended. 

The affairs in the Valley now began to attract the attention 
of the commanding generals of both armies. It was evident 
that if Hunter could succeed in taking Lynchburg and oreak- 
ing up the canal and Central Railroad, it would only be neces- 
sary to tap the Richmond and Danville and the Petersburg and 
Weldon railroads to complete a line of circumvallation around 
Richmond and Petersburg. 

On the 7th of June, General Grant detached General Sheri- 
dan, with a large cavalry force, with instructions to break up 
the Central Railroad between Richmond and Gordonsville, 
then proceed to the James River and Kanawha Canal, break 
that line of communication with Richmond, and then to co-ope- 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPALGN. 355 

/ 
rate with Hunter in his operations against Lynchburg. About 
the same time General Lee sent General Breckenridge with 
his division, 2500 strong, to occupy Rockfish Gap of the Blue 
Ridge to deflect Hunter from Charlottesville and protect the 
Central Railroad as far as practicable. A few days later Gen- 
eral Early was detached by General Lee to oppose Hunter, 
and take such other steps as in his judgment would tend to 
create a diversion in favor of Richmond. General Sheridan, 
in compliance with his instructions, proceeded by a circuitous 
route to strike the railroad somewhere in the neighborhood of 
Gordonsville. This movement was, however, discovered by 
General Hampton, who with a considerable force of cavalry 
encountered Sheridan on the 12th of June at Travillian's 
Station. After much severe and varied fighting Sheridan was 
defeated, and in order to escape was obliged to make a night- 
retreat. After a difficult and circuitous march he rejoined 
General Grant south of Richmond. This was one of the 
most masterly and spirited cavalry engagements of the war. 

Hunter, finding Rockfish Gap occupied in force, was unable 
to comply with that part of his instructions which directed 
him to Charlottesville. He therefore continued his march up 
the Valley, with the view of reaching Lynchburg by way of 
some one of the passes of the Blue Ridge south of the James 
River. In the neighborhood of Staunton he was joined by 
Crook and Averell, increasing his force to about 20,000 inen, 
including cavalry and artillery. From Staunton he advanced 
by way of Lexington and Buchanan, burning and destroying 
everything that came in his way, leaving a track of desolation 
rarely witnessed in the course of civilized warfare. He crossed 
the Blue Ridge in the neighborhood of the Peaks of Otter, and 
approached Lynchburg by the way of the Lynchburg and Sa- 
lem turnpike, having been vigorously opposed by McCauslin 
throughout his line of march. 

In compliance with his instructions, General Early, on the 
13th of June, withdrew his corps,* consisting of about 8000 

* The Second corps, formerly commanded by General Ewell, who had been com- 
pelled through ill-health to give up operations in the iield, and had been placed in com- 
mand of the defences of Richmond. 



356 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

infantry and 24 pieces of artillery, from the Army of Northern 
Virginia and proceeded toward Stannton, The artillery was 
subsequently increased to 40 guns, and his forces were further 
augmented by the addition of about 1500 cavalry and 2000 
infantry. At Charlottesville, Early received intelligence of 
the rapid advance of Hunter upon Lynchburg with a force of 
20,000 men. 

Promptly shifting his objective point, and availing himself 
of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, he moved with such 
rapidity that he reached Lynchburg in time to rescue it. At 
that time the only force at hand for the defence of Lynchburg 
was the division of Breckenridge, less than 2000 strong, and a 
few hundred home-guards, composed of old men and boys 
whose age exempted them from active service. Hunter, 
finding himself unexpectedly confronted by Early, relinquished 
his intended attack upon the city and sought safety in a rapid 
night-retreat. 

The next day Early instituted a vigorous pursuit, which 
continued with uninterrupted pertinacity until Hunter was 
overtaken in the neighborhood of Salem, a small town on the 
Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, where he was encountered 
and obliged to make a hazardous and disorganizing retreat 
through the mountains to the Ohio River. 

Having at a single blow liberated the Valley, Early deter- 
mined upon an immediate invasion of Maryland and a bold 
advance on Washington City. As his instructions were dis- 
cretionary', he was at liberty to adopt that course, which at the 
time was both in a political and military point of view the best 
plan of action that could have been assumed. 

The defence of Richmond being the settled policy of the 
'Confederate Government, General Lee had on* two occasions 
assumed the offensive in order to relieve that place from the 
paralyzing influence of the Federals. 

The invasion of Maryland in 1862 and the campaign into 
Pennsylvania the following year had relieved Richmond of the 
presence of the enemy for more than a year, but the tide of 
war had again returned, and that celebrated city was gradually 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 357 

yielding to the powerful embrace of her besiegers, which could 
only be loosened by a strong diversion in her favor. 

This Early undertook with the force at his command after 
the disposal of Hunter's army. By uniting with his own corps 
the division of Breckenridge and Ransom's cavalry, Early 
found himself at the head of about 12,000 men. Though he 
knew this force to be inadequate to the magnitude of the work 
in hand, nevertheless he determined to overcome his want of 
numbers by the rapidity of his movements, thus hoping to 
acquire a momentum by velocity that would enable him to 
overcome that produced by the superior weight of his oppo- 
nents. 

After the dispersion of Hunter's forces one day in prepara- 
tion sufficed Early for the commencement of his advance upon 
Maryland, His route through the Valley extended over a dis- 
tance of about two hundred miles, but the road was good, and, 
although the country had been laid waste a short time before 
by Hunter, the genial season and fertile soil had already repro- 
duced abundant subsistence for the horses and mules of the 
expedition, but the greater part of the supplies for the troops 
were necessarily drawn from Lynchburg and Richmond. To 
prevent delay, therefore, orders were sent to these places direct- 
ing supplies to be forwarded to convenient points along the line 
of march. Staunton was reached on the 27th of June. This 
was the most suitable point at which to supply the army, and 
here Early made a short halt to make the necessary arrange- 
ments to ensure the uninterrupted continuance of his march. 
In this he was ably assisted by Colonel Allan, Majors Harman, 
Rogeis, Hawks, and other members of his staff. The beautiful 
Valley of Virginia everywhere gave evidence of the ravages of 
war. Throughout the march down the Valley the unsparing 
hand of Hunter was proclaimed by the charred ruins of its once 
beautiful and happy homes. At Lexington were seen the 
cracked and tottering walls of the Virginia Military Institute, 
the pride of Virginia and the alma mater of many of the dis- 
tinguished sons of the South, and near them appeared the black- 
ened remains of the private residence of Governor Letcher. 

When Early reached Winchester he learned that there was a 



358 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Federal force at Harper's Ferry and another at Martinsburg 
which it was necessary to dislodge before attempting the pas- 
sage of the Potomac; and this was effected by the 4th of July 
without much opposition, the Federals having withdrawn 
without awaiting an attack. The way being now clear, the 
passage of the Potomac was made on the 5th at Shepherds- 
town, and the army advanced to Sharpsburg. 

Since the defeat of Hunter the advance of Early had been so 
rapid that his design to invade Maryland had not been discov- 
ered by the Federal authorities in time to oppose his passage 
of the Potomac. But his entrance into Maryland being now 
known, it had produced great consternation as far as Baltimore 
and Washington. The boldness of this movement caused 
Early's force to be greatly exaggerated, and rumor soon mag- 
nified it to four or five times its real strength. The invasion 
was considered of such magnitude, and the cities of Washing- 
ton and Baltimore were thought to be in such imminent dan- 
ger, that the greatest alacrity was instituted in ever>' direction 
to collect troops for the defence of those places. 

The object of General Early being simply a diversion in 
favor of the operations about Richmond, he remained a day 
or two at Sharpsburg in order that the impression created by 
his invasion might have time to produce its full effect before 
he exposed his weakness by a further advance. At this time 
all the troops in the vicinity of Washington had been collected, 
besides which a large number of quartermaster's employes had 
been improvised as soldiers, thus making the force at hand 
exceed 20,000 men, while two corps from the army besieging 
Richmond and a part of another corps from North Carolina, 
intended to reinforce that army, had been detached and put 
in rapid motion for the defence of the capital. 

In the face of these odds Early continued his advance into 
Maryland. At Frederick he found General W\illace, with 
about 10,000 men, in position to oppose the passage of the 
Monocacy. Immediate preparations were made to dislodge 
Wallace and effect a crossing of that stream. Rodes was 
thrown forward on the Baltimore and Ramseur on the Wash- 
higton City road, while Gordon and Breckenridge, with a por- 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 359 

tion of Ransom's cavalry, inclining to the right, moved to the 
fords a mile or two below the railroad bridge. At the same 
time the heights contiguous to the river were crowned by 
Long's artillery (consisting of the guns of Nelson, Braxton, 
King, and McLaughlin) to cover the movement of the other 
troops. 

When the troops had gained their position the crossing at 
the lower fords was promptly accomplished, and Breckeuridge 
and Gordon, quickly forming their line of battle, advanced 
rapidly up the stream toward the Federal position, and, after 
a short but spirited conflict, defeated Wallace, whose army 
soon fell into a panic and fled in wild confusion, spreading 
dismay for miles in every direction by the terrible accounts 
they gave of the tremendous force Early was leading through 
the country. The route being now open, Early proceeded by 
rapid marches to within cannon-shot of the walls of Washing- 
ton. Since his entrance into Maryland his force had been 
exaggerated by the inhabitants and the soldiery he had met, 
until in their terrified imagination it was magnified to 30,000 
or 40,000 men. 

On his arrival before the Federal capital, the exaggerated 
rumor of his strength having preceded him, its occupants were 
variously affected. The Federal authorities and all of their 
adherents were in a state of consternation, while the Southern 
sympathizers were full of exultation, for at the time it was 
thought by many that he would take the city. Had he had 
20,000 or 30,000 men, he might have done so with a prospect 
of holding it and giving a new turn to subsequent military 
operations. But Early was too prudent and sagacious to 
attempt an enterprise with a force of 8000 men which if 
successful could only be of temporary benefit. He was there- 
fore content to remain in observation long enough to give his 
movement full time to produce its greatest effect, and then 
withdrew in the face of a large army and recrossed the Poto- 
mac without molestation. 

This campaign is remarkable for having accomplished more 
in proportion to the force employed, and for having given less 
public satisfaction, than any other campaign of the war. The 



36o MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

want of appreciation of it is entirely due to the erroneous opin^ 
ion that the city of Washington should have been taken ; but 
this may be passed over as one of the absurdities of public 
criticism on the conduct of the war. 

By glancing at the operations of Early from the 13th of 
June to the last of July, it will be seen that in less than two 
months he had marched more than four hundred miles, and 
with a force not exceeding i2,cx)o men had not only defeated, 
but entirely dispersed, two Federal armies of an aggregate 
strength of more than double his own ; had invaded Mar}'- 
land, and by his bold and rapid movement upon Washington 
had created an important diversion in favor of General Lee in 
the defence of Richmond ; and had re-entered Virginia with a 
loss of less than 3000 men. After remaining a short time in 
the neighborhood of Leesburg, he returned to the Valle}- by 
way of Snicker's Gap, and about the 17th of July occupied 
the neighborhood of Berryville. 

Early had no sooner established himself at Berryville than 
a considerable force of the enemy appeared on the Shenandoah 
near Castleman's Ferr}', and partially effected a crossing, but 
were promptly driven back with heavy loss, after which they 
retired to the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry. 

About the same time a large force under General Averell 
was reported to be advancing from Martinsburg to Winchester. 
Being unwilling to receive an attack in an unfavorable posi- 
tion, Early sent Ramseur with a division and two batteries of 
artillery to Winchester to retard Averell, while he withdrew 
with the main body of the army and supply-trains by way of 
White Post and Newtown to Strasburg. 

Ramseur, having encountered the enemy a few miles east 
of Winchester, was defeated with a loss of four pieces of artil- 
lery, and forced to retire to Newtown, where he rejoined Early. 

Averell, being arrested in his pursuit of Ramseur near New- 
town, fell back to Kernstown, where he was soon joined by 
General Crook with the forces from Harper's Ferry. 

From Newtown, Early continued his march to Strasburg 
without interruption. On the 23d lie was infonned of the 
junction of Crook and Averell and of their occupation of Kerns- 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 36 1 

town ; thereupon it was determined to attack tliem without 
delay. The security of the trains having been properly pro- 
vided for, the army was put in motion early on the morning 
of the 24th toward the enemy. 

About noon a position was gained from which it v^as ob- 
served that the enemy was in possession of the identical ground 
which had been occupied by Shields when encountered by 
Stonewall Jackson in March, 1862. The memory of that bat- 
tle evidently did much to inspire the troops to deeds of valor 
in the approaching conflict. 

Early quickly made his dispositions for battle. The divisions 
of Breckenridge and Rodes were thrown to the right of the 
turnpike, and those of Ramseur and Gordon were deployed to 
its left, the artillery being disposed of so as to cover the advance 
of the infantry, while the cavalry received instructions to close 
behind the enemy as soon as defeated. 

Perceiving that the left flank of the enemy was exposed, 
Breckenridge under cover of a wooded hill gained a position 
from which he bore down upon it, and in gallant style doubled 
it upon the centre. This success was so vigorously followed 
up by the other troops that the Federals gave way at all points, 
and were soon in rapid retreat, which was accelerated by a vig'. 
orous pursuit. In this battle the losses on the part of the Con- 
federates were insignificant, while those of the Federals in 
killed, wounded, and prisoners were considerable. While on 
the retreat a large number of their wagons and a considerable 
quantity of their stores were destroyed to prevent capture. 

Finding that the enemy had again sought safety behind his 
defences. Early determined to re-enter Maryland, for the dou- 
ble purpose of covering a retaliatory expedition into Pennsyl- 
vania and to keep alive the diversion which had already been 
made in favor of the defence of Richmond. Therefore, about 
the 6th of August he crossed the Potomac in two columns — 
the one at Williamsport, and the other at Shepherdstown — and 
took a position between Sharpsburg and Hagerstown. 

This occupation of Maryland was destined to be of short 
duration, for since Early's audacity had caused his strength 
to be so greatly magnified and the importance of his opera- 



362 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

tioiis so exaggerated, Grant had considered it necessary to 
largely increase the Army of the Shenandoah, and to super- 
sede Hunter by Phil Sheridan, one of the most energetic 
of his lieutenants. Being aware of the great increase of force 
prepared to be brought against him, Early recrossed the Poto- 
mac and returned up the Valley, being slowly followed by 
Sheridan, who had now taken command of the Middle De- 
partment. 

On reaching Fisher's Hill, a position three miles west of 
Strasburg, Early halted and offered battle, which Sheridan 
made a show of accepting until the morning of the 17th, when 
he was discovered to be retreating toward Winchester. He 
was immediately pursued by Early, and, being overtaken near 
Kernstown, a spirited skirmish ensued while he continued to 
retire. Night coming on, the combatants separated. Early 
bivouacking in the neighborhood of Winchester, while Sheri- 
dan crossed the Opequan. 

About this time Lieutenant-general R. H. Anderson joined 
Early with a division of infantry and a division of cavalry, thus 
increasing his force to about 12,000 men, while that of Sheri- 
dan exceeded 40,000. Notwithstanding the great disparity of 
numbers, the campaign was characterized by a series of skilful 
movements and brilliant skirmishes, which resulted on the 
igtli of September in the battle of Winchester, which had 
doubtless been hastened to a conclusion by the departure of 
Anderson from the Valley on the 15th with Kershaw's divis- 
ion for Richmond. Anderson had no sooner turned his back 
on the mountains than Sheridan threw his whole force against 
Early at Winchester and defeated him, not so much by force of 
numbers as by one of those chances of war which sometimes 
beset the ablest commander ; for, after having gallantly con- 
tested the field and firmly maintained their position .until near 
the close of the day, a portion of his troops was seized with a 
panic, which rapidly spread until the greater part of the infan- 
try and cavalry fell into confusion, and troops who had never 
before turned their backs upon the enemy retired in disorder 
from the field. The artillery alone remained firm, and cov- 
ered with distinguished gallantry the retreat of the other troops 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 363 

until a place of safety was gained and order restored, and then 
retired fighting, step by step, until it extricated itself from 
overwhelming numbers, leaving heaps of dead to testify to its 
matchless conduct and power. Sheridan's forces were so shat- 
tered that he could not immediately avail himself of the suc- 
cess he had gained, and Early was permitted an uninterrupted 
retreat to Fisher's Hill. 

Notwithstanding his force had been considerably weakened 
by its late disaster. Early determined to maintain his position 
on Fisher's Hill. He could not realize that every man was 
not as stout-hearted as himself, nor that the troops he had so 
often led to victory were not invincible ; and besides his reluc- 
tance to abandon the rich and beautiful Valley, there were 
other and stronger reasons for his decision. It was evident 
that, if left unopposed in the Valley, Sheridan would imme- 
diately concert a plan of co-operation with Grant, either by 
advancing directly upon Richmond or by operating on its lines 
of communication with a powerful cavalry force until a juncv 
tion was formed with him below Petersburg; in which case 
the important diversion in favor of Lee would have come to 
naught. Therefore the object of detaining Sheridan with his 
formidable force in the Valley sufficiently warranted Early, on 
the soundest military principles, in his determination to oppose 
him at all hazards. 

The defiant attitude assumed by him was the most effective 
he could have adopted for accomplishing his object, and it 
created a deception as to his strength that made his opponent 
cautious, but which was quickly dissipated by a collision. His 
force at this time was less than 7000 men, while that of Sheri- 
dan was greater by at least four to one. 

Sheridan's forces, having sufficiently recovered from the effect 
of the battle, pursued Early, and on the 22d attacked him in 
his position on Fisher's Hill. The thin Confederate ranks 
could offer but feeble resistance to the overwhelming force 
brought against them, and the conflict was consequently of 
short duration, and, owing to the extent and difficulty of the 
position, the Confederates sustained considerable loss before 
they could extricate themselves. 



364 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Early then retired up the Valley to a position above Har- 
risonburg, while Sheridan pursued as far as Newmarket. Both 
armies then remained inactive for some days, in order to rest 
and reorganize their forces. 

About the ist of October, Sheridan retraced his steps down 
the Valley to the neighborhood of Middletown, where he en- 
camped on an elevated plateau behind Cedar Creek. Early, 
perceiving that his adversary had retired, pursued him to the 
neighborhood of Strasburg, where he took up a position from 
which he might be able to attack wdth advantage. Sheridan 
had unwittingly occupied a location that gave his adversary 
admirable advantages and opportunity to execute a surprise. 

Early entrusted a considerable force to General Gordon for 
that purpose. Having made himself familiar with the work 
in hand, Gordon, on the night of October iStli, proceeded to 
its execution. Crossing Cedar Creek sufficiently below the Fed- 
eral pickets to avoid observation, he cautiously proceeded in 
the direction of the Federal encampments without accident or 
discovery. A favorable point for the accomplishment of his 
plans was gained just before daybreak on the 19th. The camp 
w^as reached, and in the midst of quiet sleep and peaceful 
dreams the war-cry and the ringing peals of musketry arose to 
wake the slumbering warriors and call them to arms. The 
drums and bugles loudly summoned the soldier to his colors, 
but there was no ear for those familiar sounds. The crack of 
the rifle and the shouts of battle were upon the breeze, and no 
other sounds were heeded by the flying multitude. 

Gordon's surprise had been complete, and when the dawn 
appeared long lines of fugitives were seen rushing madly 
toward Winchester. Such a rout had not been seen since 
the famous battle of Bull Run. 

The Federals left artillery, baggage, small-arms, camp 
equipage, clothing, knapsacks, haversacks, canteens — in fact, 
everything — in their panic. The whole camp was filled with 
valuable booty, which in the end proved a dangerous tempta- 
tion to the Confederates, many of whom, instead of following 
up their brilliant success, left their ranks for plunder. 

If an apology for such conduct were ever admissible, it was 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPAIGN. 365 

SO on this occasion, the troops having been so long unaccus- 
tomed to the commonest comfort while making long and 
fatiguing marches and battling against large odds, and being 
now broken down, ragged, and hungry, they would have been 
superhuman had they resisted the tempting stores that lay 
scattered on every hand. 

The Federals finding that they were not pursued, when they 
reached the neighborhood of Newtown their spirits began to 
revive, the habit of discipline and order assumed its sway, and 
the shapeless mass of the morning regained the appearance of 
an army, 

Sheridan, having been absent, met his fugitive army a little 
below Newtown. Order having been restored, he re-formed 
his troops, and, facing them about, returned to the scene of 
their late disaster. The Confederates, being unprepared for an 
attack, were quickly defeated and forced to retire to Fisher's 
Hill, and from there to Newmarket, where Early maintained 
a bold front for several weeks. By this return of fortune 
Sheridan not only recovered all that had been lost in the 
morning, but acquired considerable captures from the Con- 
federates. 

The Confederates then retired to the neighborhood of Staun- 
ton, and further operations were suspended on account of the 
inclemency of the season. 

Sheridan then occupied the lower Valley, where he employed 
himself in completing the work of destruction begun by Hun- 
ter. His work of devastation was so complete that he exult- 
ingiy reported to his superior that a "crow in traversing the 
Valley would be obliged to carry his rations." Before the 
spring was open Sheridan was in motion with a cavalry, or 
rather mounted infantry, force 9000 strong, his objective point 
being Staunton. The force of Early, having been greatly 
reduced, was entirely inadequate for an effective resistance. 
Staunton was therefore evacuated, and Early i^etired to 
Waynesboro'. His entire force now consisted of Wharton's 
division of infantry, six pieces of artillery, and a small body 
of cavalry, making in all about 1800 men. With this force 
he took a position to protect an important railroad bridge 



366 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

over the south branch of the Shenandoah, and at the same 
time to cover Rockfish Gap, a pass connecting the Valley 
with Eastern Virginia. This pass was donbly imj^ortant, as 
it gave a passage both to the Charlottesville turnpike and 
the Central Railroad. 

As Sheridan was without artillery and the ground was unfit 
for the operations of cavalry, Early could have easily main- 
tained his position with reliable troops; but there was, consid- 
erable disaffection in Wharton's division. Therefore, without 
his knowledge his little army harbored the elements of defeat, 
for at the first show of an attack the malcontents threw down 
their arms, and, almost without opposition, Sheridan carried 
the position, compelling Early with his faithful few to seek 
safety in retreat. A number of these, however, were captured 
before they could make their escape. 

Sheridan, having now removed all opposition, passed through 
Rockfish Gap into Eastern Virginia, traversed the interior of 
the State, and formed a junction with Grant almost without 
interruption. 

On reaching Gordonsville, Early collected a handful of men 
and threw himself upon the flank and rear of Sheridan, but his 
force was too small to make any impression. He was only in- 
duced to make this' effort by his extreme reluctance to witness 
an unopposed march of an enemy through his country. 

It has been said that Early, at the head of his faithful band, 
hovering like an eagle about the columns of Sheridan, dis- 
played more heroic valor than when at the head of his victor- 
ious army in Maryland. 

In operations of the character above described long lists of 
casualties may naturally be expected, in which the names of 
the bravest, noblest, and truest are sure to be found. While it 
is impossible for me to make separate mention of these, mem- 
ory dictates the names of Rodes and Ramseur. From Rich- 
mond to the memorable campaign of the Wilderness they bore 
a conspicuous part, and their names rose high on the roll of 
fame. Rodes fell in the battle of Winchester at the head of 
his splendid division, and Rauiseur was mortally wounded at 
Cedar Creek in his heroic attempt to retrieve the fortune of the 



EARLY'S VALLEY CAMPALGN. 367 

day. Their fall was a noble sacrifice to the cause for which 
they fought, and their memory will ever remain green in the 
hearts of their countrymen. 

The Valley campaign above described was attended with a 
series of barbarities happily without parallel in the history of 
the war. General Hunter had gone in his depredations far 
beyond any warrant in the exigencies of war. The destruc- 
tion of agricultural products, and even of mills and factories, 
might have been defended as a warrantable military measure, 
but the burniug of private habitations was an instance of pure 
vandalism utterly devoid of excuse, and sure to instigate retali- 
atory measures of the same barbarous character. This retali- 
ation came in the cavalry raid sent by Early into Pennsylvania, 
in which the town of Chambersburg was given to the flames. 
It is but just to state here, however, that these cruel proceed- 
ings were in neither case dictated by the commanding general. 
Hunter's operations were unauthorized by General Grant, and 
the responsibility for them rests solely upon himself The 
same may be said of Early's reprisal. It was not authorized 
by General Lee, and was instigated by the desire to prove that 
such outrages could not be committed with impunity. 

The subsequent devastation of the Valley by General Sheri- 
dan was still more complete than that effected by Hunter, 
though the destruction of residences and institutions by the 
latter was not repeated. Sheridan says : " The whole country 
from the Blue Ridge to the North Mountain has been made 
entirely untenable for a rebel army. I have destroyed over 
two thousand barns filled with wheat and hay and farming- 
implements ; over seventy mills filled with flour and wheat ; 
have driven in front of the army over four thousand head of 
stock ; and have killed and issued to the troops not less than 
three thousand sheep. This destruction embraces the Luray 
Valley and the Little Fort Valley, as well as the main Valley." 
Such a recital, given in a tone almost of boasting, seems more 
like the story of some ruthless warrior of the olden times than 
of a modern soldier. Admitting that the destruction of pro- 
visions may be defended as an important aid to the defeat of 
an enemy, no such excuse can be offered for the burning of 



368 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

mills and farming-implements. The destruction of the prop- 
erty of private citizens, who are in no sense responsible for, 
and are taking no part in, a war has always in it the ele- 
ments of barbarism, and the suffering thereby caused to the 
defenceless has seldom or never been warranted by the mili- 
tary advantage gained. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 

Reasons for Defending Richmond. — Beginning of the Siege. — Smith's Assault upon 
Petersburg.^ — The First Line Carried. — Attack on the Second Line. — Federal Suc- 
cesses. — The Confederates Retire to a New Line. — Assault of the l8th. — Federal 
Repulse. — Both Sides Intrench. — Defeat of Birney. — Wilson's Cavalry Raid. — 
He is Defeated and Driven Back. — Mining the Confederate Works. — Preparing 
for the Explosion. — Movements of Hancock and Sheridan. — The Charging Col- 
umns Ready. — Firing the Mine. — Effect of the Explosion. — Delay in the Assault. 
— The Charge Checked by the Confederate Artillery. — Infantrj^ Hurried up. — ■ 
Frightful Slaughter of the Federals. — The Assault a Failure. — Observations upon 
the Mining Enteqjrise. — Results. — Colonel Carter's Reminiscences. — General Lee 
and the Sparrow. — A Telling Rebuke. — General Hampton's Story. — A Letter to 
Lee's Daughter. 

THE war in Virginia had now been reduced to the attack 
and defence of Richmond — in other words, to a siege 
whose termination was only a qiiestion of time. 

Why the military operations in Virginia should have been 
contracted to this narrow limit, and the independence of a 
people struggling for nationality brought to depend upon the 
defence of a city, may be naturally asked, yet this question 
cannot be fully answered without casting a reflection upon 
the judgment of the distinguished patriots who presided over 
the destiny of the Confederacy. It may, however, be said . 
that, having made Richmond the capital when it was of 
considerable military importance as the base of a defensive 
system embracing Yorktown, Norfolk, and the mouth of the 
James River, it could not, when circumstances changed, be 
easily abandoned without creating an impression both at home 
and abroad of national weakness ; and, having seen it suc- 
cessfully defended against large odds, it was hoped that the 
same head and hand would be able to defend it in future peril. 
Therefore it was decided to employ all the resources of the 
country in its defence. 

24 369 



3/0 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

This decision was not adopted without hope of success ; for 
the brilliant campaigns of Lee, and especially his late gigantic 
contest with Grant, had inspired such confidence that no mili- 
tary achievement was considered impossible to him and his 
army. In this connection it must be borne in mind that on 
an extensive theatre of operations, with free scope for the exer- 
cise of his powers, an able general may reasonably hope to sat- 
isfy public expectation, but when confined to the defensive in 
a siege, all that can be expected is to delay the finarl result. If 
it should be asked, What was General Lee's opinion in regard 
to the defence of Richmond? it might be said that he was too 
thorough a soldier openly to question the wisdom of the Gov- 
ernment in forming its plan of operations or to emplo}" less 
than his utmost ability in his efforts to execute them. The 
general who places himself in opposition to his government, 
no matter how weak that government may be, is sure to incur 
public condemnation and disgrace. A striking example in cor- 
roboration of this assertion presents itself in the case of Mar- 
shal Bazaine at the close of the late Franco- Prussian War. 

Having now to sustain a siege. General Lee applied him- 
self to it with all his energy. His whole soul was given to 
the gigantic struggle before him, and no labor or hardship 
deterred him. 

The battle of Cold Harbor had taught Grant the inutility 
and peril of direct assaults upon the Confederate intrench- 
ments. He therefore determined upon siege operations, and 
about the middle of June he threw a large portion of his army 
south of the James and extended his line of investment so as 
to embrace the city of Petersburg. This caused Lee to make 
a counter-movement in order to cover that place and protect 
the railroads leading to it. The capture of Petersburg was of 
primary importance to the Federals, as it would enable them 
to cut oif two lines of communication very necessary for the 
support of Richmond, and at the same time to greatly contract 
their line of circumvallation'. Therefore its possession was 
much desired. 

As descriptive of the preliminar}' operations about Peters- 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 37 1 

burg we introduce an extract from the able address of Captain 
McCabe before the Southern Historical Society : 

"Warren with the Fifth corps and Wilson's division of cav- 
alry, seizing the crossing at Long Bridge, made his disposi- 
tions to screen the movement.* Hancock's corps, marching 
past the Fifth, was directed upon Wilcox's landing (on the 
James); Wright's and Burnside's corps upon Douthard's ; whil-e 
Smith, with four divisions of the Tenth and Eighteenth corps, 
moved rapidly to White House and embarked for Bermuda 
Hundred 

" Smith's command reached Bermuda Hundred, where Grant 
was in person, on the evening of the 14th, and, being reinforced 
by Kautz's division of cavalry and Hinks's division of negro 
infantry, was at once directed to cross the Appomattox at Point 
of Rocks, where pontoons had been laid, and move rapidly on 
Petersburg. The passage of the river was eifected during the 
same night, and early on the 15th Smith advanced in three 
columns, Kautz with his horsemen covering his left. Now, 
Hancock's entire corps had been ferried to the south side on 
the night of Smith's arrival at Bermuda Hundred, and might 
easily have been pushed forward to take part in the assault, 
but, left in ignorance of the projected coup de maiii^ its com- 
mander, in obedience to orders, was awaiting rations where he 
had crossed. Incredible as it may seem, General Meade, the 
immediate commander of the Army of the Potomac, was left 
in like ignorance, and General Grant, hurrying back to tlie 
north side to push forward reinforcements from the corps of 
Wright and Burnside, found that the army pontoon-train had 
been sent to piece out the wagon-train pontoons, which had 
proved insufficient for the passage of the Chickahominy at 
Coles's Ferry. Thus nearly a day was gained to the handful 
of brave men defending the lines of Petersburg, aiid lost to 
the Army of the Potomac — a curious instance of the uncer- 
tain contingencies of war, reminding the military student, 
with a difference, of the happy chance which saved Zaragoza 
in the first siege when Lefebre Desnouettes, ' missing the road 
to the bridge, missed that to victory.' 

* The crossing of the Chickahominy, 



3/2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

"Smith, pushing forward his cohimns toward Petersburg 
early on the morning of the 15th, had scarcely advanced a dis- 
tance of two miles when he encountered a hasty line of rifle- 
trenches, held by Graham's light batter^' and a meagre force 
of dismounted cavalry, the whole under Bearing, a young 
brigadier of high and daring spirit and of much experience in 
war. This position, resolutely held for two hours, was finally 
carried by the infantry, yet Bearing, retiring slowly with un- 
abashed front, hotly disputing every foot of the advance, so 
delayed the hostile columns that it was 11 o'clock A. m. before 
they came upon the heavy line of intrenchments covering the 
eastern approaches to the town. 

"Shortly after that hour Smith moved by the Baxter road 
upon the works in front of Batteries 6 and 7, but the men of 
Wise's brigade resisted his repeated assaults with ' unsurpassed 
stubbornness' — I use the exact language of Beauregard — while 
the rapid fire of the light batteries completed for the time his 
discomfiture. 

"Smith had been told that the works defending Petersburg 
were such that ' cavalry could ride over them ' — ' a represen- 
tation,' says Mr. Swinton archly, 'not justified by his expe- 
rience ;' and he now proceeded to reconnoitre more carefully 
what was in his front. 

"The old defences of Petersburg consisted of a heavy line 
of redans connected by powerful rifle-trenches, and were of 
such extent as to require a garrison of 25,000 men. In the 
opinion of General Beauregard, this line was in man)- places 
faultily located, and especially vulnerable in the quarter of 
Batteries 5, 6, and 7. Reckoning his heavy gunners and the 
local militia, Beauregard had for the defence of this extended 
line on the morning of the 15th but 2200 men of all arms, 
while Smith confronted him with above 20,000. At 7.30 P. M. 
the enemy, warned by their heavy losses of the morning against 
assaulting in column in face of artillery served with such rapid- 
ity and precision, advanced at a charging pace in line, and after 
a spirited contest carried with a rush the whole line of redans 
from 5 to 9 inclusive. 

"Scarcely had the assault ended when Hancock came up 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 373 

with tlie Second corps, and, though the ranking officer, with 
rare generosity — which recalls the chivalric conduct of Sir 
James Outram to Havelock in front of Lucknow — at once 
offered his troops to Smith and stood ready to receive the 
orders of his subordinate. 

"The prize was now within his grasp had he boldly ad- 
vanced — and the moon shining brightly highly favored such 
enterprise — but Smith, it would seem, though possessed of 
considerable professional skill, was not endowed with that 
intuitive sagacity which swiftly discerns the chances of the 
moment, and, thus halting on the very threshold of decisive 
victory, contented himself with partial success, and, having 
relieved his divisions in the captured works with Hancock's 
troops, waited for the morning. 

' ' Meanwhile, Hoke had arrived on the Confederate side, and 
Beauregard, having disposed his meagre force upon a new line 
a short distance in rear of the lost redans, ordered down Bush- 
rod Johnson's three brigades from the Bermuda Hundred front 
and made such preparation as was possible for the assault of 
the morrow. 

"The situation was indeed critical, for, though the enemy 
assaulted but feebly the next morning and Johnson's brigades 
arrived at lo A. M., there was still such disparity of numbers 
as might well have shaken the resolution of a less determined 
commander. Burnside's corps reached the Federal front at 
noon, and General Meade, having met General Grant on the 
City Point* road, was directed to assume immediate command 
of the troops and assault as soon as practicable. Thus at 
5.30 on the evening of the i6th more than 70,000 troops were 
launched against the works manned by but 10,000 brave men 
— a disparity still further increased by the arrival at dusk of 
Warren's corps, two brigades of which (Miles's and Griffin's) 
took part in the closing assaults. For three hours the fight 
raged furiously along the whole line with varying success, nor 
did the contest subside until after nine o'clock, when it was 
found that Birney of Hancock's corps had effected a serious 
lodgment, from which the Confederates in vain attempted to 
expel him during the night. 



374 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

"On the same day Pickett's division, despatched by Lee 
and leading the advance of Anderson's corps, recaptured the 
lines on the Bermuda Hundred front which Beauregard had 
been forced to uncover, and which had been immediately seized 
by Butler's troops. It is surely sufficient answer to those who 
represent Lee as even then despondently forecasting the final 
issue to find him writing next day in great good-humor to 
Anderson : ' I believe that the men of your corps will carry 
anything they are put against. We tried very hard to stop 
Pickett's men from capturing the breastworks of the enemy, 
but couldn't do it." 

" Fortunately for the weary Confederates, the enemy attempted 
no offensive movement until nearly noon of the next day, at 
which hour the Ninth corps, advancing with sj)irit, carried a 
redoubt in its front, together with four pieces of artillery and 
several hundred prisoners, while Hancock's corps pressed back 
the Confederates over Hare's Hill — the spot afterward known 
as Fort Steadman, and made famous by Gordon's sudden and 
daring stroke. Later in the day the Ninth corps attacked again, 
but was driven back with severe loss. 

"Then along the whole front occurred a series of assaults 
and counter-charges creditable to the courage and enterprise of 
both sides, yet so confused that an attempted narrative would 
necessarily share that confusion. Suffice it to say that at dusk 
the Confederate lines were pierced, and, the troops crowding 
together in disorder, irreparable disaster seemed imminent, 
when suddenly in the dim twilight a dark column was descried 
mounting swiftly from the ravines in rear, and Grade's gallant 
Alabamians, springing along the crest with fierce cries, leaped 
over the works, captured over 1500 prisoners, and drove the 
enemy pell-mell from the disputed point. Then the combat 
broke out afresh, for the enemy, with reason, felt that chance 
alone had foiled them of decisive success, and, despite the 
darkness, the fight raged with unabated fury until past mid- 
night 

"The battle, as we have seen, did not cease until half-past 
twelve on the night of the 17th, and the evacuation of the town 
seemed inevitable, when, by a happy accident, an officer of 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 375 

Burnside's staff, losing liis way in the darkness, rode into the 
Confederate lines bearing a despatch from Bnruside to INIeade 
to the effect that the Ninth corps had been very roughly han- 
dled and should be promptly reinforced. This despatch had 
been referred by Meade to Smith for his information, with the 
request that he at once reinforce Burnside with such troops as 
could be spared. Scarcely had Beauregard finished reading the 
captured missive when a courier galloped up with a message 
from Hoke, stating that he had easily repulsed Smith's assaults 
and could lend a helping hand elsewhere. But before this, 
Beauregard, foreseeing the rupture of his lines, as yet too 
extended for the strength of his command, now materially 
weakened by recent casualties, had selected a new and shorter 
line to the rear, and shortly after the combat ceased the troops 
were ordered to retire upon this new position — a delicate move- 
ment, considering the proximity of the enemy, yet executed 
rapidly and without confusion, for he had caused the line to be 
marked with white stakes, and required brigade and division 
staff officers to acquaint themselves with the positions to be 
occupied by their respective commands. This was the line 
held until the close of the defence. 

" Grant had ordered Meade to assault along the whole front 
at daylight of the i8th, but when the Federal skirmishers 
moved forward at that hour it was found that the line so stoutly 
defended the evening before had been abandoned by the Con- 
federates. This necessitated fresh dispositions, and Meade, 
having reconnoitred his front, now determined upon assault in 
column against certain selected points instead of a general 
attack in line, as originally intended. 

" tt was noon before the enemy essayed any vigorous attack, 
but then began a series of swift and furious assaults, continuing 
at intervals far into the evening, from Martindale on the right, 
from Hancock and Burnside in the centre, from Warren on the 
left ; but, though their men advanced with spirit, cheering and 
at the run, and their ofhcers displayed an astonishing hardi- 
hood, several of them rushing up to within thirty yards of the 
adverse works bearing the colors, yet the huge columns, rent 
by the plunging fire of the light guns and smitten with a tern- 



2,^6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

pest of bullets, recoiled in confusion, and finally fled, leaving 
tlieir dead and dying on the field along the whole front. 

" The men of Anderson's and Hill's corps were now pouring 
into the Confederate works, division after division, battery after 
battery, and when night fell those two grim adversaries, the 
Army of the Potomac and the Army of Northern Virginia, 
again confronted each other in array of battle, while General 
Grant had learned that Petersburg, as Napoleon said of Valen- 
cia, ' could not be taken by the collar. ' 

" In these four days of assault, from Wednesday to Saturday 
inclusive, the enemy confessed to a loss of more than 10,000 
men — a fact which attests with appalling eloquence the vigor 
of the defence. 

" Sunday morning, June 19th, dawned with soft and dewy 
brightness, and the Sabbath's stillness remained unbroken, 
save when at distant intervals a single gun boomed out from 
the great salients or the rattling fire of the pickets on the river 
front fretted for a few brief moments the peaceful air. But it 
was no day of rest to the contending armies, for the Confeder- 
ates were actively strengthening tlieir crude position, while the 
enemy plied pick and spade and axe with such silent vigor 
that, this comparative quiet reigning for two successive days, 
there arose, as if by touch of a magician's wand, a vast cordon 
of redoubts of powerful profile connected by heavy infantry 
parapets, stretching from the Appomattox to the extreme Fed- 
eral left — a line of prodigious strength and constructed with 
amazing skill, destined long to remain, to the military student 
at least, an enduring monument of the ability of the engineers 
of the Army of the Potomac. 

"This done. General Grant was now free to begin that series 
of attempts against Lee's communications which, despite re- 
peated disaster, he continued with slight intermission to the 
end. 

" On Tuesday, the 21st, the Second and Sixth corps were put 
in motion to extend the Federal left — the Second to take posi- 
tion west of the Jerusalem plank road, its right connecting with 
Warren's left, which rested at that point; the Sixth to extend 
to the left of the Second, and if possible eflect a lodgment on 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG, 377 

the Weldon Railroad. On the same day Wilson with about 
6000 sabres, consisting of his own and Kautz's divisions, was 
despatched to destroy the Weldon road farther to the south, and 
thence, by a wide sweep to the west, to cut the Southside and 
Danville roads. The Second corps, now commanded by Birney 
— for Hancock's wound, received at Gettysburg, had broken 
out afresh — succeeded, after some sharp skirmishing with the 
Confederate cavalry, in taking position to the left of Warren, and 
the Sixth corps, moving up the same evening, established itself 
on a line in rear of and parallel to the Second, its left slightly 
overlapping that corps. But the next morning the Confederate 
horse showed such a bold front, though 'twas but a scratch 
force, with cattle like 'walking trestles,' that General Grant 
determined to suspend the movements to the railroad, and Bir- 
ney was ordered ' to swing forward the left of the Second corps 
so as to envelop the right flank of the Confederates. ' 

" This change of orders led to delaj'', which Lee, consummate 
master of that art which teaches that ' offensive movements are 
the foundation of a good defence, ' was swift to improve. Rid- 
ing to his right, he sent for Mahone, who as civil engineer had 
surveyed the country and knew every inch of the ground hid- 
den by the tangled chaparral. Few words were wasted. Ma- 
hone proposed that he be allowed to take three brigades of 
Anderson's old division and strike the enemy in flank. Lee 
assented. Passing his men quickly along a ravine which 
screened them from the enemy's pickets, Mahone gained a 
point which he rightly conjectured to be beyond the hostile 
flank. Here, in an open field fronting the 'Johnson House,' 
he formed line of battle, the brigades of Saunders and Wright 
in front, his own brigade, commanded by Colonel Weisiger, 
supporting the right, while Mcintosh of the artillery was 
directed to move with two guns in the open on the left. Bir- 
ney, meanwhile, had nearly completed his movement, which 
was executed without reference to the Sixth corps, and left an 
ever-widening gap between the two lines, as, ' pivoting on his 
right division, under Gibbon, he swung forward his left, ' Yet 
Mott's division had come into position on Gibbon's left, and had 
commenced intrenching, and Barlow was moving up to the left 



2,7 S MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of Mott, when suddenly and swiftly, with a wild yell which 
rang out shrill and fierce through the gloomy pines, Mahone's 
men burst upon the flank. A pealing volley, which roared 
along the whole front, a streaiji of wasting fire, under which 
the Federal left fell as one man, and the bronzed veterans swept 
forward, shrivelling up Barlow's division as lightning shrivels 
the dead leaves of autumn ; then, cleaving a fiery path diago- 
nally across the enemy's front, spreading dismay and destruc- 
tion, rolled up Mott's division in its turn, and without check, 
the woods still reverberating with their fierce clamor, stormed 
and carried Gibbon's intrenchments and seized his guns. 

"When night came down the victors returned to the main 
lines guarding 1742 prisoners, and bearing as trophies a vast 
quantity of small-arms, four light guns, and eight standards. 

"On the same day Wilson with his cavalry struck the Wel- 
don Railroad at Reams Station,, destroyed the track for seve- 
ral miles, and then pushed westward to the Southside road. 
Here, while tearing up the rails at ' Blacks-and-Whites ' — hav- 
ing despatched Kautz, meanwhile, to destroy the junction of 
the Southside and Danville roads at Burkeville — he was sharply 
assailed by W. H. F, Lee, who had followed him with his 
division of cavalry, and who now wrested from him the road 
iipon which the raiders were moving. Again and again did 
Wilson seek to wrest it back, but Lee could not be dislodged. 
.The combat was renewed next day, lasting from midday till 
dark, but at daylight of the 24th the Federal cavalry with- 
drew, leaving their killed and wounded on the field. Wilson 
reached Meherrin Station on the Danville road the same day, 
and, Kautz having rejoined him, the two columns pushed on 
rapidly to vStaunton River bridge. But the local militia, in- 
trenched at that point, behaved with great firmness, and W. 
H. F. Lee, boldly attacking, again drove the Federals before 
him until dark. Wilson now turned to regain the lines in 
front of Petersburg, but his officers and men were marauding 
in a fashion which no prudent officer, on such service as his, 
should ever have allowed, while W. H. F. Lee hung upon his 
rear with an exasperating tenacity which brought delay and 
redoubled his difficulties. At every step, indeed, the peril 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 379 

thickened, for Hampton, who had crossed the James, now 
came to W. H, F. I^ee's help with a strong body of horse, 
and, attacking the enemy on Tuesday evening (June 28th) 
at Sappony Church, drove him until dark, harassed him the 
livelong night, turned his left in the morning, and sent him 
helter-skelter before his horsemen. 

"Wilson, fairly bewildered, sought to reach Reams Sta- 
tion, which he believed to be still in possession of the Feder- 
als — a determination destined to be attended with irreparable 
disaster to him, for General Lee had despatched thither two 
brigades of infantry (Finegan's and Saunders's) under Ma- 
hone, and two light batteries (Brander's and 'the Purcell ') 
imder Pegram, followed by Fitz Lee, who had just roughly 
handled Gregg at Nance's Shop, and who now came down at 
a sharp trot to take part in the tumult. Wilson, reaching his 
objective, descried ominous clouds of dust rising on the roads 
by which he had hoped to win safety, but offered, in despera- 
tion, a seemingly bold front prepared for battle. 

" Informed by a negro, whose knowledge of the country no- 
tably expanded at sight of a six-shooter, that there was a ' blind 
road' leading in rear of Wilson's left, Fitz Lee at once pushed 
forward with his dusky guide, and, having assured himself by 
personal reconnoissance of the truth of the information, quickly 
made his dispositions. Lomax's horsemen, dismounted, were 
formed across the road, with Wickham's mounted brigade in 
reserve, the latter being instructed to charge so soon as Lomax 
had shaken the enemy. In a twinkling, as it seemed, the rat- 
tling fire of the carbines told that Lomax was hotly engaged, 
and on the instant the movement in front began, the infantry 
under Mahone advancing swiftly across the open field, pouring 
in a biting volley, Pegram firing rapidly for a few moments, 
then limbering up and going forward at a gallop to come into 
battery on a line with the infantry, while Fitz Lee, the Fed- 
erals rapidly giving ground before his dismounted troopers, 
called up his mounted squadrons and went in with his rough 
stroke at a thundering pace on the enemy's left and rear." 

The result of this sharp attack was a severe defeat to Wilson, 
who was forced to retire in great haste, his trains being fired 



380 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and abandoned, and his artillery and a considerable number 
of prisoners left in the hands of the Confederate forces. Mak- 
ing all speed, he succeeded in crossing the Nottoway with the 
pursuing cavalry at his heels, and very well satisfied to escape 
into the Federal lines with the shattered remnant of his com- 
mand. 

General Grant, having failed in his various attempts to force 
the Confederate lines, acquiesced in a proposal to supplement 
the musket and the sabre with the spade and the pick. About 
the last of June it was proposed to mine and blow up a Confed- 
erate salient that was opposite to Burnside's position. At that 
point the two lines were sufficiently near to warrant such an 
attempt. The conduct of this mining operation was assigned 
to the person by whom it had been originally proposed, Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Henry Pleasants of the Forty-eighth Pennsyl- 
vania, a skilful mining engineer. Pleasants found a suitable 
point to commence operations about five hundred feet distant 
from the salient to be blown up. His working-parties were 
drawn from his ov/n regiment, which contained a number of 
experienced miners. The work was pushed forward so expe- 
ditiously that by the 23d of July the mine was completed, and 
was charged with 8000 pounds of powder. The tamping was 
completed and the mine was pronounced ready for explosion by 
the 28th. It was decided that the mine should be sprung early 
on the morning of the 30th, and to that end the necessary 
preparations were made. 

General Grant, in order to mask his real design, on the 26th 
sent Hancock and Sheridan with the Second corps and two 
divisions of cavalry to the north side of the James River, with 
instructions to threaten Lee's right, and thus to create the 
impression that a real attack was to be made in that quarter, 
while he perfected his arrangements for making the assault on 
Petersburg upon the explosion of the mine. At this time the 
Confederate force about Petersburg did not exceed 13,000 men, 
whilst opposed to this Grant had over 65,000. On the 29tli 
were made the final dispositions for attack. 

Hancock was directed on the night of the 29th to return 
from the north of the James with all secrecy and despatch, and 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 38 f 

to take part in the assault, while Sheridan was to pass in rear 
of the army and with his whole cavalry corps operate toward 
Petersburg from the south and west. On the evening of the 
29th, Meade issued his orders of battle. As soon as it was dusk 
Burnside was to mass his troops in front of the point to be 
attacked, and form there in columns of assault, taking care to 
remove the abatis, so that the troops could debouch rapidly, 
and to have his pioneers equipped for opening passages for the 
artillery. He was to spring the mine at 3.30 a.m., move rap- 
idly through the breach, and seize the crest of Cemetery Hill, 
a ridge four hundred yards in rear of the Confederate lines. 

Ord was to mass the Eighteenth corps in rear of the Ninth, 
immediately follow Burnside, and support him on the right. 
Warren was to reduce the number of men holding his front to 
the minimum, concentrate heavily on the right of his corps, 
and support Burnside on the left. Hancock was to mass the 
Second corps in rear of the trenches at that time held by Ord, 
and be prepared to support the assault as events might dictate. 
Engineer officers were detailed to accompany each corps, and 
the chief engineer was directed to park his pontoon-train at a 
convenient point, ready to move at a moment's warning. 

Meade having assured himself that the Confederates had no 
second line on Cemetery Hill, as he had formerly supposed and 
as Duane had positively reported, was now sanguine of success. 
He made these preparations to meet the contingency of the 
meagre Confederate force retiring beyond the Appomattox and 
burning the bridges; in which event he proposed to push imme- 
diately across that river to Swift Creek and open up communi- 
cation with Butler at Bermuda liundred, before Lee could send 
any reinforcements from his five divisions north of the James. 

The commanders of the white divisions of Burnside' s corps 
decided by lot which division should have the honor of making 
the assault, the chance favoring Ledlie's division, though, as 
the sequel shows, it had but little heart for the distinction con- 
ferred upon it. 

On the morning of the 30th, shortly before the hour appointed 
for springing the mine, all the columns were in position ready 
for action. Half-past three arrived, but the silence of the morn- 



38 2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ing was unbroken; minute after minute went by, while a pain- 
ful suspense pervaded the expectant columns. Time passed on, 
yet silence continued to reign. The suspense became almost 
unbearable. The delay could not be understood, and various 
conjectures flew rapidly among the troops. At last it was dis- 
covered that the fuse had gone out within fifty yards of the 
mine. 

All this time the Confederates lay in peaceful slumber, un- 
conscious of the terrible storm that was about to burst upon 
them. The fuse was relighted, and at about half-past four 
the flame reached the powder in the mine. 

A tremendous explosion instantly followed* and there was 
hurled into the air an immense column of smoke and earth, 
which, after rising to a great height, burst into fragments of 
timber, stone, broken gun-carriages, muskets, and black and 
mutilated corpses, which quickly returned in a heavy shower 
upon the earth. Two hundred men were killed by the explo- 
sion, and a rent was torn in the Confederate lines 135 feet long, 
90 feet wide, and 30 feet deep. 

The whole Confederate line was aroused by the explosion. 
The men in the immediate vicinity of the mine were for some 
minutes paralyzed by the shock, while those on the more dis- 
tant portions of the lines remained a while in a state of igno- 
rance and wonder as to what had occurred. 

But the troops stationed near the mine soon became conscious 
of the catastrophe, and, alive to the importance of immediate 
action. Lieutenant-colonel John Haskell, who commanded the 
artillery at that point, turned his guns upon the approaches to 
the breach, and poured such a destructive fire of canister and 
shell upon them as to render the advance of the enemy ex- 
tremely difficult. Some time elapsed before the assaulting 
column could be got in motion, and when it cleared the breast- 
work it was met by such a storm of shot and shell that it was 
thrown into confusion, and the men were so demoralized 
that they hastily sought shelter. Great numbers rushed into 
the crater of the mine; others hid themselves behind trav- 
erses ; some even crouched close beneath the Confederate 
breastworks, and no efforts of their officers could induce them 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 383 

to advance. The delay thus occasioned enabled the Confed- 
erates to collect a force sufficient to defend the breach. 

General Lee, who had been early apprised of the disaster, 
sent Colonel Venable of his staff to hasten forward troops 
from other parts of the line. This energetic officer first found 
General Mahone, whose division was already under arms, and 
instructed him to proceed to the threatened point. Mahone 
rapidly advanced, and on reaching the crater promptly formed 
a cordon of bayonets and took decisive steps to expel the Fed- 
eral forces that had effected a lodgment upon the Confeder- 
ate works. Mahone' s forces were rapidly reinforced by other 
troops, and the fighting now became desperate. The Federals, 
who had for some time been delayed, pushed forward with great 
resolution and with the determination to counteract the effects 
of the blunder that had been made in the first assault. But 
all their efforts were unavailing, and by ten o'clock they were 
driven back within their own lines. 

The mine, instead of opening the gate to victor}^, had proved 
a sepulchre. General Grant lost 5000 men in his attempt to 
pass the breach. Although the distance between the hostile 
breastworks was barely a hundred yards, only a few of the 
Federals succeeded in establishing themselves on the Confed- 
erate works. The only advantage to the Federals was in the 
blowing up of 200 Confederates and the killing and wounding 
of a few hundreds more. The men thus lost by the Confed- 
erates could never be replaced, and to this extent General Grant 
saw himself a step nearer the end. 

Generals Lee and Beauregard were eye-witnesses of the gal- 
lant defence of the breach and the signal repulse? of the enemy. 
Colonel Weisiger, whose brigade encircled the crater, repelled 
the enemy with great determination, and his gallantry won for 
him the grade of brigadier-general. Captain Gerrardy, for 
his gallant conduct, received a similar promotion, while the 
names of Lieutenant-colonels John Haskell, Pegram, and 
many others of the artillery obtained prominence in the roll 
of honor. 

Critical remarks in reference to the strategic bearing-s of this 
mining operation are perhaps uncalled for. The mine itself 



384 MEAfOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

proved useless and became a death-trap to its excavators ; yet, 
if we accept the Federal statements, this was a result of bad 
management after the explosion, and has no necessary bear- 
ing on the question of the military value of the undertaking 
itself. To mine fortified works which cannot be breached or 
scaled has long been a common expedient in siege operations, 
but to attack an earthwork by such a method had never before 
been attempted, and its ill-success on this occasion will prob- 
ably prevent its being quickly again essayed. 

Federal historians and military authorities ascribe the non- 
success of the enterprise to an unwise withdrawal, at the last 
moment, of the black troops, who had been carefully drilled 
for this special service, and their replacement by a brigade of 
whites, who were very badly led and held back from charging 
until the Confederates in the vicinity had recovered from their 
temporary panic and had hastened to the defence of their 
imperilled lines. Yet this censure of General Ledlie seems 
hardly just in view of all the circumstances of the case. The 
crater into which his division plunged was very difficult to 
pass — much more so than an ordinary earthwork. And the 
lack of previous training of his men, or of any full compre- 
hension on his part of the character of the work before him, 
operated as a serious disadvantage. Had men trained to the 
work been given the advance in the charge, the result might 
possibly have been very different. It cannot be denied that 
the Confederate position was for a short time in serious jeop- 
ardy, and that had the Federals taken instant and decided 
advantage of their opportunity they might have gained an 
important victory. There has seldom been a case in which 
the old adage, "Delay is dangerous," more fully applied, yet 
it was one of those cases in which delay is almost unavoid- 
able, and it becomes a question, therefore, whether there was 
sufficient probability of success to warrant such a dangerous 
enterprise. 

The ultimate effect of the mining operation was beneficial 
to the Confederate army. We do not here refer to the heavy 
Federal loss, but to the feeling of security which naturally fol- 
lowed the failure of the assault, and to the greater degree of 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG, 385 

wariness whicli succeeded. A second enterprise of the same 
sort would have had much less chance of success than the 
first. Yet to guard against a repetition of mining operations 
by the Federals, General Lee adopted a series of precaution- 
ary measures consisting of the excavation of extensive under- 
ground works so constructed as to check the enemy should 
they seek to repeat their subterranean scheme of attack. 

In the relation of the events of this siege we have been 
necessarily confined to military details, and, though fully 
recognizing that the mind of General Lee controlled the move- 
ments of the Confederate army and the wonderful series of 
defensive works which arose as if by magic under his skilful 
directions, we do not see him directly concerned in them. 
Some relation of personal incidents connected with his every- 
day life is important as a counterpoise to the story of his 
great military achievements, and we cannot better end this 
chapter than with some anecdotal matter belonging to this 
period of his life. 

Colonel Thomas H.* Carter has furnished the author with 
several interesting reminiscences never before given to the 
public, yet so indicative of certain traits of General Lee's 
character as to make them important additions to our work. 
In Colonel Carter's words, "They are simple anecdotes, treas- 
ured by myself because of their personal relation chiefly, though 
they illustrate a playful vein of character in General Lee of 
which many persons may not be aware, and one of them 
brings out his consideration for others — a characteristic that 
under no circumstances ever failed him." 

In the relation of these incidents we shall let Colonel Carter 
speak for himself, as we cannot hope to improve on his manner 
of telling his story: 

"In 1864, either during July or August, when General Lee's 
headquarters were near Petersburg, I had charge of the light 
artillery north of the James River. The line lay near Deep 
Bottom, and ran eastwardly by Newmarket toward the Chick- 
ahominy River, and I was partially but imperfectly intrenched, 
with skirmishers well advanced and in pits. One day General 
Lee rode over from Petersburg, and reached us quite early in 
25 , 



386 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the morning, considering the distance he had ridden. My tent 
was a mile and a half in the rear of the line, in charge of the 
servants, while I myself slept on the line for fear of an attack 
by the enemy, then close in front. My cooking ntensils were 
brought up to the line and rations cooked twice daily, and the 
servant then returned with blankets in the morning to be aired 
during the day, and with the cooking and eating wares, 

" Martin, my servant, a good-tempered, smiling, and most 
deferential black boy, was quietly walking the gray horse back 
to camp through the woods after breakfast, pretty well enve- 
loped with blankets, a tray, skillets, tin plates and cans, knives 
;and forks, etc., when General Lee met him. Nothing escaped 
General Lee's observant eye. Grave, quiet," and taciturn, he 
saw everything. He pulled up his horse and put Martin 
through a course of questions, in which he learned his name, 
to whom he belonged, where he was going, where he had 
l)een, and, in short, left not much behind of Martin's limited 
stock of knowledge. 

"All ignorant of this little incident, I advanced to meet the 
general as he rode up to the line. ' Good-morning, Colonel 
Carter.' — 'Good-morning, general.' — 'I expected, colonel, to 
find the troops in motion.' — 'In motion, general? No, sir, 
there is no movement on foot here — all is quiet,' I said in 
reply, looking at him with surprise. A merry look in his 
eye showed me he was joking as he added, 'Well, I met Mar- 
tin, on the gray, going to the rear with baggage and camp- 
equipage, and when they go to the rear the troops are usually 
going to the front.' I explained what he had already heard 
from Martin, that I slept on the line. 'You are right,' he 
said, 'to be at your post with your command.' 

"Not long after this, while we were stationed at the same 
place, he rode over from Petersburg, and reached us quite late 
in the afternoon — too late to return to his headquarters that 
night. After some conversation about the line and troops he 
mentioned the necessity of finding quarters for himself and 
those with him for the night. Apologizing for my inability to 
make him comfortable and to have him stay with me, for 
reasons above given, I suggested that he should go to Chaffin's 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 387 

Bluff, where lie would find houses occupied, I thought, by 
Major Dick Taylor (Walter's brother) and Colonel Jack Maury 
and others connected with the heavy and stationary artillery. 
He replied in his quiet, punctuating way of talking, as if 
weighing each word, 'Well, Colonel Carter, if I turn those 
gentlemen out of their rooms, where will they sleep?' — 'On 
the ground,' I replied at once, 'like the rest of the army;' 
and I added, what I knew to be literally true, ' They will be 
delighted to give up their rooms to you." — 'None of your 
blarney, Colonel Carter — none of your blarney, sir,' he replied 
with a smile. Though not sure of it, I think he went there, 
but I am sure if he went the rooms were given up with delight. 

"When the infantry was hurrying to the support .^f Fitz 
Lee's cavalry at Spottsylvania Court-house, as each division 
arrived it would form into line on the right of its predecessor. 
I happened to be near General Lee when a few bullets cut the 
limbs and struck the ground near him. Some general — I for- 
get who — said, 'General, this is no place for you; do go away 
at once to a safe place.' He replied, with a half-complaining 
smile and manner, ' I wish I knew where my place is on the 
battlefield: wherever I go some one tells me it is not the place 
for me to be.' But he was always deeply touched by these 
indications of the devotion of his army and people to him." 

An incident somewhat analogous to that just related, but 
indicating a different and very noble phase of General Lee's 
character, is told by an officer who was present on the occa- 
sion. General Lee was visiting a battery on the lines below 
Richmond, and the soldiers, inspired by their affection for 
him, gathered near him in a group that attracted the enemy's 
fire. Turning toward them, he said, in his quiet manner, 
"Men, you had better go farther to the rear; they are firing 
up here, and you are exposing yourselves to unnecessary 
danger. ' ' 

The men drew back, but General Lee, as if unconscious of 
danger to himself, walked across the yard, picked up some 
small object from the ground, and placed it upon the limb of 
a tree above his head. It was afterward perceived that the 
object for which he had thus risked his life was an unfiedged 



388 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

sparroiv that had fallen from its nest. It was a marked) 
instance of that love for the lower animals and deep feeling 
for the helpless which he always displayed. 

One story further we may relate of a very delicately admin- 
istered, yet probably very effectual, reproof On one of his 
daily visits to the lines at Petersburg, General Lee asked one 
of his officers who was riding with him if a work he had 
ordered to be performed was finished. The officer replied, 
hesitatingly, that it was. Lee then proposed to ride to the 
spot and inspect it. On arriving there he found that the 
work had made very little progress since his last visit to it, a 
week before. The officer in much confusion sought to excuse 
himself for his negligence, saying that he had ordered it to be 
completed at once, and had been told that it was finished, but 
had not himself been there. General Lee simply remarked, 
"We must give our personal attention to the lines," and rode 
quietly on. While doing so he began to compliment his com- 
panion on the fine charger he rode. 

"Yes, sir," replied the general, "he is a splendid animal, 
and I prize him the more highly because he belongs to my wife 
and is her favorite riding-horse." 

"A magnificent horse indeed," was General Lee's reply, 

"but I should not think him safe for Mrs. to ride. He 

is entirely too spirited for a lady, and I would urge you by all 
means to take some of the mettle out of him before you suffer 
}our wife to ride him again. And, by the way, general, I 
would suggest to you that the rongJi paths along these trenches 
would be admirable ground over which to tame him.'*'' 

It need scarcely be said the rebuked officer did not trust to 
the reports of subordinates from that time forward, and that he 
found a new field for the exercise of his horse. 

To these reminiscences we may add the following story, told 
by General Hampton: On one occasion, when headquarters 
were at Petersburg, General Hampton happened to be there at 
meal-time, and was invited to dine with General Lee. It was 
a period in which rations were very short. A small bowl of 
soup graced the table, far too limited in quantity to go the 
rounds of the mess. General Lee accordingly divided it with 



THE SIEGE OF PETERSBURG. 389 

his guest, and, as he looked around the table with a merry 
twinkle in his eye, quietly remarked, " I am credibly informed 
that the young men of my staff never eat soup. ' ' 

As a fitting conclusion to this chapter we append the fol- 
lowing letter, written by General Lee to one of his daughters 
during the Petersburg campaign. An interesting feature of it 
is its indication of his love for buttermilk as a beverage, of 
which we have already given several instances: 

"Camp, Petersburg, July 5, 1S64. 

"My Precious Lifk: I received this morning, by your 
brother, your note, and am very glad to hear your mother is 
better. I sent out immediately to try and find some lemons, 
but could only procure two — sent to me by a kind lady, Mrs, 
Kirkland, in Petersburg. These were gathered from her own 
trees; there are none to be purchased. I found one in my 
valise, dried up, which I also send, as it may be of some value, 
I also put up some early apples, which you can roast for your 
mother, and one pear. This is all the fruit I can get. 

" You must go to market every morning and see if you can- 
not find some fresh fruit for her. There are no lemons to be 
had here. Tell her lemonade is not as palatable or digestible 
as buttermilk. Try and get some for her — with ice it is deli- 
cious, and very nutritious. I hope she will continue to improve, 
and be soon well and leave that heated city. It must be roast- 
ing now. Tell her I can only think of her and pray for hei 
recovery. I wish I could be with her to nurse her and care for 
her. I want to see you all very much, but cannot now see the 
day when we shall be together once more. I think of you, 
long for you, pray for you: it is all I can do. Think some- 
times of your devoted father, 

"R, E. Lee." 



CHAPTER XX. 

THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 

Grant's Purpose. — Extension of the Lines. — Difficulties of Lee's Position. — Collateral 
Operations. — Attack on Port Fisher. — Its Failure. — Subsequent Successful As- 
sault. — Progress of the Siege.— Loss of the Weldon Railroad. — Federal Repulse 
at Reams Station. — Butler Takes Fort Harrison. — Later Engagements. — General 
Lee's Appearance. — His Relations to his Soldiers. — Letter to his Daughter. — 
Extracts from Colonel Taylor's Note-book. — Anecdote. — Lee's Opinion of War 
Editors. — Lee Appointed Commander-in-Chief. — Peace Conference. — Its Failure. — 
President Davis's Address. — Lee's Plan of Action. — Overruled by the Authorities. 
— The Attack on Fort Steadman. — Its Partial Success and Final Failure. — Grant's 
Advance. — Battle at White Oak Road. — Cavalry Fight. — The Federals Cajiture 
Five Forks. — Their Advance on Petersburg. — Checked by Longstreet. — Death of 
A. P. Hill. 

BEFORE proceeding with the description of the siege 
operations at Petersburg some remarks concerning the 
general military situation and the purposes of the opposing 
commanders are desirable. 

Though the objective point of Grant's operations was the 
city of Richmond, his field of immediate action was the city 
of Petersburg, twenty-two miles south of the Confederate capi- 
tal. Plis purpose in this was to seize and hold the Weldon 
and Southside railroads, the latter of special importance, 
since it would open the way to the pos.session of the Danville 
Railroad, the main line of communication between Richmond 
and the South. The possession of these roads would force the 
evacuation of the capital city and the desertion by the Army 
of Northern Virginia of the formidable line of defensive works 
on which had been expended such severe and long-continued 
labor. 

With this object in view, Grant steadily extended his lines 
southward and westward beyond Petersburg, while Lee with 
unceasing activity faced him at every point with new earth- 
works covering the all-important arteries of travel which his 

390 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 39 1 

powerful antagonist was striving to seize. Eventually, the 
Confederate line of defence, extending from the Chickahominy 
to Petersburg, and continued to the Southside Railroad, trav- 
ersed a distance of thirty-five miles. This extensive line was 
defended by a force barely exceeding a thousand men to the 
mile, and often falling below that number, and to maintain it 
in the face of an enemy outnumbering more than three times 
the Confederate army unquestionably demanded a remarkable 
exercise of military genius. 

Few men could have borne up against such odds, especially 
when beset by every difficulty that can embarrass a commander. 
Lee proved always able to multiply his forces at any threatened 
point, and was constantly ready to meet attacks, displaying a 
fertility of resources that surprised both friend and foe. Not 
once during the campaign had Grant been able to take him 
imawares, but found him always prepared even for the most 
covert movements. 

After the failure of the mining enterprise direct assai^lta 
flagged, and during the remainder of the summer and the 
autumn the spade took the place of the musket, and both 
armies employed themselves in constructing new and strength- 
ening old works. Grant gradually extending his left toward 
the railroads which he desired to capture, and Lee steadily cov- 
ering these roads by a similar extension of his right. 

The monotony of this labor was occasionally relieved by a 
sortie or lively picket-skirmish, and now and then by a recon- 
noissance or an outpost affair between the opposing cavalry 
forces. But these events had no further importance than that 
of lightening the tedium of the siege. Grant had evidently 
deferred the doubtful issue of an attack upon his alert oppo- 
nent, of whose ability in defensive warfare he had already 
received such disastrous testimony, and he seemed inclined 
to patiently await the exhaustion of the few remaJning re- 
sources of his adversary for a final coup de main. 

We may pause here for a glance at the state of the war in 
the other regions of the Confederacy. In fact. General Lee was 
fighting not alone against the army directly confronting him, 
but against all the military forces of the Northern States 



392 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

wherever situated. Grant's rank as commander-in-chief of 
the Federal armies enabled him to wield them all in concert 
for the great aim which he had in view, the defeat of Lee, 
and throughout the South, armies were manoeuvring and 
marching for a single end, that of cutting at all points the 
strategic lines of the Confederacy, and so isolating the xA.rmy 
of Northern Virginia as to deprive it of all hope of assist- 
ance or reinforcement. 

General Lee possessed no such comprehensive authority. 
He was commander of a single army only, and while his 
advice in relation to the movements of other armies was con- 
stantly asked by the Government, it was not always followed. 
The command-in-chief was eventually given him, it is true, 
but too late for it to be more than an empty honor. Had he 
from the beginning of his contest with Grant possessed author- 
itative control of all the military resources of the Confederacy, 
the management of the war would certainly have been more 
efficient, and the armies of the Gulf States must have been 
handled with better judgment and success than they were 
under the orders of the civil authorities. The power of re- 
sistance of the Confederacy would probably have been pro- 
tracted, and it is within the limits of possibility that eventual 
success in the effort to gain independence might have been 
attained, though at that late stage of the war this had become 
almost hopeless. 

The collateral operations of the forces under Grant's com- 
mand were the following: Early's success in the Valley had 
called a large detachment of the Anny of the Potomac to that 
quarter, whose operations we have already considered. Sheri- 
dan in the Valley, Sherman and Tliomas in Georgia and Ten- 
nessee, and the powerful naval force that was blockading the 
port of Wilmington, formed a cordon which was gradually 
crushing out the life of the Confederacy. 

As Sherman advanced from Cliattanooga, Johnston declined 
to make a counter-advance into Tennessee, as advised by the 
authorities at Richmond, but gradually retired before him to 
Atlanta. He was removed from command at this point, and 
replaced by Hood, who, after an unsuccessful engagement with 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 393 

Sherman, adopted the Government plan of an advance into 
Tennessee, where he was seriously defeated by Thomas. The 
removal of Johnston at that critical juncture — at the very time 
when, as he affirms, he was abont to attack the enemy — was a 
serious error that could scarcely fail to be followed by disaster. 

Sherman was now relieved from all organized opposition, 
and advanced leisurely to Savannah, and thence northward 
through South Carolina, leaving a broad track of desolation 
behind him. 

The blockade of Wilmington was conducted for the purpose 
of closing the final gateway of intercourse between the Con- 
federacy and the outer world, the port through which muni- 
tions of war and supplies for the Confederate armies were 
chiefly obtained. This port had become of such importance 
that the greatest efforts were made to maintain it, while the 
Federal authorities made as strenuous efforts to close it to the 
daring blockade-runners which had so long evaded the utmost 
vigilance of the blockading fleet. 

Its most important defensive work was Fort Fisher, a power- 
ful and admirably situated earthwork commanding the narrow 
pass which connects Cape Fear River with the ocean. This 
was* garrisoned by about 1000 men under Colonel Lamb, with, 
usually, a covering force of several thousand men under Gen- 
eral Whiting. 

General Grant at an early stage of the siege saw the necessity 
of taking this fort, and during the summer and fall there was 
prepared a powerful fleet of transports and gunboats under 
Admiral Porter. General Butler, who was given the com- 
mand of the land forces, had conceived the idea of exploding 
a powder-ship near the fort, with the belief that the shock 
would so shatter its walls as to render it an easy prey to the 
fleet. ., 

General Grant had no great faith in this new method of 
reducing a fortress, but he did not object to its being tried ; 
and the I expedition^ eventually set sail, reaching the neighbbr- 
hood of Fort Fisher on December 15th. j^ 

The powder-ship was exploded several ^ays afterward, just 
before dawn, but with so little efiect upon the fort that the 



394 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

garrison did not know what had actually happened, but sup- 
posed that an explosion had occurred among the blockading 
ships in the offing. The failure was followed by a fierce bom- 
bardment from the fleet, but the land force did not deem it 
expedient, after a careful reconnoissance, to make an assault, 
and the expedition withdrew on December 23d, leaving Fort 
Fisher but little the worse for the enterprise. 

Yet the easy repulse of so formidable an expedition had an 
unfortunate result. It created a false sense of security that 
subsequently led to an easy capture of the fort, and the conse- 
quent fall of Wilmington, the sole remaining port of the Con- 
federate States. In fact, Grant was so far from being discour- 
aged by the failure of the powder-ship enterprise that he or- 
dered the immediate preparation of another and more formid- 
able expedition. This reached the locality of Fort Fisher 
about the middle of January, 1865. The column of assault, 
under the command of General Terry, was immediately landed, 
and while the fort was assailed by a terrific naval bombardment 
the troops advanced on it with such vigor that the garrison was 
compelled to yield after a short but gallant resistance. The 
fall of Fort Fisher closed the port of Wilmington and threw 
the Confederacy entirely, upon its own resources. 

While the operations above described were in progress the 
siege of Petersburg languished. The large detachments which 
had been withdrawn from Grant's army, first to oppose Early, 
and subsequently for the expedition against Wilmington, had 
so reduced his force as to prevent very vigorous operations 
against Richmond and Petersburg. 

In the mean time, Lee, finding himself too weak to hazard 
a serious blow, did all he could to preserve his army from the 
constant attrition that was wearing it away. The only means 
that now remained open to him for replenishing his army was 
through conscription, yet the few unwilling recruits obtained 
in this way were of doubtful utility, since many either deserted 
to the enemy, bearing with them much important information, 
or spread dissatisfaction among the tried troops. 

We may briefly recapitulate the principal military events 
that occurred from the period of the mine explosion till the 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 395 

coming of winter. The first of these was an indecisive attack 
on the Confederate works north of the James. A force under 
General Hancock was landed at Deep Bottom on the 13th of 
August, This movement, which comprised two corps of in- 
fantry and General Gregg's cavalry division, was made with 
great secrecy, and was intended to be a surprise. But in this 
respect it failed, since General Lee penetrated the design of the 
enemy, reinforced the lines north of the river, and finally suc- 
ceeded in driving off the assailants, who experienced a loss ol 
1500 men. 

This assault was immediately followed by a movement from 
the left flank, designed to seize the Weldon Railroad while 
the Confederate line at that point was weakened in conse- 
quence of the reinforcements sent to oppose Hancock. This 
advance, which was under the leadership of Warren, proved 
successful in its main object. The Federals met with consid- 
erable loss, but they succeeded in taking and holding the rail- 
road. The possession of this road was important to Lee, though 
not vitally so, and he made a spirited effort to recapture it. An 
assault was made on Warren's line which turned his left flank 
and captured 2500 prisoners, among them General Hays. Yet 
Warren had established himself too firmly to be driven out, 
and the Weldon road was lost to the Confederate cause. 

Grant at once followed up his advantage by sending a pow- 
erful force to Reams Station, to which point the road was torn 
up. This force was attacked on August 25th by A. P. Hill 
with such vigor that the Federal line was broken and driven 
back with severe loss. Hancock, who commanded the Fed- 
eral force, withdrew during the night, leaving behind him, 
Dut of a force of 8000 men, 2400 killed, wounded, and miss- 
ing, 1700 of these being prisoners. The Confederate loss was 
also severe. 

These engagements were followed by a persistent advance 
of the Federal left, point after point being occupied and the 
works extended, though at every point the invading columns 
found themselves faced by strong Confederate earthworks. 
Daring these movements there were some sharp encounters, 
though no action of importance took place. 



396 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

While these operations on the right were in progress, Gen- 
eral Butler crossed to the north of the James on the night of 
September 8th, and the next morning made a sudden assault 
on the Confederate earthwork below Chapin's farm known as 
Fort Harrison, which he captured, with fifteen pieces of artil- 
lery. This was the extent of his successes, though he suc- 
ceeded in holding the fort despite several efibrts to dis- 
lodge him. 

Late in October a turning movement against Petersburg was 
attempted, a heavy column being thrown across Hatcher's Run 
on the 27th, which advanced to the vicinity of Burgess's mill 
on the Boydton road — an avenue which had become of con- 
siderable importance to General Lee since the loss of the Wel- 
don Railroad. A severe struggle took place at this point, Lee 
taking advantage of the opportunity to launch Hill's corps 
against the isolated force of the enemy, while nearly at the 
same time Hampton's cavalry division made a vigorous assault 
upon the Federal left and rear. Hancock was forced back with 
a loss of 1500 men, his enterprise having proved a complete 
failure. 

This ended the operations on the right of the lines until the 
opening of the spring campaign, with the exception of a Fed- 
eral movement begun on the 5th of February with the same 
purpose as that of the October advance — namely, to turn the 
Confederate right and seize the Southside Railroad. It met with 
the same fortune as the preceding operation, the advancing 
column being assailed in flank and rear by the Confederates 
and driven back in disorder. The loss in this affair was about 
2000 to the Federals and nearly 1000 to the Confederates, who 
advanced too far and were met by a heavy fire from a Federal 
intrenchment. At this point fell the brave general John Pe- 
gram, one of the most gallant and lamented of the Confederate 
ofl[icers. His loss was the more regretted as he had just before 
been married, and therefore that he left by his untimely death 
a widowed bride. 

During the period of the autumn and winter campaign Gen- 
eral Lee continued in excellent health and bore his many cares 
with his usual equanimity. He had aged somewhat in ap- 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 397 

pearance since the beginning of the war, but had rather gained 
than lost in physical vigor from the severe life he had led. 
His hair had grown gray, but his face had the ruddy hue of 
health and his eyes were as clear and bright as ever. His 
dress was always a plain gray uniform, with cavalry boots 
reaching nearly to his knees, and a broad-brimmed gray felt 
hat. He seldom wore a weapon, and his only marks of rank 
were the stars on his collar. Though always abstemious in 
diet, he seemed able to bear any amount of fatigue, being capa- 
ble of remaining- in his saddle all dav and at his desk half the 
night. 

No commander was ever more careful of his men, and never 
had care for the comfort of an army given rise to greater devo- 
tion. He was constantly calling to the attention of the author- 
ities the wants of his soldiers, and making every effort to pro- 
vide them with food and clothing. The feeling for him was 
one of love, not of awe or dread. They could approach him 
with the assurance that they would be received with kindness 
and consideration, and that any just complaint would receive 
proper attention. There was no condescension in his manner, 
but he was ever simple, kind, and sympathetic, and his men, 
while having unbounded faith in him as a leader, almost wor- 
shipped him as a man. These relations of affection and mutual 
confidence between the army and its commander had much to 
do with the undaunted bravery displayed by the men, and bore 
a due share in the many victories they gained. 

Nor was his attention solely given to the cares of camp and 
field. ^ His warm affection for his wife and children never for 
a moment ceased, and his letters to them breathe the spirit of 
the quiet father of a family, not of the great warrior engaged 
in deadly fray. Seldom has a general busied in the details 
of a mighty war written home a letter so full of wise fatherly 
counsel and deep affection as may be found in the one which 
we append, from General Lee to one of his daughters : 

" Camp, Petersburg, 6th November, 1864. 

"My Precious Life: This is the first day I have had 
leisure to answer your letter. I enjoyed it very much at the 



398 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

time of its reception, and have enjoyed it since. Bnt I have 
often thought of you in the mean time, and have seen you 
besides. Indeed, I may say you are never out of my thoughts. 
I hope you think of me often, and if you could know how 
earnestly I desire your true happiness, how ardently I pray you 
may be directed to every good and saved from every evil, you 
would as sincerely strive for its accomplishment. Now in your 
youth you must be careful to discipline your thoughts, words, 
and actions. Habituate yourself to useful employment, reg- 
ular improvement, and to the benefit of all those around 
you. 

" You have had some opportunity of learning the rudiments 
of your education — not as good as I should have desired, but I 
am much cheered by the belief that you availed }ourself of 
it — and I think you are now prepared by diligence and study 
to learn whatever you desire. Do not allow yourself to forget 
what you have spent so much time and labor in acquiring, but 
increase it every day by extended application. I hope you will 
embrace in your studies all useful acquisitions. 

"I was so much pleased to hear that while at 'Bremo' you 
passed much of your time in reading and music: all accom- 
plishments will enable 3'ou to give pleasure, and thus exert a 
wholesome influence. Never neglect the means of making 
yourself useful in the world. 

"I think you will not have to complain of Rob again for 
neglecting your schoolmates. He has equipped himself with 
a new uniform from top to toe, and with a new and handsome 
horse is cultivating a marvellous beard and preparing for 
conquest. 

" I went down on the lines to the right Friday, beyond Ro- 
wanty Creek, and pitched my camp within six miles of Fitz- 
hugh's that night. Rob came up and spent the night with 
me, and Fitzhugh appeared early in the morning. They rode 
with me till late that day. I visited the battlefield in that 
quarter, and General Hampton in describing it said there had 
not been during the war a more spirited charge than Fitz- 
hugh's division made that day up the Boydton plank road, 
flriving cavalry and infantry before him, in which he was 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 399 

stopped by night. I did not know before that his horse had 
been shot under him. 

"Give a great deal of love to your dear mother, and kiss 
your sisters for me. Tell them they must keep well, not talk 
too much, and go to bed early. 

' ' Ever your devoted father, 

"R. E. Lee." 

We may add some anecdotes of his life during this period, 
ere we proceed with the record of historical events. Colonel 
Taylor, in his Four Years with General Lee^ gives some inter- 
esting extracts from his note-book, from which we select the 
following characteristic incident: 

"Petersburg, Va., November 7, 1864. — On leaving the 
north side the general left it to me to select an abiding-place 
for our party here. I, of course, selected a place where I 
thought he would be comfortable, although I firmly believe 
he concluded that I was thinking more of myself than of him. 
I took possession of a vacant house, and had his room prepared 
with a cheerful fire, and everything made as cozy as possible. 
It was entirely too pleasant for him, for he is never so uncom- 
fortable as when comfortable. A day or two after our arrival 
he informed me that he desired to visit the cavalry lines, and 
thought it best to move our camp down. So we packed up bag 
and baggage, books and records, and moved to a point about 
eight miles distant, pitched our tents, and concluded that we 
were fixed for some days at least. The next morning, however, 
the general concluded that we had better return. So back I 
came to Petersburg, and, as I could find no better place — nor a 
worse one that was suitable — I returned to the house we had 
vacated, where we are now comfortably established. This is 
the first time we have been quartered in a house. ' ' 

Another note of Colonel Taylor's, dated November 27th, will 
serve as a companion-piece to the foregoing: 

"While General Lee was at Richmond, I concluded to move 
headquarters, as a party that proposed to occupy the house as 
soon as we should vacate had given a gentle hint by sending to 
inquire when General Lee would leave the house. The only 



400 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

other house available was one two miles from the city, kindly 
offered by the owner, Mr. Tnrnbull. So here we arc at ' Edge 
Hill.' I am finely fixed in the parlor with piano, sofas, rocking- 
chairs, and pictures — capital surroundings for a winter cam- 
paign. After locating the general and my associates of the 
staff, I concluded that I would have to occupy one of the mis- 
erable little back rooms, but the gentleman of the house sug- 
gested that I should take the parlor. I think that the general 
was pleased with his room, and on entering mine he remarked, 
'Ah, you are finely fixed. Couldn't you find any other room?' 
— 'No,' I replied, 'but this will do; I can make myself toler- 
ably comfortable here.' He was struck dumb with amazement 
at my impudence, and soon vanished." 

From Jones's Personal Reminiscences of General Lee we 
extract the following amusing anecdote: 

"While at winter quarters at Petersburg a party of officers 
were one night busily engaged in discussing at the same time 
a mathematical problem and the contents of a stone jug which 
was garnished by two tin cups. In the midst of this General 
Lee came in to make some inquir}'. He got the information 
he wanted, gave a solution of the problem, and went out, the 
officers expressing to each other the hope that the general had 
not noticed the jug and cups. The next day one of the officers 
in the presence of the others was relating to General Lee a very 
strange dream he had the night before. The general listened 
with apparent interest to the narrative, and quietly rejoined: 
' That is not at all remarkable. When young gentlemen discuss 
at midnight mathematical problems the unknown quantities of 
which are a stone jug and two tin cups, they may expect to have 
strange dreams.' " 

His opinion of newspaper generals, those talented editors who 
have no difficulty in wielding armies and winning victories from 
editorial rooms, was satirically expressed in a conversation with 
the Hon. B. H. Hill during this period of the war. 

"We made a great mistake, Mr. Hill, in the beginning of 
our struggle," said General Lee in his quietly humorous man- 
ner, "and I fear, in spite of all we can do, it will prove to be a 
fatal mistake." 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 40I 

"What mistake is that, general?" 

"Why, sir, in the beginning we appointed all our worst gen- 
erals to command the armies, and all our best generals to edit 
the newspapers. As you know, I have planned some campaigns 
and quite a number of battles. I have given the work all the 
care and thought I could, and sometimes, when my plans were 
completed, as far as I could see they seemed to be perfect. But 
when I have fought them through I have discovered defects, 
and occasionally wondered I did not see some of the defects in 
advance. When it was all over I found by reading a newspaper 
that these best editor-generals saw all the defects plainly from 
the start. Unfortunately, they did not communicate their 
knowledge to me until it was too late." 

Pausing for a moment, he resumed, with his beautiful, grave 
expression : 

"I have no ambition but to serve the Confederacy and do all 
I can to win our independence. I am willing to serve in any 
capacity to which the authorities may assign me. I have done 
the best I could in the field, and have not succeeded as I should 
wish. I am willing to yield my place to these best generals, 
and I will do my best for the cause in editing a newspaper." 

On another occasion he remarked in the same connection, 
"Even as poor a soldier as I am can generally discover mistakes 
after it is all over. But if I could only induce these wise gen- 
tlemen, who see them so clearly beforehand^ to communicate 
with me in advance, instead of waiting till the evil has come 
upon us — to let me know that they knew all the time — it would 
be far better for my reputation and, what is of more conse- 
quence, far better for the cause." 

During this' period two events occurred which are worthy of 
notice. One of these was the appointment of General Lee, on 
February 6, 1865, as commander-in-chief of all the Confederate 
armies. Had this appointment been made two years earlier, it 
is probable that a different state of affairs would have existed; 
but at that late date it was merely an empty title, since the 
Confederate armies had become, with the exception of the Army 
of Northern Virginia, nearly dissipated, and no opportunity re- 
mained for the profitable exercise of his extended power. 



402 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

The other incident was the arrival in Richmond of Mr. 
Francis Blair, a distinguished citizen of the United States 
and a confidential friend of Mr. Lincoln. Although this 
visit was entirely unofficial in its character, it proved to be 
the origin of a peace commission which was soon after ac- 
credited to meet Mr. Lincoln and his Secretary of State, Mr. 
Seward, at Fortress Monroe. The interview took place in 
February, on board a United States vessel then lying in 
Hampton Roads. 

The commission consisted of Mr. A. H. Stephens, Vice-Pres- 
ident of the Confederacy, and Messrs. Hunter and Campbell, 
two of the most distinguished Southern statesmen. The meet- 
ing was without formality, and assumed more the appearance 
of a private interview than of a diplomatic conference. 

Mr. Blair, on his visit to President Davis, suggested that the 
Monroe doctrine, a favorite principle in American politics, might 
be made the means of allaying the existing hostility and bring- 
ing about a reunion of the States, especially as the usurpation 
of the Mexican Government by Maximilian under the patron- 
age of France afforded a sufficient pretext for the enforcement 
of that doctrine. Six months earlier this plausible solution of 
the American difficulties might have met with favorable con- 
sideration; but now it was too late for the introduction of such 
a scheme, as the sequel proved. When this point was touched 
upon by Mr. Stephens, it was coldly received by ]\Ir. Lincoln, 
whose ultimatum was unconditional surrender. As the powers 
of the Confederate commission did not involve such an alterna- 
tive, the conference came to an end. 

When the Confederate commissioners returned to Richmond 
and reported the ill-success of their mission, a sense of disap- 
pointment was felt throughout the land. This was succeeded by 
an indignant determination to carry on the contest to the bitter 
end. The event called forth from President Davis an address 
of the greatest eloquence and inspired by the highest spirit of 
patriotism. This notable oration rekindled the expiring enthu- 
siasm of the Confederates and nerved their arms to renewed 
efforts in the maintenance of a now almost desperate cause. 
So great was the feeling raised by his inspiring words that 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 4O3 

if General Lee could at that time have taken the field and 
drawn Grant high up the country among the hills and moun- 
tain-spurs, whose friendly aid he knew so well how to apply, 
the Confederate power might h'ave longer remained unbroken 
and honorable terms of peace have been obtained. 

General Lee had actually taken steps to adopt a plan that 
offered the only hope of success, but this was overruled. The 
soundest advice in the land was disregarded, and it was decided 
that the Confederacy should live or die at Richmond. Lee 
knew well that there could be but one end to a continuance of 
the siege, and this opinion he freely expressed to General Long 
in a conversation held with him the day before the surrender. 
It had been his wish to withdraw his forces and take up a line 
behind the Staunton River. In this position he could have 
greatly harassed and hampered Grant, who would have found 
it difficult to perform any effective offensive operations with 
a line of communications one hundred and fifty miles long 
to defend. Thus situated, he might have prolonged the war 
almost indefinitely. The mountains in his rear would have 
given him an opportunity to retreat into Tennessee if neces- 
sary, or to move south by way of Danville, with little or no 
danger of interception. At the same time, he could readily 
have drawn to his aid all the detachments from West Virginia, 
North and South Carolina, and the other States, which com- 
bined would have given him a very respectable army. When 
his actual retreat took place his intention was that here indi- 
cated, but at that time his depletion in numbers and the advan- 
tageous position of his opponents so greatly increased the 
difficulties of the movement as to render it almost hopeless. 

A continued defence of Richmond in accordance with the 
plan of the civil authorities offered but one chance of success. 
If Lee could have been rapidly reinforced by 25,000 men, he 
would have been able to assume the offensive, and might have 
pushed Grant into the swamps of the Chickahominy, as he had 
served McClellan on a previous occasion. Yet it was impos- 
sible to obtain such a reinforcement. With a force of barely 
35,000 men he had from June until March maintained with 
matchless skill a line of thirty-five miles in extent against a 



404 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

force of more than four times that number. But as the spring 
opened it became daily more apparent that human power and 
endurance could do no more, and that a forced evacuation of 
the beleaguered cities was near at hand. 

In anticipation of that event General Lee caused the removal 
of all his surplus material to Amelia Court-house. This point 
was suitable as a rallying-place for the army on the occurrence 
of an event which td all observing minds appeared inevitable. 
Notwithstanding the hopelessness of the contest, nothing was 
omitted that the genius of the general could devise or the 
energy and devotion of the troops accomplish. 

While Lee was quietly making these preparations in antici- 
pation of an event which was evidently near at hand, and 
which, if he had been guided by his own counsel, he would 
have hastened instead of delaying until forcibly driven to it, 
Grant had begun the concentration of his forces in order to 
complete his interior cordon or line of investment. 

His circle of external investment was now complete, and 
every line of communication with the more distant portions of 
the Confederacy was effectually cut off. By the last of IMarch, 
Sheridan had joined him with his forces from the Valley, while 
Sherman was moving slowly through South Carolina toward 
Virginia and Thomas was preparing to advance on the East 
Tennessee and the Virginia and Tennessee railroads. The 
next step in the progress of the siege was the seizure of the 
communications between Petersburg and the South. 

While his adversary was thus active, Lee was not idle. He 
had formed a plan to surprise the enemy's centre by a night- 
attack, which if successful would have given him possession 
of a commanding position in the enemy's rear and control of 
the military railroad to City Point — a \^xy important part of 
Grant's communications. Lee's full purpose in this movement 
has been variously surmised by historians. If it was to favor 
his retreat, as some conclude, it was well devised, since success 
would have forced Grant to withdraw his left to protect his 
base of supplies, and thus have left Lee an open road of with- 
drawal. If it was designed to improve his own position and 
check the Federal operations against his right, it was equally 



> THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 405 

well devised, since it might have led to the capture or destruc- 
tion of Grant's left wing. It was one of those military move- 
ments whose purpose is left in , abeyance, the future policy of 
the commander being dependent upon his measure of success 
and the change in the situation thereby occasioned. Whatever 
the design in General Lee's mind, the ill-success of the effort 
rendered it abortive. 

The portion of the enemy's line selected for the point of 
attack lay opposite General Gordon's front, and within about 
two hundred yards of it, the opposing works being here very 
close together. Gordon was assigned to the command of the 
attacking column, whose movement was directed against Fort 
Steadman, a strong earthwork near the south bank of the Ap- 
pomattox. The ground in front of the fort was obstructed by 
abatis, but it was hoped these difficulties could be overcome 
by a movement under cover of the darkness and the fort 
reached unobserved. 

The column of attack was drawn up before dawn on the 
morning of March 25th. It consisted of some 3000 or 4000 
men, but a considerable force was held in reserve to follow 
up the attack if successful. 

In the early dawn the Confederate column moved noiselessly 
out into the intervening space and passed swiftly forward, un- 
noticed by the Federals, whose guards displayed little vigilance. 
A few minutes sufficed to reach the front of the opposing works, 
and the surprised garrison of Fort Steadman arose to find their 
stronghold in the possession of their foes. 

All this had been the work of very few minutes, at the end 
of which time all of the garrison who were not prisoners were 
flying in a panic from the fort. The gufis of the redoubt w^ere 
at once turned on the neighboring works, and several batteries 
to the right and left were cleared of their defenders and occu- 
pied by Gordon's brave stormers. 

Now was the time for the supporting column to advance. 
Had it done so rapidly, the advantage could have been sus- 
tained, and by a seizure of the hill in the rear of Fort Stead- 
man the Federal army would have been cut in two at its 
centre. For some reason which has never been made very 



406 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

clear this advance was not made. One of those unfortunate 
failures in combination which have caused the loss of so many 
battles here occurred, and the well-devised plan of the Con- 
federate commander came to naught through dereliction of 
duty, misconception of orders, or whatever may have been 
the cause of the fatal delay. 

Gordon with his small force was left to bear the whole brunt 
of the Federal assault which quickly fell upon him. Fort 
Hascall, to the left of Fort Steadman, opened upon it a ter- 
rific fire, under cover of which a heavy column of infantry ad- 
v^anced, and something like the scene which followed the mine 
explosion ensued. A considerable portion of the assailing 
column was unable to withdraw and remained prisoners in 
the hands of the Federals, while many lay dead and wounded 
about the recaptured works. Thus through misconception 
or mismanagement this promising assault failed, and an early 
retreat became the only alternative remaining to General Lee. 

This unsuccessful effort was quickly followed by a vigor- 
ous advance on the part of Grant, who concentrated his prin- 
cipal force south and west of Petersburg with the view of 
assailing the Confederate right. Early on the morning of 
March 29th the corps of Warren and Humphreys broke camp 
and moved toward Lee's intrenchments on the extreme right, 
while Sheridan, with the cavalry, made a wider sweep and 
occupied Dinwiddle Court-house, six miles south-west of the 
point reached by the infantry. 

Yet, swiftly and secretly as this movement was made, it did 
not escape Lee's vigilant eye. He quickly divined where the 
blow was to fall, and, leaving the works north of the James 
under Longstreet and those at Petersburg under Gordon but 
weakly garrisoned, he removed the remainder of his army, 
consisting of about i5,ckx) infantry and 2000 cavalry, into the 
works along the White Oak road. 

Here, on the morning of the 31st, Lee made the flank attack 
which he had so often attempted with success against the Fed- 
eral columns. Not waiting for the assault, he boldly took the 
initiative, and fell upon tlicir exposed flank while they were 
entangled in the intricacies of a swampy forest. So sudden 



THE SIEGE CONTINUED. 407 

and heavy was tlie blow that the divisions encountered hastily 
gave way. But upon meeting the main body of the Federal 
troops he found it so thickly massed and well posted as to ren- 
der an assault hopeless. He therefore fell back to his works. 

On the same day Sheridan advanced toward Five Forks. 
Before reaching that point, however, he was encountered by 
the Confederate cavalry under the chief command of General 
Fitz lyce, supported by the infantry under Pickett. A severe 
combat ensued, in which Sheridan was driven back to Din- 
widdle Court-house with considerable loss. 

On the ist of April, Sheridan was reinforced by two corps 
of infantry, and with this powerful aid he renewed his attack 
upon Five Forks, which place was carried late in the evening 
and the Confederates driven back. 

General Lee, perceiving that his forces were too weak to 
combat successfully with the enemy, ordered Longstreet on 
the afternoon of the ist to bring his corps with all speed from 
before Richmond to Petersburg, with the object of supporting 
his right wing. 

Early on the morning of the 2d the Federals renewed the 
attack, breaking the lines of the Confederates and forcing 
them from their position. The Federals then took pos- 
session of the Southside Railroad with little opposition, 
while the Confederates fell back toward Petersburg, followed 
by the victorious enemy. The pursuit was continued until it 
was arrested by the guns from two redoubts. Forts Alexander 
and Gregg, which with great gallantry held the enemy in check 
until Ivongstreet came up and interposed his corps, effectually 
arresting the further advance of the Federal columns. 

In the conflict here described fell many gallant warriors, 
chief among them lyieutenant-general A. P. Hill, who was 
slain while endeavoring- to reach Heth's division, which had 
been ordered to support Pickett on the right. No man had 
been more distinguished throughout the war for chivalric bear- 
ing than this brave soldier. On every field where appeared 
the Army of Northern Virginia he had borne a conspicuous 
part, and now in the last battle of that noble army he found 
a hero's orrave. 



408 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

With the advantage here gained by the Federal arinj' Lee's 
position at Petersburg became untenable, and nothing remained 
but a retreat, either to the fortifications about Richmond or to 
the mountain-region to the west. The description of the 
course adopted by General Lee and the subsequent events of 
the war will form the subject of our next chapter. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 

The Last Day at Petersburg. — The Evacuation. — Richmond on Fire. — The Army in 
Retreat. — The Federals in Richmond. — Grant in Pursuit. — At Amelia Court-house. 
— The P'ood-train Missing. — Perilous State of the Army. — Lee's Demeanor. — The 
Federals at Hand. — Skirmishing. — Capture of Ewell's Corps. — Rations at Farm- 
ville. — Engagements with the Pursuers. — Reminiscence of Colonel Jones. — Gen- 
eral Wise in his War-paint. — A Delegation to Lee from the Officers. — General 
Pendleton Describes the Interview. — The Retreat Continued. — Correspondence 
between Lee and Grant. — Loss of the Stores at Appomattox. — Preparation for 
Battle. — The Advance on the 9th. — The Final Assault. — Colonel Venable's Rela 
tion. — The Flag of Truce. — Lee's "Apple Tree." — Meeting of Lee and Grant. — 
Their Conversation. — Terms of Surrender. — Lee Greeted by his Army. — Extracts 
from Letter to Davis. — The Number of Effective Men. — The Army Disbanded. — 
Lee and Meade. — General Hunter Interviewed. — Lee Returns to Richmond. — At 
Home. 

THE success of the Federal army in breaking the lines of 
Petersburg had rendered the retreat of the Confederate 
force imperative. An ejEfort to hold Richmond with every line 
of communication with the South broken or in imminent dan- 
ger would have been madness. But by abandoning his works 
and concentrating his army, which still amounted to about 
30,000 men, General lyce might retire to some natural strong- 
hold in the interior, where the defensible features of the coun- 
try would enable him to oppose Grant's formidable host until 
he could rally strength to strike an effective blow. 

This course was at once decided upon, and early on the 
morning of the 2d of April, Lee sent a despatch to the Gov- 
ernment authorities at Richmond informing them of the dis- 
astrous situation of affairs and of the necessity of his evacuat- 
ing Petersburg that night. Orders were also sent to the forces 
north of the James to move at once and join him, while all the 
preparations necessary for the evacuation of Richmond, both 
as the seat of Government and as a military post, were expe- 
ditiously made. 

409 



41 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

There was, indeed, no time to be lost. The Federal forces 
were at every point pressing forward upon the Petersburg lines. 
Fort Gregg had fallen, and the city was strongly threatened. A 
battery on a hill near General Lee's headquarters was attacked 
by an infantry force, and had to be withdrawn to save it from 
capture. Lee mounted his horse and rode back, surrounded 
by his staff, toward his inner line of defence. His composure 
was remarkable, considering the situation, and it was in his 
habitually quiet tone that he said to a member of his staff, 
"This is a bad business, colonel." 

To another officer he remarked, "Well, colonel, it has hap- 
pened as I told them at Richmond it would : the line has been 
stretched until it has broken." 

As he continued to ride slowly back toward Petersburg the 
group drew the fire of the Federal artillery, and shells began 
to burst around them, an officer's horse being killed and other 
damage done. With his usual undisturbed demeanor under fire, 
he continued to ride slowly onward until he had entered the 
line of earthworks immediately surrounding the city, where he 
was greeted with shouts of welcome by the ragged but unflinch- 
ing defenders. Orders were given to hold this line, if possible, 
until night. Fortunately, General Grant did not press his attack, 
and time was given the Confederates to complete their prepara- 
tions for withdrawal. 

Along the north bank of the Appomattox moved the long 
lines of artillery and dark columns of infantry through the 
gloom of the night, over the roads leading to Amelia Court- 
liouse. By midnight the evacuation was completed, and a 
death-like silence reigned in the breastworks which for nine 
months had been "clothed in thunder," and whose deadly 
blows hhd kept at bay a foe of threefold strength. 

As the troops moved noiselessly onward in the darkness that 
just precedes the dawn a bright light like a broad flash of 
lightning illumined the heavens for an instant ; then followed 
a tremendous explosion. "The magazine at Fort Drewry is 
blown up," ran in whispers through the ranks, and again 
silence reigned. Once more the sky was overspread by a lurid 
light, but not so fleeting as before. It was now the conflagra- 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 41I 

tion of Riclimond that lighted the night-march of the soldiers, 
and many a stout heart was wrung with anguish at the fate of 
the city and its defenceless inhabitants. The burning of pub- 
lic property of little value had given rise to a destructive fire 
that laid in ashes nearly one-third of the devoted city. 

The columns from Petersburg and its vicinity reached Ches^ 
terfield Court-house soon after daylight. Here a brief halt was 
ordered for the rest and refreshment of the troops, after which 
the retreat was resumed with renewed strength. A sense of 
relief seemed to pervade the ranks at their release from the 
lines where they had watched and worked for more than nine 
weary months. Once more in the open field, they were invig- 
orated with hope, and felt better able to cope with their pow- 
erful adversary. 

The April woods were budding round them, the odors of 
spring were in the air, the green fields and the broad prospect 
of woods and hills formed an inspiriting contrast to the close 
earthworks behind which they had so long lain, and as they 
marched along the unobstructed roads memories of the many 
victories to which they had formerly been led arose to nerve 
their arms and make them feel that while they had the same 
noble chieftain at their head they were still the equal of the 
foe. Thoughts like these lightened the weary march and gave 
new spirit to the ragged and hungry but undaunted men. 

The retreat of Lee's army did not long remain unknown to 
the Federals. The explosion of the magazine at Fort Drewry 
and the conflagration of Richmond apprised them of the fact, 
and they lost no time in taking possession of the abandoned 
works and entering the defenceless cities. 

On the morning of the 3d of April the mayor of Richmond 
surrendered the city to the Federal commander in its vicinity, 
and General Weitzel took immediate possession. He at once 
proceeded to enforce order and took measures to arrest the 
conflagration, while with great humanity he endeavored to re- 
lieve the distressed citizens. After four years of courageous 
sacrifice and patriotic devotion the city of Richmond was com- 
pelled to yield to the decree of fate and bow her proud crest to 
the victor. But she felt no shame or disgrace, for her defence 



412 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

had been bold and chivalrous, and in tl\e hour of her adversity 
her majestic fortitude drew from her conquerors respect and 
admiration. 

As soon as Grant became aware of Lee's line of retreat he 
pushed forward his whole available force, numbering 70,000 or 
80,000 men, in order to intercept him on the line of the Rich- 
mond and Danville Railroad. Sheridan's cavalry formed the 
van of the pursuing column, and was closely followed by the 
artiller}' and infantry. Lee pressed on as rapidly as possible 
to Amelia Court-house, where he had ordered supplies to be 
deposited for the use of his troops on their arrival. This fore- 
thought was highly necessary in consequence of the scanty 
supply of rations provided at the commencement of the 
retreat. 

The hope of finding a supply of food at this point, which 
had done much to buoy up the spirits of the men, was des- 
tined to be cruelly dispelled. Through an unfortunate error 
or misapprehension of orders the provision-train had been 
taken on to Richmond without unloading its stores at Amelia 
Court-house, and its much-needed food disappeared during the 
excitement and confusion of the capital city. As a result, on 
reaching that point not a single ration was found to be provided 
for the hungry troops. 

It was a terrible blow alike to the men and to their general. 
A reaction from hope to despair came upon the brave soldiers 
who had so far borne up under the most depressing difficulties, 
while on General Lee's face came a deeper shadow than it had 
yet worn. He saw his well-devised plan imperilled by a cir- 
cumstance beyond his control. The necessity of speed if he 
would achieve the aim which he had in his mind was opposed 
by the absolute need of halting and collecting food for his 
impoverished troops. Grant was pursuing him with all haste. 
The only chance remaining to the Army of Northern Virginia 
was to reach the hill-country without delay. Yet here it was 
detained by the error of a railroad official, while the precious 
minutes and hours moved remorselessly by. 

By the morning of the 5th the whole army had reached the 
place of general rendezvous. Bitter was its disappointment to 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 413 

learn that no food was to be had save such scanty quantities as 
might be collected by the foraging-parties that had immedi- 
ately been sent out, and that a distance of fifty miles lay be- 
tween it and adequate supplies. Yet no murmur came from 
the lips of the men to the ear of their commander, and on the 
evening of that unfortunate ■ day they resumed their weary 
march in silence and composure. Some small amount of 
food had been brought in by the foragers, greatly inadequate 
for the wants of the soldiers, yet aiding them to somewhat 
alleviate the pangs of hunger. A handful of corn was now a 
feast to the weary veterans as they trudged onward through 
the April night. 

General Lee had never appeared more grandly heroic than 
on this occasion. All eyes were raised to him for a deliver- 
ance which no human power seemed able to give. He alone 
was expected to provide food for the starving army and rescue 
it from the attacks of a powerful and eager enemy. Under the 
accumulation of difficulties his courage seemed to expand, 
and wherever he appeared his presence inspired the weak and 
weary with renewed energy to continue the toilsome march. 

During these trying scenes his countenance wore its habitual 
calm, grave expression. Those who watched his face to catch 
a glimpse of what was passing in his mind could gather thence 
no trace of his inner sentiments. Only once during the retreat 
was he perceived to lose the most complete self-control. On 
inquiring at Farmville why a certain bridge had not been 
burned, he spoke of the blunder with a warmth and impatience 
which served to show how great a repression he ordinarily ex- 
ercised over his feelings. 

The progress of the retreat during the night was slow and 
tedious, the route for the most part lying through farms and 
over farm-lands, whose condition frequently demanded the aid 
of the pioneers to construct and repair bridges and causeways 
for the artill'ery and wagons, the teams of which by this time 
had become weak and jaded. The country roads were miry 
from the spring rains, the streams were swollen, and the nu- 
merous wagons which were necessary to transport the munitions 
of war from Richmond to a new line of defence served to retard 



414 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the retreat and pennit the Federals to rapidly gain upon the 
slowly-marching columns. 

Slieridan's cavalry was already upon the flank of the Confed- 
erate army, and the infantry, was following with all speed. On 
the morning of the 6th a wagon-train fell into the hands of 
Sheridan's troopers, but this was recaptured by the Confeder- 
ates. During the forenoon of that day the pursuing columns 
thickened and frequent skirmishes delayed the march. These 
delays enabled the Federals to accumulate in such force that 
it became necessary for Lee to halt his advance in order 
to arrest their attack till his column could close up, and the 
trains and such artillery as was not needed for action could 
reach a point of safety. 

This object was accomplished early in the afternoon. Ewell's, 
the rearmost corps in the army, closed upon those in front at 
a position on Sailor's Creek, 'a small tributary of the Appomat- 
tox River. While the troops were moving to their destination, 
and the trains had passed, General Gordon, who commanded 
the rear-guard, observing a considerable Federal force moving 
around the Confederate rear, apparently with the intention of 
turning it, sent notice of this movement to the troops in front, 
and then proceeded by a near route to a suitable position on the 
line of retreat. 

Ewell, unfortunately, either failed to receive Gordon's mes- 
sage or his troops were so worn out with hunger and fatigue 
as to be dilatory in complying with orders. As a consequence 
his corps was surrounded by the pursuing columns and cap- 
tured with but little opposition. About the same time the 
divisions of Anderson, Pickett, and Bushrod Johnson were 
almost broken up, about 10,000 men in all being captured. 
The remainder of the army continued its retreat during the 
night of the 6th, and reached Farmville early on the morning 
of the 7th, where the troops obtained two days' rations, the 
first regular supplies they had received during the retreat. At 
Farmville a short halt was made to allow the men to rest and 
cook their provisions. 

The effective portion of the Army of Northern Virginia did not 
now exceed 10,000 men. This great reduction had been caused 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 415 

by the disaster of the previous day at Sailor's Creek, by deser- 
tions on the retreat, and by an exhaustion which obliged many 
to leave the ranks. Those who still remained by their colors 
were veterans whose courage never failed, and who were yet 
ready to face any odds. 

The heads of the Federal columns beginning to appear about 
eleven o'clock, the Confederates resumed their retreat. The 
teams of the wagons and artillery were weak, being travel- 
worn and suffering from lack of forage. Their progress, there- 
fore, was necessarily slow, and as the troops were obliged to 
move in conformity with the artillery and trains, the Federal 
cavalry closed upon the retreating army. In the afternoon it 
became necessary to make dispositions to retard the rapid ad- 
vance of the enemy. Mahone's division, with a few batteries, 
was thrown out for that purpose, and a spirited conflict ensued 
in which the Federals were checked. Other attempts were 
made during the afternoon to retard or arrest the Confederate 
columns, which in every instance were repulsed. In one of 
these encounters General Fitz Lee engaged General Gregg, 
captured the general, and repulsed his division of cavalry. 
This occurrence was a source of great pleasure to General 
Lee, who remarked to his son. General W. H. F. Lee, " Keep 
your command together and in good spirits, general: don't let 
it think of surrender. I will get you out of this," 

As to General Lee's personal bearing during the events of 
this retreat, an interesting incident has been furnished by 
Colonel Thomas G. Jones of Montgomery, Ala., then on Gen- 
eral Gordon's staff. He remarks: 

' ' It was noticed that General Lee exposed himself unspar- 
ingly to lire. He sat for some time on his iron-gray close 
beside a section of Chamberlayne's battery, which on the brow 
of the hill was shelling the advancing enemy, and gazed in- 
tently through his glass at the movements of the approach- 
ing foe. Receiving a report from a staff officer, General Lee 
told him he had ridden up on the wrong side of the hill and 
unnecessarily exposed himself. When the officer remarked 
that he was ashamed to try to shelter himself when his com- 
mander was so exposed. General Lee remarked rather sharply, 



41 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

' It is my duty to be here. I must see. Go back the way I 
told you, sir.' 

" Forgetful of his own safety at such a time, he cared more 
for the life of the lowest of his command than for his own." 

Colonel Jones's anecdote may be supplemented with one of 
an amusing character which occurred in the presence of the 
writer. The event in question, of which General Wise was 
the hero, took place on the morning preceding the surrender. 
The general had made his morning ablutions, in the absence 
of the requisites of a civilized toilet, iu a mud-hole in the road, 
the water of which was deeply tinged with the prevailing red 
clay of that countr}% Towels were as scarce as basins, and in 
the lack of any better method he permitted the water to dry 
upon his face. The consequence was that his countenance 
displayed a very decided coating of red clay. 

Unaware of the appearance which he presented, mirrors 
having been left behind with the other impedimenta of civili- 
zation. Wise, with his blanket thrown around him and pre- 
senting a not inapt resemblance to an Indian chief, walked up 
to where General Lee was standing in the midst of a group of 
officers. Despite the gravity of the situation, Lee's face broke 
into a humorous smile on perceiving the ludicrous appearance 
of the unconscious officer. 

"Good-morning, General Wise," he remarked in atone of 
merry pleasantry. "I perceive that you, at any rate, have 
not given up the contest, as you are in your war-paint this 
morning." 

The laugh that followed at the expense of General Wise 
was heartily joined in by himself when he discovered its cause 
and learned what an amusing spectacle he presented in his 
paint and blanket. 

An event occurred on the 7th which must not be omitted 
from this narrative. Perceiving the difficulties that surrounded 
the army, and believing its extrication hopeless, a number of 
the principal officers, from a feeling of affection and sympathy 
for the commander-in-chief, and with a wish to lighten his 
responsibility and soften the pain of defeat, volunteered to 
inform him that in their opinion the struggle had reached a 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 417 

point where further resistance was hopeless, and that the con- 
test should be terminated and negotiations opened for a surren- 
der of the arm}'. The delivery of this opinion was confided to 
General Pendleton, who by his character and devotion to Gen- 
eral Lee was well qualified for such an office. The names of 
Longstreet and some others who did not coincide in opinion 
with their associates did not appear in the list presented by 
Pendleton/ The interview that succeeded is thus described by 
General Pendleton : 

' ' General Lee was lying on the ground. No others heard 
the conversation between him and myself. He received my 
communication with the reply, ' Oh no, I trust it has not come 
to that ;' and added, ' General, we have yet too many bold men 
to think of laying down our arms. The enemy do not fight 
with spirit, while our boys still do. Besides, if I were to say 
a word to the Federal commander he would regard it as such a 
confession of weakness as to make it the condition of demand- 
ing unconditional surrender — a proposal to which I will never 
listen I have never believed we could, against the gigan- 
tic combination for our subjugation, make good in the long run 
our independence unless foreign powers should, directly or in- 
directly, assist us But such considerations really made 

with me no difference. We had, I was satisfied, sacred prin- 
ciples to maintain and rights to defend, for which we were in 
duty bound to do our best, even if we perished in the en- 
deavor. ' 

" Such were, as nearly as I can recall them, the exact words 
of General Lee on that most critical occasion. You see in 
them the soul of the man. What his conscience dictated and 
his judgment decided, there his heart was." 

Desperate as the situation had become, and irretrievable as 
it seemed hourly growing, General Lee could not forego the 
hope of breaking through the net that was rapidly enclosing 
him and of forming a junction with Johnston. In the event 
of success in this he felt confident of being able to manoeuvre 
with Grant at least until favorable terms of peace could be 
obtained. 

A crisis was now at hand. Should Lee obtain the necessary 

27 



41 8 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

supplies at Appomattox Court-house, he would push on to the 
Staunton River and maintain himself behind that stream 
until a junction could be made with Johnston. If, however, 
supplies should fail him, the surrender and dissolution of the 
army were inevitable. On the 8th the retreat, being uninter- 
rupted, progressed more expeditiously than on the previous 
day. Yet, though the Federals did not press the Confederate 
flank and rear as on the day before, a heavy column of cavalry 
advanced upon Appomattox Station, where the supplies for 
the Confederate army had been deposited. 

On the preceding day a correspondence had begun between 
the two commanding generals, opening in the following note 
sent by General Grant to General Lee : 

" Headquarters Armies of the U. S., 
"5 p. M., April 7, 1865. 

"General R. E. Lee, commanding C. S. A., 

"General: The results of the last week must convince 
you of the hopelessness of further .resistance on the part of 
the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I feel that 
it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from myself the 
responsibility of any further effusion of blood, by asking of 
you the surrender of that portion of the Confederate South- 
ern anny known as the Army of Northern Virginia. 
"Very respectfully, 

" Your obedient ser\'ant, 

"U. S. Grant, 
" Lieutenant-general commanding Armies of tJie U. 6"." 

To which General Lee replied : 

" April 7, 1865. 

"General : I have received your note of this day. Though 
not entertaining the opinion you express on the hopelessness 
of further resistance on the part of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, I reciprocate your desire to avoid useless effusion of 
blood, and therefore, before considering your proposition, ask 
the terms you will offer on condition of its surrender. 

"R. E. Lee, 
" General. 

'• LlEl-TENANT-GENERAL U. S. GRANT, fctnmancHng the Armies of the United States." 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX, 419 

On the succeeding day General Grant returned the follow- 
ing reply : 

"April 8, 1865. 

"To General R. E. Lee, commanding C. S. A., 

"General: Your note of the last evening, in reply to 
mine of the same date, asking the condition on which I will 
accept the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, is 
just received. In reply I would say that peace being my great 
desire, there is but one condition I would insist upon — namely, 
that the men and officers surrendered shall be disqualified for 
taking up arms again against the Government of the United 
States until properly exchanged. I will meet you, or will 
designate officers to meet any officers you might name for the 
same purpose, at any point agreeable to you, for the purpose 
of arranging definitely the terms upon which the surrender 
of the Army of Northern Virginia will be^ received. 

"U. S. Grant, 
' ' Lieutenant-generaL ' ' 

General Lee immediately responded : 

"April 8, 1865. 

"General : I received at a late hour your note of to-day. 
In mine of yesterday I did not intend to propose the surrender 
of the Army of Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of 
your proposition. To be frank, I do not think the emergency 
has arisen to call for the surrender of this army, but as the 
restoration of peace should be the sole object of all, I desired 
to know whether your proposals would lead to that end. I 
cannot therefore meet you with a view to surrender the Army 
of Northern Virginia, but as far as your proposal may affect 
the Confederate States forces under my command and tend 
to the restoration of peace, I should be pleased to meet you 
at ten a. m. to-morrow on the old stage-road to Richmond, 
between the picket-lines of the two armies. 

"R. E. Lee, 

General. 

" Lieutenant-general Grant." 

When Lee in the afternoon reached the neighborhood of 
Appomattox Court-house, he was met by the intelligence of 



420 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the capture of the stores placed for his army at the station 
two miles beyond. Notwithstanding this overwhelming news, 
he determined to make one more effort to force himself through 
the Federal toils that encompassed him. Therefore he made 
preparations for battle, but imder circumstances more desper- 
ate than had hitherto befallen the Army of Northern Virginia. 
The remnant of that noble army, now reduced to io,ocx) effect- 
ive men, was marshalled to cut its way through a host 75,000 
strong ; but, notwithstanding the stupendous odds, there was 
not in that little band a heart that quailed or a hand that trem- 
bled; there was not one of them who would not willingly have 
laid down his life in the cause they had so long maintained, 
and for the noble chief who had so often led them to victory. 

On the evening of that day the last council of the leaders of 
the Army of Northern Virginia was held around a bivouac-fire 
in the woods, there being present Generals Lee, Longstreet, 
Gordon, and Fitz Lee. This conference ended in a determina- 
tion to make a renewed effort on the following morning to 
break through the impediments in front, of which there was 
still a possibility if only cavalry should be found and no heavy 
force of infantry had reached that point. 

At three o'clock on the morning of the 9th of April the 
Confederates moved silently forward. The advance under 
Gordon, reaching the heights a little beyond the court-house 
at dawn, found that the route Avas obstructed by a large force 
of Federal cavalr}\ Gordon then deployed the Second corps, 
now less than 2000 strong and supported by thirty pieces of ar- 
tiller}' under General Long, with F^itz Lee's cavalry on the flank. 

This artillery consisted of parts of the commands of Colonel 
Carter, Lieutenant-colonels Poague and Duke Johnson, and 
Major Stark, and the guns were served with the usual skill and 
gallantr}'. A well-directed fire from the artiller\' and an attack 
from tlie cavalry quickly dislodged the force in front. Gordon 
then advanced, but was arrested by a greatly superior force of 
the enemy's infantry, whereupon he informed General Lee that 
a powerful reinforcement was necessar}' to enable him to con- 
tinue his advance. 

Lee being unable to grant that request, but one course re- 



L 



FR OM PE TERSB UR G TO A PRO MA TTOX. 4 2 I 

mained. A flag of truce was sent to General Grant requesting 
a suspension of hostilities for the arrangement of preliminaries 
of surrender. Then an order to cease firing passed along the 
lines. This order, on being received by General Long, was 
sent by him, through Major Southall and other members of 
his staff, to the different batteries to direct them to discontinue 
firing. General Long then proceeded to the court-house. 

On reaching that point he discovered that the order had not 
been carried to a battery that occupied the hill immediately 
above the village, which continued to fire rapidly at an advan- 
cing line of Federal infantry. He at once rode in person to the 
battery and gave the order to the captain to cease firing and 
to withdraw his battery to a point east of the town, where the 
artillery was ordered to be parked. These were the last shots 
fired by the Army of Northern Virginia. 

Colonel C. S. Venable of General Lee's staff" graphically tells 
what took place at headquarters on that eventful morning. His 
story is of great interest, as showing how reluctantly yet how 
nobly the heroic commander submitted to tlie inevitable after 
having till the last minute, like a lion at bay, faced the over- 
whelming force of his opponent: 

"At three o'clock on the morning of that fatal day General 
Lee rode forward, still hoping that we might break through 
the countless hordes of the enemy who hemmed us in. Halt- 
ing a short distance in rear of our van-guard, he sent me on 
to General Gordon to ask him if he could break through the 
enemy. I found General Gordon and General Fitz Lee on 
their front line in the dim light of the morning arranging an 
attack. Gordon's reply to the message (I give the expressive 
phrase of the gallant Georgian) was this: 'Tell General Lee 
I have fought my corps to a frazzle, and I fear I can do nothing 
^unless I am heavily supported by Longstreet's corps.' 

"When I bore this message back to General Lee he said, 
* Then there is nothing left me but to go and see General 
Grant,* and I would rather die a thousand deaths.' 

* Field's and Mahone's divisions of Longstreet's corps, staunch in the midst of all 
our disasters, were holding Meade back in our rear, and could not be spared for the 
attack. 



422 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

*' Convulsed with passionate grief, many were the wild words 
which we spoke as we stood around him. Said one, ' Oh, gen- 
eral, what will history say of the surrender of the army i^ the 
field?' 

" He replied, ' Yes, I know they will say hard things of us: 
they will not understand how we were overwhelmed by num- 
bers. But that is not the question, colonel: the question is, Is 
it right to surrender this army? If it is right, then / will take 
all the responsibility.' " 

The artillery had been withdrawn from the heights, as above 
stated, and parked in the small valley east of the village, while 
the infantry, who were formed on the left, stacked arms and 
silently waited the result of the interview between the opposing 
commanders. 

The flag of truce was sent out from General Gordon's lines. 
Grant had not yet come up, and while waiting for his arrival 
General Lee seated himself upon some rails which Colonel Tal- 
cott of the Engineers had fixed at the foot of an apple tree for 
his convenience. This tree was half a mile distant from the 
point where the meeting of Lee and Grant took place, yet wide- 
spread currency has been given to the story that the surrender 
took place under its shade, and " apple-tree " jewelry has been 
profusely distributed from the orchard in which it grew. 

About II o'clock General Lee, accompanied only by Colonel 
Marshall of his staff, proceeded to the village to meet General 
Grant, who had now arrived. The meeting between the two 
renowned generals took place at the house of a Mr. McLean at 
Appomattox Court-house, to which mansion, after exchanging 
courteous salutations, they repaired to settle the tenns on which 
the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia should be 
concluded. 

A conversation here took place which General Grant, as he 
himself tells us, led to various subjects divergent from the 
immediate purpose of the meeting, talking of old army matters 
and comparing recollections with General Lee. As he says, 
the conversation grew so pleasant that he almost forgot the 
object of the meeting. 

General Lee was obliged more than once to remind him of 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 423 

this object, and it was some time before the terms of the sur- 
render were written out. The written instrument of surrender 
covered the following points: Duplicate rolls of all the officers 
and men were to be made, and the officers to sign paroles for 
themselves and their men, all agreeing not to bear arms against 
the United States unless regularly exchanged. The arms, artil- 
lery^, and public property were to be turned over to an officer 
appointed to receive them, the officers retaining their side-arms 
and private horses and baggage. In addition to this, Gen- 
eral Grant permitted every man of the Confederate army who 
claimed to own a horse or mule to retain it for farming pur- 
poses, General Lee remarking that this would have a happy 
eflfect. As for the surrender by General Lee of his sword, a 
report of which has been widely circulated. General Grant 
disposes of it in the following words: "The much-talked of 
surrendering of Lee's sword and my handing it back, this and 
much more that has been said about it is the purest romance." 

After completion of these measures General Lee remarked 
that his men were badly in need of food, that they had been 
living for several days on parched corn exclusively, and re- 
quested rations and forage for 25,000 men. These rations 
were granted out of the car-loads of Confederate provisions 
which had been stopped by the Federal cavalry. As for for- 
age, Grant remarked that he was himself depending upon 
the country for that. The negotiations completed, General Lee 
left the house, mounted his horse, and rode back to head- 
quarters. 

It is impossible to describe the anguish of the troops when it 
was known that the surrender of the army was inevitable. Of 
all their trials, this was the greatest and hardest to endure. 
There was no consciousness of shame; each heart could boast 
with honest pride that its duty had been done to the end, and 
that still unsullied remained its honor. When, after his inter- 
view with Grant, General Lee again appeared, a shout of wel- 
come instinctively ran through the army. But instantly recol- 
lecting the sad occasion that brought him before them, their 
shouts sank into silence, every hat was raised, and the bronzed 
faces of the thousands of erim warriors were bathed with tears. 



424 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

As he rode slowly along the lines hundreds of his devoted 
veterans pressed around the noble chief, trying to take his 
hand, touch his person, or even lay a hand upon his horse, 
thus exhibiting for him their great affection. The general 
then, with head bare and tears flowing freely down his manly 
cheeks, bade adieu to the army. In a few words he told the 
brave men who had been so true in arms to return to their 
homes and become worthy citizens. 

Thus closed the career of the noble Army of Northern 
Virginia. 

At this point some extracts from General Lee's final report 
to President Davis, announcing the surrender, may be of 
interest. The report will be found in full in the Appendix: 

"His Excellency Jefferson Davls, 

"Mr. President: It is with pain that I announce to Your 
Excellency the surrender of tlie Army of Northern Virginia. 
.... Upon, arriving at Amelia Court-house on the morning 
of the 4th with the advance of the army, .... and not find- 
ing the supplies ordered to be placed there, nearly twenty-four 
hours were lost in endeavoring to collect in the country sub- 
sistence for men and horses. This delay was fatal and could 

not be retrieved On the morning of the 9th .... 

there were 7892 organized infantry with arms, with an average 

of seventy-five rounds of ammunition per man I have 

no accurate report of the cavalry, but believe it did not exceed 
2100 effective men. The enemy was more than five times our 
numbers. If we could have forced our way one day longer, it 
would have been at a great sacrifice of life, and at its end I 
do not see how a surrender could have been avoided. The sup- 
plies ordered to Pamplin's Station from Lynchburg could not 
reach us, and the men, deprived of food and sleep for many 
days, were worn-out and exhausted. 

"With great respect, your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee, 

''General:' 

It will be noticed that a large seeming discrepancy exists 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 425 

between the 10,000 men here mentioned as effective, and the 
28,231 men and officers paroled. It will also be observed that 
General L-ee asked for rations for 25,000 men. This difference 
is easily explainable. Of effective infantry, with arms and in 
fighting condition, there were less than 8000, and about 2000 
cavalry. The remainder of the paroled men were composed 
of unarmed stragglers who had come up since the halt of the 
army, and of extra-duty and detailed men of every description, 
the sum of whom very greatly swelled the aggregate present, 
while adding nothing to the fighting capacity of the army. 

During the proceedings above described not a sound of\ 
exultation arose from the Army of the Potomac, and when it i 
was seen how small was the number that had so long opposed / 
their proud array, the honest and brave men of the Union army/ 
accorded the meed of honor where honor was due. '•' 

Three days after the surrender the Army of Northern ^''ir- 
ginia had dispersed in every direction, and three weeks later 
the veterans of a hundred battles had changed the musket and 
the sword for the implements of husbandry. It is worthy of 
remark that never before was there an army disbanded with 
less disorder. Thousands of soldiers were set adrift on the 
world without a penny in their pockets to enable them to 
reach their homes. Yet none of the scenes of riot that often 
follow the disbanding of armies marked their course. 

The surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia was the 
closing scene in the drama of war and bloodshed whose suc- 
cessive acts reached from Manassas to the heights of Appomat- 
tox Court-house. The terrible struggle between Grant and 
Lee had occupied nearly a year, from their meeting in deadly 
conflict at the Wilderness on the 4th of May, 1864, to the last 
scene on the 9th of April, 1865. During that period Lee had 
most thoroughly proved his soldiership and destroyed of the 
army opposed to him a number considerably exceeding his 
whole force, while not until the process of attrition had reduced 
his army to a mere handful of half-starved and utterly worn- 
out men did he yield to the overwhelming force which closed 
from him every avenue of retreat. 

This fact was impressed upon the writer by a conversation 



426 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

that took place between General Lee and General IMeade on 
the afternoon of the day of the surrender. Meade had made 
a friendly visit to Lee at his headquarters, and in the course 
of the conversation remarked, "Now that the war may be 
considered over, I hope you will not deem it improper for me 
to ask, for my personal information, the strength of your army 
during the operations about Richmond and Petersburg." 

General Lee replied: "At no time did my force exceed 
35,000 men; often it was less." 

With a look of surprise Meade answered, "General, you 
amaze me! We always estimated your force at about 70,000 
men." 

This conversation was repeated to the writer by General Lee 
immediately after his visitor had withdrawn. 

An amusing portion of the conversation between Meade and 
Lee has been published by General de Chanal, a French officer, 
who was present. He states that during the interview Lee 
turned to Meade, who had been an associate with him as an 
officer of Engineers in the "old army," and said pleasantly, 
"Meade, years are telling on you: your hair is getting quite 
gray." • 

"Ah, General Lee," was Meade's prompt reply, "it is not 
the work of years: you are responsible for my gray hairs." 

General Hunt also had an interview with Lee on that day, 
which he describes in the following language : 

"At Appomattox I spent half an hour with General Lee in 
his tent. He looked, of course, weary and careworn, but in 
this supreme hour was the same self- possessed, dignified gen- 
tleman that I had always known him. After a time General 
Wise came in, and in a few minutes I took my leave, asking 
General Lee how General Long was and where I would find 
him. He answered, ' Long will be very glad to see you, but 
you will find him much changed in appearance; he has suffered 
much from neuralgia of the face. He is now with General 
Longstreet's corps.' 

"He then described the place to me, but General Wilcox, 
coming in, offered to ride with me to General Long's camp, 
where I spent the afternoon. Long had been a lieutenant in 



FROM PETERSBURG TO APPOMATTOX. 427 

my battery before the war, and we were old friends. This was 
the last time that I saw General Lee — a truly great man, as 
great in adversity as in prosperity." 

Shortly after the surrender General Lee returned to Rich- 
mond, riding slowly from the scene on his iron-gray, "Travel- 
ler," who had borne him so nobly through all the years of the 
war. His parting with his soldiers was pathetic, and every- 
where on his road to Richmond he received tokens of admira- 
tion and respect from both friend and foe. 

His soldierly habits remained unchanged. At one house 
where he stopped for the night he declined the comfortable 
bed that had been prepared for him, but slept upon his blanket, 
which he had spread on the floor. Stopping at the house of 
his brother, Charles Carter Lee, in Powhatan, he spent the 
evening in conversation, but at bedtime, despite the fact that 
rain was falling, he took up his quarters in his well-worn tent, 
in which he had spent the greater part of the time during the 
last year's campaign. 

On reaching Richmond the party passed sadly through a 
portion of the city which had been destroyed by the conflagra- 
tion, and which exhibited a distressing scene of blackened 
ruins. He was quickly recognized, and the inhabitants flocked 
out in multitudes to meet him, cheering and waving hats and 
handkerchiefs. General Lee, to whom this ovation could not 
have been agreeable, simply raised his hat in reply to the 
greetings of the citizens, and rode on to his house in Franklin 
street. The closing of its doors upon his retiring form was 
the final scene in that long drama of war in which he had 
for years been the central figure. He had returned to that 
private family life for which his soul had yearned even in the 
most active years of the war, and had become once more, what 
he had always desired to be, a peaceful citizen of a peaceful 
land. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

GENERAL LEE AS A SOLDIER. 

Early Military Labors. — Engineering and Organizing Abilities. — Breadth of View. — Skill 
as a Strategist and Tactician. — Diversity of Methods. — Influence over his Men. — 
Ability in Defence ; in Attack. — Comparison with Other Soldiers of the War ; with 
Celebrated Generals. — Lee as a Man. — His Guiding Principle. — Lack of Ambition. 
— Sense of Justice. — Firmness in Decision. — His Spirit Reflected in the Army. — 
Final vSummary. 

A T^ITH the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia, 
V V General Lee's military career ended. My intimate re- 
lations with him continued to the close of his life. 

I frequently visited him at his home in Lexington, Va., 
and saw him in the discharge of his duties as a college pres- 
ident, but before laying aside my pen it is proper that I should 
attempt some estimate of him as a soldier and a man. 

General Lee \Ajas both by nature and by education a great 
soldier. By diligent study under the most favorable condi- 
tions, and by long and varied experience, he became a master 
of the science of war in all its branches. In early life he was 
especially distinguished as an engineer. All the important 
points from the coast of Georgia to New York bear witness 
to his engineering skill, and his name will be identified 
with the Rip Raps, Fort Carroll, and the defences of New 
York harbor until those granite structures crumble into 
dust. 

Perhaps even more important than his work on the Atlantic 
coast was that on the Mississippi and Des Moines rapids, of 
which General Meigs, U. S. A., has kindly furnished for this 
volume a highly interesting account. 

The Mexican War opened to him a wider field, and the 
quick eye of General Scott discovered in the young captain 
of Engineer.^ "a man of all kinds of merit." 

On assuming command in Virginia in April, 1861, General 

428 



GENERAL LEE AS A SOLDIER, 429 

Lee at once showed his talents for adminstration and organiza- 
tion. He found the country ahnost destitute of the essentials 
of war, and, as if by magic, he created and equipped an army. 
His very ability as an organizer made many doubt whether he 
could be great in other directions, and it was only after suc- 
cessful trial that they were willing to recognize his wonderful 
versatility. 

It was with surprise that they saw him showing himself 
equal to all the demands made upon him as the commander 
of a great army in the field. As they looked on, their sur- 
prise changed to admiration ; the glory of the engineer and 
organizer was first dimmed, and then eclipsed, by that of the 
strategist and tactician. 

The great soldier is something more than a fighter of bat- 
tles. He must have a breadth of view sufficient to take in 
widely-separated movements and to form great and far-reach- 
ing combinations. That General Lee had this breadth of 
view, this subtle intuition, which constitutes the very flower of 
military genius, is shown by the whole history of the war. The 
reader will recall how, when he was contemplating an attack 
on McClellan on the Chickahominy, he sent Jackson to make 
a vigorous movement in the Valley. He nicely calculated the 
moral effect of that movement. He intended it to alarm the 
authorities at Washington — to hold McDowell in position near 
the Federal capital, and thus prevent his joining in the com- 
ing battle. 

The Pennsylvania campaign had a wider outlook : it was 
charged with great possibilities. The defeat of Meade's army 
in Pennsylvania might be expected to be much more than the 
simple defeat of that one army. Its effect would be felt on 
the Mississippi; Grant's army would be needed in the East; 
the siege of Vicksburg would be raised, and Pemberton's 
army released for active service. What else might follow it 
was easy to conjecture. Lee fought, and knew that he fought, 
for a great stake. That he did not succeed and that the move- 
ment came too late, even if it had been successful, to affect the 
result at Vicksburg, detracts nothing from the brilliancy of the 
conception. The one pertinent thing is that the Confederate 



430 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

general saw that by a single bold and successful stroke it might 
be possible virtually to end the war and secure the independ- 
ence of the Southern Confederacy. That success was possible 
is shown by the narrow chance by which it failed. It has been 
well said that when the Confederate charge at Cemeter\' Ridge 
for a while seemed successful, the Muse of History took up 
her pen to record the birth of a new nation. 

Breadth of plan is often neutralized by neglect of details. 
General Lee did not make that mistake. Before a battle he 
neglected nothing that might be needful either for attack or 
defence ; in the battle he was quick to see and prompt to meet 
emergencies. He knew his men, rank and file — what they 
could do, and how far he might trust them. He was careful 
to know the ground on which he was to operate, and also, to 
seize and use every advantage of position : he made a league 
with rivers and mountains and mountain-passes. He studied 
his adversary, knew his peculiarities, and adapted himself to 
them. His own methods no one could foresee ; he varied 
them with every change in the commanders opposed to him. 
He had one method with McClellan, another with Pope, an- 
other with Hooker, and yet another with Grant. But for a 
knowledge of his own resources, of the field, and of his adver- 
sary some of his movements might have been rash. As it was, 
they were wisely bold. Because he was so attentive to details, 
and guarded so rigidly against the accidents of battle, he was 
sometimes supposed to be over-cautious ; because he some- 
times attacked greatly superior numbers or divided his forces, 
he was often thought over-bold. The truth is, that there was 
in him that harmonious blending of caution and boldness with- 
out which a general must often either rashly expose himself to 
defeat or lose an opportunity for victory. 

Whatever other qualities a man may have, he cannot be a 
great soldier unless he has the power to win the confidence 
and inspire the enthusiasm of his men. General Lee had this 
power ; few men have had it in a higher degree. No privation 
or suffering or disaster could shake the confidence of his men in 
him. In the darkest hour the sight of his form or the mention 
of his name stirred the hearts of his veterans. They spoke of 



GENERAL LEE AS A SOLDIER. 43 1 

him with an affection and pride that have not been dimmed by 
the lapse of years. 

It is sometimes said that while General I^ee was without a 
peer in defence, he was not so great in attack. That he was 
great in defence is witnessed by the series of combats from the 
Wilderness to Cold Harbor. Hardly anything in the history 
of warfare, ancient or modern, equals the skill and adroitness 
with which he met and repulsed Grant's obstinate and perse- 
vering assaults. But, on the other hand, in the second battle 
of Manassas and at Chancellorsville he was the aggressor ; he 
went to seek the enemy. And even in those cases in which 
he was resisting the enemy's advance he often struck a blow 
in preference to waiting to receive one. 

But perhaps the readiest way to fix Lee's position and to 
realize his greatness would be to compare him with others. 
It is significant that in attempting to do this no one ever thinks 
of comparing him with any but men of the fir^t rank. Among 
the distinguished soldiers on the Confederate side his position 
was peculiar. He came from the old army with a brilliant 
reputation, and during the war he occupied the most prominent 
and responsible position. It is no injustice either to the living 
or the dead to say that by common consent he holds the first 
place among Southern soldiers. 

Among the dead heroes of the war Albert Sidney Johnston 
challenges admiring attention. He had great qualities ; any- 
thing that skill, courage, and a lofty, unselfish character might 
accomplish seemed possible to him ; but he died at Shiloh. 
Jackson was Lee's most trusted lieutenant, and deserved all 
the confidence that his commander reposed in him. In the 
sphere of his operations he had no superior, nor can it be 
known that he would not have shown himself equal to a 
greater sphere. All honor to that brave, true soldier! but it 
would not be proper to compare him with his chief. There 
was no rivalry between them living ; let there be none now 
that they are dead. There was A. P. Hill, a modest man, 
always ready ; one of the finest soldiers in the army : he had 
the best division when he had a division, and one of the 
best corps when he had a corps. Lee and Jackson agreed in 



432 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

their admiration of Hill, and both mentioned him in the 
delirium of death ; but no one thinks of comparing him 
with Lee. 

There is a sort of infallibility in an undivided popular judg- 
ment, and the whole South looked to Lee as its greatest 
man. So impressed was Grant with the devotion of the South- 
ern people to Lee that after the surrender at Appomattox he 
sought his influence, being convinced that if he should advise 
the surrender of all the Southern armies, the advice would be 
followed with alacrity. And in his report of the operations 
of the Army of the Potomac in 1864-65 he attributes it to 
General Lee's example that, as he says, "the armies lately 
under his leadership are at their homes, desiring peace and 
quiet, and their arms are in the hands of our ordnance officers." 

Nothing is more characteristic of General Lee, or reveals 
more clearly his simple moral grandeur, than the fact that 
when no more could be accomplished by arms he used his 
influence to promote peace and good feeling toward the peo- 
ple against whom he had been waging war. 

Of the great soldiers opposed to General Lee, some may have 
equalled him in single qualities, none in the combination of 
qualities. They were great in some directions; he in many. 
Let it not be forgotten that his was a long and varied career, 
and that he was distinguished in every part of it. He was 
called on to do many things, and he did them all in a masterly 
way. 

In iudeins: him account must be taken not onlv of what he 
did in the war between the States, but also of what he did before 
the Mexican War, in the Mexican War, and after the Mexican 
War, and in the last years of his life. When all these thiugs 
are considered, and when we take into the account his perfect 
acquaintance with his art, his organizing power, his skill in 
combining, his wisdom in planning, his boldness and vigor in 
execution, his power to awaken enthusiasm and to lead m^n, 
we must place him first among the great soldiers of both 
armies. The time has not yet come to compare him with 
soldiers of the past and of other lands. They show great in 
the haze of time and distance, but the time will come when by 



GENERAL LEE AS A SOLDIER. 433 

the suffrages of all he will take his place among the greatest 
of those who have marshalled armies to battle. 

We turn now from Lee as a soldier to Lee as a man; and 
here it is difficult to find suitable words in which to speak of 
him. In a private conversation a gentleman once said to an 
officer who had been intimately associated with him, "Most 
men have their weak point. What was General Lee's?" 
After a thoughtful pause, the answer was, "I really do not 
know." This answer may be taken for that of the great ma- 
jority of those who knew him personally or who have studied 
his character. He was singularly free from the faults which 
so often mar the character of great men. He was without 
envy, jealousy, or suspicion, self-seeking, or covetousness; there 
was nothing about him to diminish or chill the respect which 
all men felt for him. General Grant speaks of him as "a 
large, austere man, difficult of approach to his subordinates." 
"Austere" is not the word to use in speaking of him. I 
should rather say that he was clothed with a natural dignit)?' 
which could either repel or invite as occasion might require. 
He could pass with perfect ease from familiar, cheerful convei- 
sation to earnest conference, and from earnest conference to 
authoritative command. He had a pleasant humor, could see 
the ludicrous side of things, and could enjoy an anecdote or a 
joke. But even in his lightest moods he was still the culti- 
vated gentleman, having that just degree of reserve that suited 
his high and responsible position. 

His character was perfectly simple; there were in it no folds 
or sinuosities. It was simple because guided by a single prin- 
ciple. It is common to say that this principle was duty. This 
is not the whole truth. Duty is faithfulness to obligation, and 
is measured by obligation. That which moulded General Lee's 
life was something more than duty. It was a fine soldierly in- 
stinct that made him feel that it was his business to devote his 
life and powers to the accomplishment of high impersonal ends. 
Duty is the highest conception of Roman stoicism; it was the 
ambition of the Christian soldier to serve. General Grant 
interpreted him correctly when he said, "I knew there was 
no use to urge him to an}-tliing against his ideas of right." 

28 



434 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

If there are any who blame him for resigning his position 
in the United States army and taking part with the South, 
they must at the same time acknowledge that he was influ- 
enced by no unworthy motive. What he did involved sacrifice 
of feeling, of position, and of interest: he might have had the 
highest place in the old army; he had but to consent to take 
it. A man of smaller mould might have been dazzled and 
attracted by the prospect of leading a successful revolution and 
establishing a new nation, but in all my association with him 
I saw no indication that any feeling of personal ambition was 
present with him. If he had such feeling it was checked by a 
consciousness of the great interests confided to him. 

As he appeared to me, so he appeared to others. When the 
Confederate capital was transferred from IMontgomery to Rich- 
mond, the Virginia forces, of which he was commander-in- 
chief, were incorporated in the Confederate army. He then 
lost his independent command. While the transfer was yet 
in contemplation the Confederate authosLties were anxious to 
know whether an apparent lowering of his rank would oflfend 
or make him less zealous in the service of the Confederacy. 
When IMr. Stephens, the Confederate Vice-President, men- 
tioned the matter to him, he promptly said, "Mr. Stephens, 
I am willing to serve anywhere where I can be useful." 

It was in perfect accord with his character that he was no 
stickler for rank or position. In the early part of the war the 
positions held by him were not such as to attract public atten- 
tion; the duties assigned to him, while ver}' important, were 
not of a showy kind. Others were winning distinction in the 
field and rising into prominence, while he was in the back- 
ground. No great laurels could be won in the mountains of 
West Virginia or in strengthening the coast defences of South 
Carolina and Georgia. In the estimation of the general public 
his reputation was suffering; it was said that his former dis- 
tinction had been too easily won. During this time he uttered 
no word of complaint, and gave no intimation that he felt 
himself in any way wronged or overlooked. One might won- 
der whether this sweetness of spirit, this calmness, this cheer- 
ful content, did not spring from a consciousness of power and 



GENERAL LEE AS A SOLDIER. 435 

assured belief that he had only to bide his time; but a close 
acquaintance with the workings of his mind convinced me that 
it was rather from a single-hearted desire to be useful, and the 
conviction that the best way to be useful was to work content- 
edly and to the best of his ability in the place assigned him. 

It was his constant feeling that he v\^as living and working to 
an end that constituted the source of General Lee's magnan- 
imity and put him far above any petty jealousy. He looked 
at everything as unrelated to himself, and only as it affected 
the cause he was serving. This is shown in his treatment of 
his subordinates. He had no favorites, no unworthy partial- 
ities. On one occasion he spoke highly of an officer and re- 
marked that he ought to be promoted. Some surprise was 
expressed at this, and it was said that that particular officer 
had sometimes spoken disparagingly of him. "I cannot help 
that," said the general; "he is a good soldier, and would be 
useful in a higher position." As he judged of the M'ork of 
others, so he judged of his own. A victory gave him pleasure 
only as it contributed to the end he had in view, an honorable 
peace and the happiness of his country. It was for this cause 
that even his greatest victories produced in him no exaltation 
of spirits: he saw the end yet far off. He even thought more 
of what might have been done than of what was actually 
accomplished. In the same way a reverse gave him pain, not 
as a private but as a public calamity. He was the ruling spirit 
of his army. His campaigns and battles were his own. 

He frequently consulted others that his own judgment might 
be informed, not that he might lean on their judgment or 
advice. It was because he felt himself so completely the com- 
mander of his army that he sometimes assumed the responsi- 
bility of the failure of movements which a less strong and 
generous spirit would have made his subordinates bear. 

There was no hesitation or vacillation about him. When 
he had once formed a plan the orders for its execution were 
positive, decisive, and final. The army which he so long com- 
manded is a witness for him. He imbued it with his own spirit; 
it reflected his energy and devotion. Such an army, so respon- 
sive to orders, so rapid in movement, so sturdy and prompt in 



436 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

action, so often victorious, sometimes checked but never de- 
feated, so patient in the endurance of hardships, yielding at 
last rather to the friction of battle and the pressure of hunger 
than to the power of the enemy, gives indication that its com- 
mander was gifted with that imperial quality, the power to 
command. 

As I recall the past, and the four years of the war come back 
and move in silent procession before me, I can easily forget 
that more than twenty years have passed away since I selected 
for General Lee the spot at Appomattox where his tent was 
pitched for the last time. His image stands out clearly before 
me, but it is unnecessary to describe his personal appearance. 
The majesty of his form will endure in marble and bronze, 
while his memory will pass down the ages as representing 
all that is greatest in military art, as well as what is truest, 
bravest, and noblest in human life — a soldier who never failed 
in duty, a man who feared and trusted God and served his 
generation. 

" Vanquished, 
He was yet a victor. 
To honor virtue is to honor him ; 
To reverence wisdom is to do him reverence. 
In life he was a model for all who live; 

In death 
He left a heritage to all. 
One such example is worth more to earth 
Than the stained triumphs of ten thousand Csesan." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 

Return to Richmond. — Anecdote. — Devotion of his Friends. — Removal to Cartersville. 
— Offers of Aid. — Letter to Grant. — Idea of Writing a History of the War. — Cir- 
cular. — Failure to Obtain Material. — Elected President of Washington College. — ■ 
Provisional Letter of Acceptance. — Installed in the Office. — The Condition and 
History of the College. — New Studies Introduced. — Elective Studies Inaugurated. 
— Mode of Discipline. — His Influence over the Students. — Accuracy of Memory. 
— No Excesses Permitted to the Students. — The Christmas Vacation Reduced. — 
Breadth in Religious Views. — His Innate Piety. — Regard of the Faculty. — Refuses 
to Accept Gifts from the Faculty. — Lee's Estimate of his Powers. — His Lack of 
Undue Ambition. 

AFTER the Army of Northern Virginia had surrendered 
at Appomattox Court-house, General Lee, as has been 
described in a previous chapter, joined his family at Rich- 
mond, where they had continued to reside. His disposition 
of mind was averse to a public reception. He hoped to re- 
enter his domestic portals unobserved, and to enjoy in quiet 
and privacy the reunion with the objects of his love. But 
it was impossible to prevent the heralding of his coming. 
Upon his approach to the city he found the whole popula- 
tion gathered to testify its devotion. As he passed through 
crowded streets Union veterans pressed Confederate soldiers ' 
in the throng, eager to catch a glimpse of the great soldier. 
Upon every hand manifestations of respect in ways of silent 
sincerity were shown him, and men of the Federal army vied 
in the universal tribute. The crowd attended him to the very 
threshold of his residence, and there drew back in quiet defer- 
ence as he withdrew into the sacred privacy of home. 

An eye-witness who was at the time a guest of General Lee 
recounts an incident illustrative of the respect and affection 
which pervaded the city. One morning an Irishman who 
had gone through the war in the Federal ranks appeared at 

437 



438 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the door with a basket well filled with provisions, and insisted 
upon seeing General Lee. The servant protested and offered 
to carry a message, but Pat was not to be put off. The gen- 
eral, hearing the altercation, came from an adjoining room, 
and was greeted with profuse terms of admiration: "Sure, 
sir, you are a great soldier, and it's I that know it. I've been 
fighting against you all these years, and many a hard knock 
we've had. But, general, I honor you for it; and now they 
tell me you are poor and in want, and I've brought this bas- 
ket and beg you to take it from a soldier." The general, 
touched by this spirit of sympathy, thanked him most kindly, 
and said, "My man, I am not in need, but if you will carry 
your basket to the hospital you will find some poor fellow 
glad to be remembered by so generous a foe." 

There was a continuous stream of callers at the residence. 
Officers of both armies were received with the cordiality and 
courtesy which were innate. Frankness and chivalry, marks 
of the true soldier, characterized his reception of men who 
had held rank in the Federal army. His sword was sheathed, 
and no rancor or petty animosity existed in his mind to embit- 
ter the amenities of social intercourse. " For his own people 
he had words of sympathy, and always advised moderation 
and quiet acquiescence in the conditions of defeat." 

The assassination of President Lincoln renewed the Storm 
of passionate hatred against the South. The imprisonment 
of Mr. Davis and the bitter appeals voiced by the Northern 
press for his execution created grave apprehensions in the 
minds of friends as to General Lee's safety, and in the warmth 
of their devotion they urged him to find a secure retreat in the 
mountains, where they would be ready to devote their lives as 
a sacrifice for his protection. 

This solicitude was shared throughout the South. An inci- 
dent is related which shows that it rendered even those who 
were shattered in fortune oblivious of their own condition and 
generous of their remaining estate. Two Confederate soldiers 
in tattered garments and with bodies emaciated by prison con- 
finement called upon General Lee. They told him that they 
were the delegates "of sixty other fellows around the corner 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 439 

who are too ragged to come themselves." They tendered their 
loved general a home in the mountains, promising him a com- 
fortable house and a good farm. "We hear," they said, "that 
Underwood intends having you indicted for treason and rebel- 
lion. But there is a defile near the farm we offer, and there the 
whole Federal army can be defied." 

This heartfelt exhibition of fealty brought tears to General 
Lee's eyes, but he, resolutely refused to accept the proffer, and 
reasoned with his devoted callers against the propriety of urg- 
ing him to accept the life of a fugitive. He finally substi- 
tuted for their ragged suits some clothing of his own, and the 
representatives of the assembly "around the corner" departed 
with elated spirits. There were almost daily episodes typical 
of this single-hearted adherence. 

But his residence at Richmond grew irksome. There could 
be no seclusion. The rest and quiet for which he so longed 
were disturbed by continuous attentions, which could not have 
been repressed without some degree of discourtesy. Mrs. Lee 
was almost a confirmed invalid, and for her declining health 
the devoted husband felt deep anxiety. His longing at this 
time is best expressed in a passage from a letter to General 
Long: 

"I am looking for some little quiet house in the woods 
where I can procure shelter and my daily bread if permitted 
by the victor. I wish to get Mrs. Lee out of the city as soon 
as practicable." 

A friend enabled him to realize his wish by offering him a 
country-house near Cartersville in Cumberland county. Thither 
he soon removed, but he was not destined long to enjoy the 
pleasures of retirement. Into this abode of peace and quiet 
business propositions, friendly proffers, and even tenders of 
pecuniary assistance, followed him. An English nobleman de- 
sired him to accept a mansion and an estate commensurate with 
his individual merits and the greatness of an historic family. 
But he would not desert his native State. She lay prostrate 
through the devastations of war; it would take years of devo- 
tion to her interests to bring her back to her former condition, 
and one of the noblest of her sons could suffer no beguilement 



440 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to lead him away from her distress. He responded, "I must 
abide her fortunes and sliare her fate." 

Before leaving Richmond, General Lee wrote to General 
Grant the appended letter, which forcibly corroborates the 
fact of his entire acceptance of the situation and his desire 
to comply with all the terms of the surrender : 

"Richmond, Va., April 25, 1865. 

"Lieutenant-general U. S. Grant, commanding the 
Armies of the United States, 

"General: I have awaited your arrival in Richmond to 
propose that the men and officers of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, captured or surrendered on the 2d and 6th of April, 
or since that time, may be granted the same terms as given to 
those surrendered by me on the 9th. I see no benefit that will 
result by retaining them in prison, but, on the contrary, think 
good may be accomplished by returning them to their homes. 
Indeed, if all now held as prisoners of war were liberated in 
the same manner, I think it would be advantageous. Should 
there, however, be objections to this course, I would ask that 
exceptions be made in favor of the invalid officers and men, 
and that they be allowed to return to their homes on parole. 
I call your attention particularly to General Ewell, the mem- 
bers of the reserves, local-defence troops, naval battalion, etc. 
The local troops were not performing militar}^ duty, and the 
naval battalion fell in the line of march of the army for sub- 
sistence and protection. 

" Understanding that you may not reach Richmond for some 
days, I take the liberty to forward this application for your 
consideration. 

" Ver}' respectfully, 

" Your obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee." 

In the partial seclusion of his country retreat General Lee 
gave serious attention to plans for improving his personal re- 
sources. His fortune had disappeared in the years of warfare, 
and the future maintenance of his family became a question 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. \\\ 

of primary importance. Offers of money, of land, of corpo- 
ration stock to secure the mere endorsement of his name, 
still poured in upon him. But there was no proposition as 
yet that involved compensation in direct return for his indi- 
vidual labor. Yet nothing less honorable than this could 
be acceptable to him. Gratuities, however richly merited 
in return for his sacrifices, he could not consent to receive. 
Labor and wages constituted in his mind the sole solution 
of the problem of gaining a livelihood. 

During this interval of expectancy General Lee conceived 
the idea of collecting material upon which he might base an 
authentic history of his various campaigns. The value of 
such a work in the series of war histories would have been 
incalculable. The military education, equipoise of mind, and 
attributes of charity and truth combined in the author must 
have Vv^on a generous welcome for his production from candid 
students of the war. In furtherance of this project General 
Lee sent out to many officers a circular, of which we subjoin 
a copy of that received by General Ewell ; 

" Near Cartersville, Cumberland Co., Va., 
"July 31, 1867. 

"General: I am desirous that the bravery and devotion 
of the Army of Northern Virginia be correctly transmitted to 
posterity. This is the only tribute that can be paid to the 
worth of its noble officers and soldiers. And I am anxious to 
collect the necessary information for the history of its cam- 
paigns, including the operations in the Valley of Western 
Virginia, from its organization to its final surrender. 

"I have copies of my reports of the battles, commencing 
with those around Richmond, to the close of the Pennsylvania 
campaign, but no report of the campaign in 1864 and of the 
operations of the winter of 1864-65 to the ist of April, 1865, 
has been written, and the corps and division reports for that 
period, which had been sent to headquarters before the aban- 
donment of the lines before Petersburg, with all the records, 
returns, maps, plans, etc., were destroyed the day before the 
army reached Appomattox Court-house. My letter-books, 



p 

442 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

public and confidential, were also destroyed, and the regular 
returns transmitted to the adjutant-general at Richmond have 
been burned also. 

"Should you have reports of the operations of your com- 
mand within the period specified (from ist of May, 1864, to 
1st of April, 1865), or should you be able to renew them, I 
will be greatly obliged to you to send them to me. Should 
you be able to procure reports of other commanders, returns 
of the effective strength of the army at any of the battles 
from the first Manassas to the ist of April, 1865, or copies 
of my official orders, letters, etc., you will confer a favor by 
sending them to me. 

' ' Very respectfully and truly yours, 

"R. E. Lee." 

This endeavor to supply the missing records of the war 
met with persistent embarrassment. His application to the 
War Department at Washington for the privilege of copying 
such official documents as might aid him in the preparation 
of his volume was refused, for at that time the archives of 
the Confederacy were an undigested mass and preserved in 
secret alcoves. . The spirit of historical research had not yet 
.successfully combated the prejudices of strife, and the records 
of the Confederacy were regarded as trophies rather than as 
rich historical material. 

When General Lee's intention of writing his military his- 
tory became known, it excited the liveliest interest among 
army instructors and commandants of military establishments 
in foreign countries. An officer of the German army desired 
the privilege of translating it into the language of his coun- 
try. The obstacles, however, that lay in the way of this 
cherished work proved insurmountable. The project, as con- 
ceived by General Lee, had not been to rear a memorial to 
his own military genius, but to vindicate and set forth the 
valor of his soldiers. He relinquished the work with less 
reluctance because he felt that its truths and indispensable 
facts must expose certain persons to severe censure. 

Shortly after the close of the war a trust was conferred upon 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 443 

General Lee wliicli became his life-work, and in the honor- 
able execution of which he continued until his lamented 
death. He was elected by the Board of Trustees of Washing- 
ton College, at Lexington, president of that institution on 
August 4, 1865. The formal notification of the Board's action 
came to him as a complete surprise. Before the meeting of the 
trustees, Hon. Bolivar Christian of Staunton, a member of the 
Board, had endeavored to discover if General Lee would be 
willing to accept so arduous an office, but General Lee's answer 
was delayed in the mails until after Colonel Christian had left 
Staunton to attend the meeting of the trustees. That answer 
so decidedly remonstrated against the intended proposal of his 
name for the position that knowledge of its contents might 
have influenced Colonel Christian to withdraw the proposition. 
But before its reception the presidency had been conferred 
by unanimous vote upon General Lee. The rector of the 
Board, Hon. John W. Brockenbrough, was selected to convey 
to him the notification of his election. It was two weeks 
before a formal reply was made to the tender, and then in a 
characteristic letter General Lee without reservation discussed 
the embarrassments and exactions of the proffered place, and 
with marked self-abnegation considered the possible detriment 
to the historic school that his installation as its president might 
bring. He wrote the trustees thus: 

" Powhatan County, August 24, 1865. 

"Gentlemen: I have delayed for some days replying to 
your letter of the 5th inst., informing me of my election by 
the Board of Trustees to the presidency of Washington College, 
from a desire to give the subject due consideration. Fully im- 
pressed with the responsibilities of the office, I have feared that 
I should be unable to discharge its duties to the satisfaction of 
the trustees or to the benefit of the country. The proper edu- 
cation of youth requires not only great ability, but, I fear, more 
strength than I now possess, for I do not feel able to undergo 
the labor of conducting classes in regular courses of instruction: 
I could not therefore undertake more than the general adminis- 
tration and supervision of the institution. 



444 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

"There is another subject which has caused me serious 
reflection, and is, I think, worthy of the consideration of the 
Board. Being excluded from the terms of amnesty in the 
proclamation of the President of the United States of the 29th 
of May last, and an object of censure to a portion of the conn- 
try, I have thought it probable that my occupation of the 
position of president might draw upon the college a feeling 
of hostility, and I should therefore cause injury to an institu- 
tion which it would be my highest desire to advance. 

"I think it the duty of every citizen, in the present con- 
dition of the country, to do all in his power to aid in the resto- 
ration of peace and harmony, and in no way to oppose the 
policy of the State or General Government directed to that 
object. It is particularly incumbent on those charged with 
the instruction of the young to set them an example of sub- 
mission to authority, and I could not consent to be the cause 
of animadversion upon the college. 

"Should you, however, take a different view, and think 
that my services in the position tendered to me by the Board 
will be advantageous to the college and country, I will yield 
to your judgment and accept it, otherwise I must most respect- 
fully decline the office. 

" Begging you to express to the trustees of the college my 
heartfelt gratitude for the honor conferred upon me, and re- 
questing you to accept my cordial thanks for the kind manner 
in which you have communicated their decision, 
"I am, gentlemen, with great respect, 

" Your most obedient servant, 

"R. E. Lee. 

"Messrs. John W. BROCKENHRounH, Rector; S. McU. Reid,-| 

Alfred Leyrurn, Horatio Tuomi'Son, D. D., Bolivar \ Commiitee" 
Christian, T. J. Kirkpatrick, J 

The Board of Trustees immediately assured General Lee 
that his apprehensions of damage to the college, as resultant 
from his assumption of the presidency, were groundless, and 
again pressed upon him an acceptance of the place. His in- 
stallation occurred October 2, 1865, the oath of office being 
administered by Rev. W. S. White in the presence of the 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 445 

trustees, faculty, and students. A new impetus was at once 
given to this venerable college, which had suffered greatly in 
the war. Its funds no longer furnished a reliable income, and 
even their actual value was yet a problem of the future. The 
campus had been despoiled by military marauders, who car- 
ried their spoliation to the libraries and laboratory of the 
college. But four professors and forty students were at the 
institution when General Lee undertook the exacting task of 
restoring it to its former prosperity and reputation. 

Not only was the material destruction within the buildings 
a serious embarrassment, but far greater was the obstacle to 
any rehabilitation that the reduced circumstances of the people 
presented. Washington College had enjoyed a long career. It 
was the earliest classical school established in the Shenandoah 
Valley. It was originally instituted in 1749, and won so excel- 
lent a reputation that General Washington determined to give 
it permanency. The legislature had presented him with shares 
in the "Old James River Company," but to their acceptance 
he had attached the condition that he be allowed to appropriate 
them "to some public purpose in the upper part of the State, 
such as the education of the poor, particularly of such as have 
fallen in the defence of their country." In pursuance of this 
condition he gave to what became Washington College one 
hundred of these valuable shares. It was a magnificent en- 
dowment, and the academy, v/hich previously had been peri- 
patetic, became from that time a permanent college. 

General L,ee gave himself with unrestrained ardor to the 
labor of improving the impoverished college. In this laudable 
purpose the trustees heartily co-operated with him, and were 
inspired by the hope and zeal exhibited by the new president. 
His first attention was devoted to the better equipment of the 
scientific departments. Apparatus for the laboratory was pur- 
chased. The library was replenished. The dismantled build- 
ings were reconstructed or repaired. Three new chairs were 
instituted — Physics, Mathematics, and Modern Languages — 
with a subordinate classification of correlated studies which 
embraced Engineering, Astronomy, and English Philology. 
He also suggested chairs of the English Language and of 



446 MEM9IRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Applied Chemistry, and wished to add a School of Commerce. 
The Lexington Law School was, just before his death, em- 
braced within the collegiate jurisdiction. 

While General Lee thus added to the curriculum the above- 
named modern and practical studies, he in no sense opposed 
the study of the classical languages. He fully recognized 
their utility as a means of refinement, of mental discipline, and 
of the acquirement of a copious vocabulary. In devoting his 
energies to the institution of modern branches of study he was 
but supplying manifest defects in the existing course. Yet he 
w^as innately inclined toward the practical in education. In 
writing to General John B. Gordon he declares: " The thorough 
education of all classes of the people is the most efficacious 
means, in my opinion, of promoting the prosperity of the 
South; and the material interests of the citizens, as well as 
their moral and intellectual culture, depend upon its establish- 
ment. The text-books of our schools, therefore, should not 
only be clear, systematic, and scientific, but they should be 
acceptable to parents and pupils in order to enlist the minds 
of all in the subjects." 

One most important innovation introduced by General Lee 
was the system of elective studies. The compulsor}- curric- 
ulum was discarded, and the student permitted to select the 
branches he could pursue with the most benefit or with more 
direct influence upon his future avocation. The only limita- 
tion imposed was that the choice of studies should embrace 
sufficient to fully employ the student's time. 

The mode of discipline introduced merits extended notice. 
It was a departure from the time-sanctioned tyrannical control 
exercised by the heads of schools. No espionage was prac- 
tised — that system which lessens self-respect by placing it 
beneath the ban of suspicion, or which works yet greater 
harm by substituting for frankness and openness avoidance 
and concealment. 

He became personally acquainted with each student, and so 
accurate was his remembrance of their names that when, on 
one occasion, a name was read from the college-rolls that was 
unfamiliar to him, he required it to be read again, and repeated 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 447 

the name with a marked emphasis on each syllable, adding in 
a tone of self-reproach, ' ' I have no recollection of a student of 
that name. It is very strange that I have forgotten him. I 
thought I knew every one in the college. How long has he 
been here?" He would not be satisfied until an investiea- 
tion showed that the student had recently entered and during 
his absence, so that he had never seen him. 

It was his constant desire to cultivate the individual sense 
of honor of those under him, and to erect no factitious bar- 
riers of rank between faculty and students. The • respect 
exacted from the latter was the natural reverence due to supe- 
rior age and experience. A pride in good order was inspired, 
and obedience to the rules and the conduct of gentlemen were 
natural corollaries. He did not assert military discipline, as 
might have been expected from his West Point career, but 
recognized the fact that the students were to be fitted for the 
avocations of civil life, and that the rigor of military methods 
was not here desirable. His own manner was dignified, and 
there was a formal presence suggestive of army leadership, yet 
in his mode of college government no trace of the habits of 
the soldier appeared. 

He won the confidence of students, and their affections soon 
went out toward him. With their instincts of honor always 
uppermost, their self-respect carefully preserved, and their 
pride in the institution fostered, discipline was apparently 
relaxed, while in fact it was precise and effective. Seldom 
was there a breacji of decorum. The students honored and 
loved the president, and sedulously avoided transgressions that 
would cause him pain. He fully appreciated the natural way- 
wardness of youth, and while he was firm in endeavors to 
repress it, he was never so uncharitable as to act summarily 
against a student and afiix the stigma of expulsion upon a 
young career. He preferred to acquaint the parent with the 
course being pursued by the son ; and when it was manifest 
that collegiate life could no longer prove beneficial, a quiet 
withdrawal by parental request was the honorable subterfuge 
adopted. 

He tolerated no drones in the college classes. While nevet 



448 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

pn'ing into the private conduct of students, he judged ahnost 
infallibly of the probable profit that they were receiving from 
their studies, and how far responsive their manhood was to 
the refined surroundings of college life. If it were plain that 
they did not assimilate the elements of the intellectual atmo- 
sphere, a note to parent or guardian frankly gave the evidences 
of the fact. The common and unfortunate deception of parents 
as to the progress of their sons was impossible to one of his 
upright character. 

General Lee let nothing requisite to the due government of 
the college or the advancement of the individual students 
escape his attention. He weekly examined the reports of 
absences and failures in recitation, and retained clearly in his 
memory the standing of each student. The exactness of his 
memory in these particulars was indeed remarkable, and sev- 
eral interesting illustrations of this fact are upon record. On 
a visitor inquiring how a certain student was getting on, Gen- 
eral Lee replied, in that tone of grave satire in which he occa- 
sionally indulged, "He is a quiet, orderly young man, but 
seems very careful not to injure the health of his father'' s son. 
He got last month only forty on his Greek, thirty-five on his 
Mathematics, forty-seven on his Latin, and fifty on his Eng- 
lish; which is a very low standing, as one hundred is our maxi- 
mum. Now, 1 do not want our young men to really injure 
their health, hut I wish them to come as near it as possible.'''' 

On another occasion, when a certain name was called. Gen- 
eral Lee remarked, "I am sorry to see that he has fallen back 
so far in his Mathematics." — "You are mistaken, general," 
said the professor; "he is one of the very best men in my 
class." — "He only got fifty-four last month," was the reply. 
On looking at the report, it was found that there had been 
a mistake in the copying, and that General Lee was correct 
according to the record. 

During the earlier years of his incumbency the presence of 
emancipated slaves was naturally a disturbing element. The 
young Southerner had not adjusted his views to the new status 
of the colored race, and in the flush of freedom many of the 
negro population were arrogant and exasperating. General 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 449 

Lee anxiously devoted his attention to the situation, and 
sought sternly to suppress all interference of the students 
with the negroes. Information was at one time brought to 
him that the students had deliberately organized to disturb a 
public meeting of colored people at Lexington. He at once 
posted the subjoined order upon the bulletin-board in the 

college hall : 

"Washington College, 
"November 20, 1868. 

"It has been reported to the faculty of Washington College 
that some of the students have threatened to disturb a public 
meeting of the colored people of Lexington, to be held at the 
fair-grounds this evening, the 20th instant. 

"It is not believed that the students of this college, who 
have heretofore conducted themselves in such an exemplary 
manner, would do anything to disturb the public peace or 
bring discredit on themselves or the institution to which they 
belong ; but it is feared that some, prompted by curiosity or a 
desire to witness the proceedings, ma)/ be present. Tlie pres- 
ident therefore requests all students to abstain from attending 
this and all similar meetings, and thinks it only necessary to 
call their attention to the advantages of attending strictly, as 
heretofore, to their important duties at the college, and of, in 
no way, interfering with the business of others. ■ From past 
experience they may feel certain that should any disturbance 
occur, efforts will be made to fix the blame on Washington 
College. It therefore behooves every student to keep away 
from all such assemblies. 

' ' Respectfully, 

"R. E. Lee, 

^^ Preside jit of Washington College.'^'' 

If the disturbance had ever been planned, this appeal from 
the president effectually prevented it. There is more than 
reasonable doubt, however, of the existence of any such design 
among the students. In the Reconstruction era there were cir- 
culated many false reports of collisions between the races and 
unjust treatment of colored people, that political advantage 
might result. General Lee understood the motive for these 

29 



450 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

aspersions of his students, and saw how readily his presence 
in the college conld be made to lend plausibility to stories of 
acts of bitterness and hatred. But the majesty of truth came 
to be vindicated by his calm and sustained conduct Every 
word and act of his exerted an influence tending to heal up 
sectional animosities, to force compliance with the govern- 
mental policy, and to inculcate all the indispensable qualities 
of good citizenship. 

This method of appeal to the students was irresistible. It 
was a happy substitute for the former mode of prescribing pen- 
alties after the commission of acts of folly. He successfully 
appealed to the honor and self-respect of the students as suffi- 
cient monitors against any excess in their college hilarity and 
pranks which might destroy the quiet and rest of peaceful 
citizens. During his presidency few instances occurred within 
that community of those students' sports so familiar and annoy- 
ing in college towns. 

In strict conformity with this demand for order and quiet 
General Lee shortened the Christmas recess. The college 
exercises had customarily been suspended at Christmas-time 
for ten days, but the delay in their return to the institution 
generally disarranged the orderly life of the students. The 
interval permitted great temptations to beset those who did 
not avail themselves of it to visit their homes. Released 
from all restraints of study and attendance, they were easily 
susceptible to the irregular habits which mark the season of 
good-will. In order to overcome this relaxation of discipline, 
the new president did away with the Christmas vacation, and 
in its place suspended academic exercises for three days "to 
enable the students to join in the rites and ser\'ices appropriate 
to the occasion." He added, "While enjoying these privileges 
with grateful hearts, all are urged to do or countenance nothing 
which may disturb the peace, harmony, and happiness that 
should pervade a Christian community." 

One striking feature of President Lee's collegiate incum- 
bency was the religious spirit which animated the institution. 
He had been from childhood a member of the Church of his 
ancestors, the Protestant Episcopal. But his religion had a 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 45 I 

g-enuine catholicity of character. The dogmas of sects were 
less to him than the essential and nniversal truths of spiritual 
raith. Therefore, when the new chapel he had planned was 
completed under his supervision the pastors of four congrega- 
tions, at his invitation, officiated at the devotional exercises. 
Each student could thus attend worship in conformity with his 
own views or in compliance with parental choice. Upon these 
chapel devotions General Lee was an unfailing attendant, and 
his religious sincerity had a marked influence ■ upon all about 
him. 

He fostered the organization of a Young Men's Christian 
Association among the students, making liberal contributions 
to its fund and donating to it a specially-collected library. In 
his reports to the Board of Trustees he gave detailed mention 
of this society, and dwelt upon the religious influence it ex- 
erted. Upon the matriculation of a new student his religious 
faith was inquired into, and it was sought at once to bring him 
in close relations with the pastor of the Church of his belief. 
Nothing better illustrated General Lee's theory of collegiate 
training than did this tender solicitude for the spiritual wel- 
fare and culture of his students. He had a loftier idea of 
education than that comprised in the laborious task of the text- 
book. His view of a true education embraced the moral expan- 
sion of mind and soul, the implanting of high principles of 
manhood and of a delicate sense of honor, and he often ex- 
pressed himself as feeling that his duty would be ill done were 
not his students led to become consistent Christians. His own 
life exemplified his teachings. A member of a church (not 
his own), who had known him intimately for years, said that 
"his lips were never soiled by a profane or obscene word, and 
that when the provocation was great for a display of angry 
feelings, it was his course to use the ' soft answer which turn- 
eth away wrath.' " 

In no spirit of undue eulogy it may be said that General Lee 
was the ideal college president. There have been many others 
who stand forth more prominent in educational annals — some 
noted for the accumulation of pedantry, others for deep and val- 
uable research in special fields of learning of benefit to man- 



452 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

kind, and still others for polemical ability; but few have pre- 
sented that happy combination of qualities which makes the 
working president. It is not our intention to ascribe remark- 
able learning to General Lee, though no one without injustice 
can depreciate his broad culture. But as an executive officer, 
patiently and indefatigably giving personal attention to details 
and achieving well-rounded results, the meed of praise should 
be unstinted. 

He occupied the presidency not to enjoy a sinecure at the 
mere outlay of his great reputation. He was an actual, stead- 
fast laborer with a well-defined plan to consummate, and his zeal 
never flagged. No grander duty was ever conceived and hero- 
ically self-imposed than that of educating the Southern youth 
into a spirit of loyalty to the new conditions and the transfor- 
mation of the social fabric which had resulted from the war, 
and only through a peaceful obedience to which could the 
future peace and harmony of the country be assured. It was 
this sense of obligation which prompted General Lee to accept 
the college presidency, and its unremitting impulses can be 
traced in systematical action throughout his career at Wash- 
ington College. There was a preconceived policy which had 
a consecutive and consistent execution. 

The affectionate regard entertained for General Lee by the 
college faculty "and his many friends in the South was shown 
in numerous manifestations. General Ewell contributed to the 
college endowment five hundred dollars, with the expressed con- 
dition that it should be applied to increasing the president's sal- 
ary. But General Lee treated this generous offer as he had many 
similar ones. The friendly motive which prompted the contri- 
bution was appreciated, but he argued that he already received 
more than his services were worth. He reviewed in a tone of 
personal distress the pressing needs of the college — its lack of 
apparatus, its inefficient library — and alluded wistfully to what 
a liberal endowment would accomplish, for "we must look to 
the rising generation for the restoration of the country." 

In the last winter of his life General Lee's failing health 
excited alarm among his colleagues, and he was urged to find 
relaxation from the sustained tension of his duties in a South.- 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 453 

ern trip. He was reluctant to do so, since liis absence would 
impose additional labors upon the members of the faculty, but 
he was at length induced to yield. While he was absent the 
Board of Trustees appropriated money for building him a hand- 
some residence and settling an annuity of three thousand dol- 
lars upon his family. This gift, however, he peremptorily 
declined. The residence was erected under his watchful eye, 
its cost being far reduced below the estimates. But he per- 
sistently declined to consider it as his property, and was punc- 
tilious in his reference to it as "the President's House." He 
wrote to the Board: "Though fully sensible of the kindness 
of the Board, and justly appreciating the manner in which 
they sought to administer to my relief, I am unwilling that 
my family should become a tax to the college, but desire all 
its funds should be devoted to the purposes of education. I 
know that my wishes on this subject are equally shared by my 
wife. I feel full assurance that in case a competency should 
not be left to my wife, her children would never suffer her to 
want." However, after General Lee's death the trustees en- 
deavored to secure Mrs. Lee's acceptance of a deed to the man- 
sion and the annuity. Imbued with her husband's spirit, she 
declined. 

There is something highly attractive in the spectacle of this 
great man, who had occupied so prominent a position in the 
eyes of the world, and whom thousands would have been glad 
.to honor and enrich, refusing all gratuities and all adulation, 
and settling down in a quiet country town to perform the duties 
of a noble but arduous profession, without a shadow of discon- 
tent or gloom, and with nothing: in his demeanor to show that 
he had not spent his life in the teaching and management of 
youth. The remarkable ability which he displayed in this 
new field of duty goes to show that he was a man of varied in- 
tellectual powers, and one who, if he had not been thrown by 
chance into the life of a soldier, could not have failed to make 
his mark in any profession he might have undertaken. 

Such limitations as he had were certainly not unknown to 
himself, and he was not the man to accept any position whose 
duties he did not feel competent to perform under the impulse 



454 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of the honor or emohiineiit which he might thereby attain. 
This fact is clearly brought out in a conversation related by 
Hon. B, H. Hill which took place during the last years of the 
war. Meeting him on the streets of Richmond, Mr. Hill said, 
"General, I wish you would give us your opinion as to the 
propriety of changing the seat of Government and going far- 
ther south." 

"That is a political question, Mr. Hill, and you politicians 
must determine it. I shall endeavor to take care of the army, 
and you must make the laws and control the Government." 

" Ah, general," said Mr. Hill, "but you will have to change 
that rule, and form and express political opinions, for if we 
establish our independence the people will make you Mr. 
Davis's successor." 

"Never, sir," he replied with a firm dignity that belonged 
only to Lee: "that I will never permit. Whatever talents I 
may possess (and they are but limited) are military talents. 
My education and training are military. I think the military 
and civil talents are distinct if not different, and full duty in 
either sphere is about as much as one man can qualify himself 
to perform. I shall not do the people the injustice to accept 
high civil office with whose questions it has not been my busi- 
ness to become familiar." 

"Well, but, general, history does not sustain your view. 
Caesar and Frederick of Prussia and Bonaparte were great 
statesmen as well as great generals." 

"And great tyrants," he promptly responded. "I speak 
of the proper rule in republics, where, I think, we should 
have neither militar>' statesmen nor political generals." 

"But Washington was both, and yet not a tyrant." 

With a beautiful smile he responded, "Washington was 
an exception to all rule, and there was none like him." 

This evidence of self-knowledge and this exhibition of self- 
abnegation were in keeping with the character of the man, and 
afford a lesson which few men in General Lee's position have 
taught. In his whole life he exhibited an ambition not for 
self, but for the discharge of what he conscientiously deemed 
his duty; and no allurements or emoluments of place or profit 



PRESIDENT OF WASHINGTON COLLEGE. 455 

could seduce him from his firmly-fixed convictions. The 
truly wise and patriotic man is he who, like General L,ee, 
has fully gauged his powers, and who will not let thirst for 
honor or love of power lead him to accept an office whose 
duties he has been unfitted by nature and education to pro|>- 
erly perform. 



CHAPTER. XXIV. 

HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 

Correspondence. — Requested to Enter Public Life. — Advice to Soldiers. — Declines Pub' 
licity. — Offer of Lucrative Situations. — Private Testimonials. — Character of Lee's 
Letters. — Social Intercourse. — Love of Children. — Anecdotes. — Ride to the Peak^ 
of Otter. — Incident. — Home Life. — Farming Advice. — Letter to G. W. C. Lee. — 
Letter to his Daughter. — A Visitor's Description. — Hospitality. — A Pleasant Dinner. 
— Tomato-canning. — Another Visit. — War Relics. — An Accident. — The Saddle- 
blanket. 

DURING the period covered by the preceding chapter Gen- 
eral Lee lived a non-official as well as an official life. He 
was a citizen of Lexington — or perhaps we should say a citizen 
of the world — as well as a college president. And it is his life 
as a citizen which we have next to review. That he took 
pleasure in this new phase of existence he himself testifies: 
''For my own part, I much enjoy the charms of civil life, 
and find too late that I have wasted the best years of my exist- 
ence." It could indeed hardly have been otherwise with one 
of his ardent family affection, and who had for so many years 
been deprived of the peaceful enjoyments of home life and 
social intercourse. 

His correspondence in relation to matters distinct from his 
collegiate position was extensive and varied. Several applica- 
tions were made to him for material by persons who desired to 
write his biography. To each he answered that whatever his 
life possessed of interest was connected with public events, the 
chronicles of which were at easy command. He writes to a 
lady: "I know of nothing good I could tell you of myself, and 
I fear I should not like to say any evil." 

There is cumulative evidence throughout his letters of his 

unalterable purpose to aid in the regeneration of the South 

and to devote his tireless energies to restoring the unity of the 

nation. He writes General Beauregard a letter, the appended 

456 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 457 

extract from which breathes a noble spirit of patriotism, and to 
the candid mind must be conclusive testimony of General lyce's 
loyalty to the Government: 

"I think the South requires the aid of her sons now more 
than at any period of her history. As you ask my purpose, I 
will state that I have no thought of abandoning her unless 
compelled to do so. After the surrender of the Southern 
armies in April the revolution in the opinions and feelings of 
the people seemed so complete, and the return of the Southern 
States into the Union of all the States so inevitable, that it 
became, in my opinion, the duty of every citizen, the contest 
being virtually ended, to cease opposition and place himself in 
a position to serve the country. I therefore, upon the promul- 
gation of the proclamation of President Johnson of 29th of May, 
which indicated his policy in the restoration of peace, deter- 
mined to comply with its requirements, and applied on the 13th 
of June to be embraced within its provisions. I have not heard 
■the result of my application. Since then I have been elected 
to the presidency of Washington College, and have entered 
upon the duties of the office in the hope of being of some ser- 
vice to the noble youth of our country. 

" I need not tell you that true patriotism sometimes requires 
of men to act exactly centrary at one period to that which it 
does at another, and the motive which impels them, the desire 
to do right, is precisely the same. The circumstances which 
govern their actions change, and their conduct must conform 
to the new order of things. History is full of illustrations of 
this: Washington himself is an example of this. At one time 
he fought against the French, under Braddock, in the service 
of the king of Great Britain ; at another, he fought with the 
French at Yorktown, under the orders of the Continental Con- 
gress of America, against him. He has not been branded 
by the world with reproach for this, but his course has been 
applauded. ' ' 

Again, he answers the query of a friend in New Orleans as to 
the propriety of taking the amnesty oath in this loyal strain: 
" If you intend to reside in this country, and wish to do your 
part in the restoration of your State and in the Government of 



458 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the country, which I think it the duty of every citizen to do, 
I know of no objection to your taking the amnesty oath which 
I have seen." 

In 1867 there was a ruling desire in the minds of leading 
men of Virginia that General Lee should accept the nomina- 
tion for governor of the State. Hon. Robert Ould communi- 
cated this wish to him, but political ambition was not burning 
in his breast. The welfare of Virginia was the crucial test to 
which he submitted the proffered honor, and the result seemed 
to compel his judgment to conclude against its acceptance. He 
candidly confessed that his feelings also induced him to pre- 
fer 4)rivate life, which was more suitable to his condition, and 
in which he believed he could better advance the interests of the 
State. He saw that it was no time to indulge in personal or 
political considerations, and that high office could not be proper- 
ly bestowed as a reward for supposed former services. He con- 
fided to Mr. Ould, for his private information, that he believed 
that his election "would be used by the dominant party to 
excite hostility toward the State and to injure the people in 
the eyes of the country." In conclusion he said: " I therefore 
cannot consent to become the instrument of bringing distress 
upon those whose prosperity and happiness are so dear to me. 
If my disfranchisement and privation of civil rights would 
secure to the citizens of the State the enjoyment of civil liberty 
and equal rights under the Constitution, I would willingly 
accept them in their stead." 

General Jubal A. Early had formed the design of writing a 
narrative of his operations before leaving the Army of North- 
ern Virginia, and the project was submitted for approval to 
General Lee. In commending it he added: " I would recom- 
mend, however, that, while giving facts which you think 
necessary for your own vindication, you omit all epithets or 
remarks calculated to excite bitterness or animosity between 
different sections of the country." 

One could easily augment the testimony of his sincere re- 
gard for his native State, for a reinauguration of an era of good 
feeling and for the lifting up of the prostrate South. Just 
before his removal to Lexington he received numerous requests 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 459 

for advice from soldiers who were being tempted by the vision 
of a new life in the Franco-Mexican empire. There is an evi- 
dent reluctance to chill the ardor of emigrants beguiled by 
the Maximilian decree of encouragement, but he cannot refrain 
from declaring that " although prospects may not now be cheer- 
ing, I have entertained the opinion that, unless prevented by 
circumstances or necessity, it would be better for them and the 
country for them to remain at their homes and share the fate 
of their respective States. ' ' 

To Governor Letcher he writes more explicitly: "The in- 
terests of the State are therefore the same as those of the 
United States. Its prosperity will rise or fall with the wel- 
fare of the country. The duty of its citizens, then, appears 
to me too plain to admit of doubt. All should unite in hon- 
est efforts to obliterate the effects of war and to restore the 
blessings of peace. They should remain, if possible, in the 
country, promote harmony and good feeling, qualify them- 
selves to vote, and elect to the State and general legislatures 
wise and patriotic men who will devote their abilities to the 
interests of the country and the healing of all dissensions. I 
have invariably recommended this course since the cessation 
of hostilities, and have endeavored to practise it myself" 

General Lee shrank from appearing upon the public roSv 
trum, and abstained even from attendance at meetings where 
his presence could be tortured into any interpretation hostile to 
peaceful submission. Hence he refused an invitation in April, 
1867, to lecture before the Peabody Institute of New York. 
The declination must have been an additional sacrifice, for he 
was a known friend of the great philanthropist. In 1869, how- 
ever, he yielded to a request for his photograph, which was 
placed among those of the "friends" of Mr, Peabody at the 
institute in Peabody, Mass. When the death of that noble ben- 
efactor occurred he penned a touching tribute to his memory. 

While at Lexington repeated endeavors were made to allure 
him from college duties into business enterprises in which the 
promise of wealth was more flattering. His salary was but 
$3000 per annum. The presidency of the Southern Life In- 
surance Company, with the salary of $10,000, was tendered 



460 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

liim, but he wrote General John B. Gordon: ''It would be a 
great pleasure to me to be associated with you, Hampton, B. 
H. Hill, and the other good men whose names I see on your 
list of directors, but I feel that I ought not to abandon the posi- 
tion I hold at Washington College at this time or as long as I 
can be of service to it." Just before his death he did accept 
the presidency of the Valley Railroad Company, His acqui- 
escence was obtained by the forcible presentation of the advan- 
tages which would accrue to Washington College from the 
construction of the road. 

Constant private testimonials of esteem and remembrance 
were sent to the old soldier. While, as has already been 
shown, he persistently refused proffers of pecuniar} aid, and 
was unwilling that any funds should be diverted from the col- 
lege endowment, yet he was never churlish in declining small 
tokens whose value was more suggestive than intrinsic. His 
notes acknowledging the receipts of the gifts are models of the 
epistolary art. A hat is sent from Baltimore, a saddle and a 
dressing-gown from a Southern Relief fair, a beaver robe from 
far-away Wyoming ; an English Bible comes from distinguished 
members of Parliament ; a translation of the Iliad is sent to 
him, and he writes to its author that it has furnished him his 
evening's recreation. 

Throughout that final period of his life his correspondence 
was occupied with official matters, domestic interchanges of 
parental love and sympathy in family bereavements, patriotic 
appeals to let the issues of the war sink into oblivion, and 
with those minor notes of friendly intercourse which so help 
to exhibit the real man. No one can peruse the letters of 
General Lee, placed in chronological sequence, without being 
impressed with the nobility of character which is infused into 
every sentence. They occupy a lofty plane, yet one that is not 
above the earth. Throughout them one finds the spirit of 
practical wisdom. There is not here the ecstasy of the saint 
nor the vapory imagination of the transcendcntalist. A man 
of the world, trained in its rudest and most material shocks, 
writes, but ennobling virtues guide the pen. 

In this epistolary collection may be found evidence of the 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 46 1 

keen interest felt by General Lee in the adjudication of the 
question involving the confiscation of the Arlington estate. 
As the executor of the will of G. W. P. Custis he was alive to 
the duties of the trust. He did not survive the tedious litig-a- 
tion which eventually resulted in a decree by the United States 
Supreme Court of comparative compensation for the estate. 

It remains to investigate the relations which existed between 
him and the people of Lexington, and to draw back with care- 
ful hand the curtain from the sacred shrine of his domestic life. 
The same personal devotion which went out to him from the 
hearts of his soldiery was displayed by the residents of the 
college town. Their intercourse was of the most cordial and 
agreeable character. The negroes manifested for him on all 
occasions the most profound respect. When he approached, 
either walking or mounted on his famous horse Traveller, they 
would stop, bow politely, and stand until he had passed. He 
never failed to acknowledge their salutes with kind and digni- 
fied courtesy. 

All the children knew and loved him, and felt no hesitation 
in approaching. A pleasant incident is related of Virginia Lee 
Letcher, his god-daughter, and her baby-sister, Fannie. Jennie 
had been followed by her persistent sister down the road, and 
all the coaxing and commanding of the six-year-old failed to 
make the younger turn home and leave her to continue her 
walk without company. Fannie had sat down by the roadside 
to pout, when General Lee came riding along. Jennie at once 
appealed to him: "General Lee, won't you make this child go 
home to her mother?" The general immediately rode over to 
the refractory child, leaned over from his saddle, and drew her 
up into his lap. There she sat in royal contentment, and was 
thus grandly escorted home. When Mrs. Letcher inquired of 
, Jennie why she had given General Lee so much trouble, she 
received the naive reply: "I couldn't make Fan go home, and 
I thought he could do anything." This delicious episode is 
yet remembered among Lexington people, though the veracious 
chronicler may have to pause in doubt between the introduction 
of the horseback ride and the variorum account which makes 
the occurrence pedestrian. 



462 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

There was a child at Lexington who was accustomed to 
clamber up by the side of General Lee at the college-chapel 
exercises, and who was so kindly treated that whenever he saw 
his distinguished friend he straightway assumed a position 
beside him. At the college commencement the little fellow 
glided from his mother's side and quietly stole up to the plat- 
form. Soon he was nestled at the feet of the dignified ^presi- 
dent and resting his head confidingly upon the knees of his 
chosen patron. General Lee tenderly remained without mov- 
ing, preferring to suffer from the constrained position rather 
than disturb the innocent slumberer. The youth has grown 
up into the Rev. Mr. Jones, a Baptist minister. 

Circus-day was an event to the children of Lexington. They 
flocked around General Lee, and he was their escort by whole- 
sale. He sat in the midst of them upon the boards of the tent, 
and it would have been difficult to estimate the relative amounts 
of enjoyment derived by him and his little guests. 

In 1867, in company with his daughter INIildred, he rode on 
horseback to the Peaks of Otter, fifty miles from Lexington. 
At a ferry on the route the boatman chanced to be an old sol- 
dier. When the usual charge was tendered the rough moun- 
taineer's eyes filled with tears, and he shook his head while 
saying, "I could not take pay from you, Master Robert: I have 
followed you in many a battle." 

As father and daughter rode on a sudden shower came down 
upon them, and they galloped up to a log hut by the roadside, 
and without ceremony sought shelter. The poor woman of the 
house did not view the intrusion with cordiality. Her floors 
were scrupulously clean and every footprint was an offence. 
On the wall were suspended rudely-colored portraits of Lee, 
Jackson, and Davis; When the storm abated the general 
stepped out to bring up the horses. In his momentary' 
absence Miss Mildred gently intimated that the unceremo- 
nious caller was the original of one of the portraits. The 
woman was transfixed with astonishment, and, throwing up 
her hands, exclaimed, "Lord bless my soul! That I should 
have lived to have General Lee in my house!" When the 
general returned her gratitude knew no bounds, and every 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 463 

attention was lavished upon the travellers. The opportunity of 
this long ride was taken to visit Mr. Buford, in whose house 
Mrs. Lee had found refuge on several occasions during the 
war. 

General Lee's domestic life was noble in its purity, admir- 
able in its loving indulgences and devotion, and happy in all 
the family pleasures that rule in refined homes. When one 
reflects upon the military qualities which won him rank as a 
ruler of men, his quiet home life, rich in all the affections, 
stands^ in admirable though striking antithesis; and yet the 
contrast disappears when his whole consistent career is passed 
in review. As a son his attachment to his mother knew no 
bounds. His affection for his wife was, if possible, even 
stronger. In social and domestic intercourse he was not the 
cold and austere man he appeared in the crisis of battle. No 
man more enjoyed quiet humor. In the home circle he was 
genial, captivating, and as unaffected in his ways as a child. 
He entered heartily into all the domestic rounds of amuse- 
ment, and contributed by many little inventions to the enjoy- 
ment of guests. His children were fond of pets, and he 
indulged all their innocent propensities. 

His wife had become a confirmed invalid, and to her he gave 
devoted attention. He spent much of his leisure time in her 
company, cheering her spirits by his conversation while he 
wheeled her invalid chair about. 

A few of his family letters will disclose the mutual ties of 
affection and confidence which bound the members together. 
In October, 1867, he writes R. E. Lee, Jr. : "I am clear for 
your marriage, if you select a good wife. Otherwise, you had 
better remain as you are for a time. An improvident or un- 
congenial woman is worse than the miiiksy^ 

With what fatherly solicitude he watched over and counselled 
his children is admirably shown by this farmer's letter he pens 
his son in the spring of 1868: 

"I am sorry to learn from your letter of the ist that the 
winter has been so hard on your wheat. I hope, however, the 
present good weather is shedding its influence upon it, and 

* The chief pest of the Virginia farmer is the viink. 



464 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

that it will turn out better than it promises. You must take 
a lesson from the past season. What you do cultivate, do 
well. Improve and prepare your land in the best manner. 
Your labor will be less and 5-our profits more. Your flat 
lands were always uncertain in wet winters. The uplands 
were more sure 

"A farmer's motto should be 'Toil and trust.' I am glad 
you have got your lime and sown oats and clover. Do you use 
the drill or sow broadcast ? I rode out the other day to Mr. A. 

C 's, and went into the field where he was ploughing. I 

took great pleasure in following his ploughs around the circuit. 
He had four in operation. Three of them were held by his 
former comrades in the army, who are regularly employed by 
him, and much, he says, to his satisfaction and profit. People 
have got to work now. It is creditable to them to do so — their 
bodies and their minds are benefited by it, and those who can 
and will, will be advanced by it." 

A letter to his eldest son, G. W. Custis Lee, written at an 
earlier period of his life, is so full of aphoristic wisdom and 
breathes such a high sense of duty and honor that we cannot 
refrain from introducing an extract from it here: 

" You must study to be frank with the world: frankness is 
the child of honesty and courage. Say just what you mean 
to do on every occasion, and take it for granted you mean to 
do right. If a friend asks a favor, you should grant it if it is 
reasonable; if not, tell him plainly why you cannot: you will 
wrong him and wrong yourself by equivocation of any kind. 
Never do a wrong thing to make a friend or keep one; the 
man who requires you to do so is dearly purchased at a sacri- 
fice. Deal kindly but firmly with all your classmates; you 
will find it the policy which wears best. Above all, do not 
appear to others v;hat you are not. If you have any fault to 
find with any one, tell him, not others, of what you complain; 
there is no more dangerous experiment than that of undertak- 
ing to be one thing before a man's face and another behind his 
back. We should live, act, and say nothing to the injury of 
any one. It is not only better as a matter of principle, but it 
is the path of peace and honor. 



H^ 



^"rob 




"^ ^-viRTRAll BY EI.DK.R.PFf..SENTKDTOTHE UNIVERSlTi' OF VIRGINIA 
'lY THE STUnRNTS OF THF, SF.SSION OF 1870-71 
AND AI.UMNT. 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 465 

" In regard to duty, let me, in conclusion of this hasty letter, 
inform you that nearly a hundred years ago there was a day of 
remarkable gloom and darkness, still known as ' the Dark Day ' 
— a day when the light of the sun was slowly extinguished as if 
by an eclipse. The legislature of Connecticut was in session, and 
as its members saw the unexpected and unaccountable darkness 
coming on they shared in the general awe and terror. It was 
supposed by many that the Last Day, the day of judgment, had 
come. Some one, in the consternation of the hour, moved an 
adjournment. Then there arose an old Puritan legislator, 
Davenport of Stamford, and said that if the Last Day had 
come he desired to be found at his place doing his duty, and 
therefore moved that candles be brought in, so that the House 
could proceed with its duty. There was quietness in that 
man's mind — the quietness of heavenly wisdom and inflexible 
willingness to obey present duty. Duty, then, is the sublimest 
word in our language. Do your duty in all things, like the 
old Puritan. You cannot do more — you should never wish to 
do less. Never let me and your mother wear one gray hair for 
any lack of duty on your part." 

In the liglit which letters like these shed around the man 
the perfect domesticity of his nature appears. All the tests 
of son, husband, and father he endures. He thus guides a 
daughter's mind : 

"Lexington, 21st Dec, 1867. 

" My dearest Life: I was glad to learn through your let- 
ter that you were well and happy. I was pleased to find, too, 
th^t while enjoying the kindness of your friends we were not 
forgotten. Experience will teach you that, notwithstanding 
all appearances to the contrary, you will never receive such 
love as is felt for you by your father and mother: that lives 
through absence, difficulties, and times. I hope you will find 
time to read and improve your mind. Read history and works 
of truth — not novels and romances. Get correct views of life, 
and learn to see the world in its true light. 

' ' We are getting on in the usual way. Agnes takes good 
care of us, and is always thoughtful and attentive. It is very 
30 



466 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

cold. The ground is covered with six inches of snow, and the 
mountains, as far as the eye can reach, elevate their white crests 
as monuments of winter. I must leave to your sisters a descrip- 
tion of all the gayeties, and also an account of the 'Reading 
Club.' As far as I can judge, it is a great institution for the 
discussion of apples and chestnuts, but is quite innocent of the 
pleasures of literature. 

" Our feline companions are flourishing. Young Baxter is 
growing in gracefulness and favor, and gives cat-like evidences 
of future worth. He indulges in the fashionable color of ' moon- 
light on the lake ' — apparently a dingy hue of the kitchen — 
and is strictly aristocratic in appearance and conduct. Tom, 
surnamed the ' Nipper ' from the manner in which he slaugh- 
ters our enemies the rats and mice, is admired for his gravity 
and sobriety, as well as his strict attention to the pursuits of 
his race. They both feel your absence sorely. Traveller and 
Custis are both well, and pursue their usual dignified gait and 
habits, not led away by the frivolous entertainments of lectures 
and concerts 

*' Think always of your father, who loves you dearly. 

"R. E. Lee." 

The genial humor of this fatherly letter was a marked fea- 
ture of General Lee's character. The relaxation from the 
dignity of outer life, mistaken for austerity by so many, is 
thus happily illustrated in the inner home circle. 

A further insight into his character, as it was exemplified 
within the precincts of his home, is afforded by a visit so 
admirably recounted in the unaffected description of the lady 
visitor herself that we give it without abridgment : 

"In the summer of 1866, General Lee and his family went 
for some weeks to the Rockbridge Baths, leaving the house 
and garden in charge of their excellent servant Caroline, who 
had come with them from Powhatan county. The vegetables 
were very abundant and fine, and Mrs. Lee greatly desired to 
have the tomatoes canned and made into catsup. As Caroline 
was not willing to undertake the work alone, Mrs. Lee asked 
me to spend a day in overlooking and directing the operation; 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 467 

which I was glad to do. At the time appointed I went over to 
the house, expecting to spend a quiet but busy and pleasant 
day. The kettle was boiling, the tomatoes in great quantities 
ready for paring, and the cans standing ready to be filled. Sev- 
eral hours passed, and by half-past twelve good progress had 
been made toward filling some eight or ten half-gallon cans. 
Suddenly a step was heard on the porch upon which the kitchen 
opened, and before we could turn round General L^ee walked 
in. He had ridden up from the baths to attend to some im- 
portant letters, and, knowing that the house was closed except 
on that side, had come in that way. 

*'He greeted us both most kindly, but was much surprised 
to see me in the kitchen. When he learned how matters stood, 
he became anxious to know what preparations had been made 
for dinner for me. Some broiled ham and eggs, with bread 
and butter, were what Caroline had suggested, and with these 
I would have been more than satisfied ; but the general would 
not hear of so simple a bill of fare. He ordered coffee, and 
asked if some fruit or cake could not be found. Neither of 
these dainties being on hand, and I assuring him that the din- 
ner provided was ample if he could find satisfaction in it, he 
agreed that we should dine together. When the table was laid 
neither knives, forks, nor spoons could be found, everything 
having been carefully locked up and the keys put away. 

"His large camp-chest, used during the Mexican War and 
also during the four years of our war, stood in the dining-room, 
and when the fruitless search was over the general asked if I 
would object to the use of the knives, forks, and spoons which 
for so many years had been kept there and used by him. I 
assured him the meal would be vastly more enjoyable with 
these than with any others ; and when he had let me inspect 
the chest, he handling and explaining everything, we sat down 
at the table. He was as charming and as anxious to consult 
my comfort and pleasure as if I had been a queen. When the 
dishes were removed he fancied that the dinner was scarcely 
sufficient for one who, he thought, had been occupied, and 
would be constantly during the afternoon ; so he insisted upon 
searching the pantry for something in the way of sweetmeats, 



468 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and soon found two jars, from one of which he produced some 
dried ginger, and from the other some delicious peach chips. 
No amount of begging could induce him to taste either, and 
I enjoyed the little dessert more than I can tell as he sat by 
chatting brightly and cutting the ginger in bits for me, while 
Caroline leisurely ate her own dinner and made ready for our 
afternoon's work. 

' ' We sat in the parlor, the general reading and commenting 
on some of the many letters which daily came to him. Some 
amused him very much, and others he was very grave over. 
One, I remember, was from a lady asking him to find and send 
her a little Confederate orphan girl. She was to be of a cer- 
tain age, a certain size, beautiful, a blonde, of gentle birth, 
interesting, with no vices, no oddities, and never to be molested 
by her relatives ! Another was from the head of a convent in 
Wheeling offering to educate some ten or twelve Confederate 
orphan girls free of all charge, but upon condition that they 
became Romanists. This, I recollect, .he said he could not 
agree to. 

"When Caroline came to call me he made me promise not 
to overtax my strength and to rest before returning home. 
Several times during the evening he came into the kitchen 
to superintend, as he laughingly said, but really to see that I 
was not doing more than my share of the work ; and nobody 
could have been more interested than he was in the proper sea- 
soning for tomato catsup. When the tops had been soldered 
on the cans by the tinner, and Caroline had promised to put 
them safely away, I left her to put the corks in the bottles of 
catsup, and went into Mrs. Lee's room to rest a short time. 
The general came from his little study and insisted upon my 
going there to sit, as I did not care to lie down, and, putting 
aside his writing, he talked as he had done at dinner, in his 
own beautiful, genial way, making me feel perfectly at home. 

" I remember his taking up a picture of his birthplace and 
telling me some little anecdotes of his boyhood. When I arose 
to come away he thanked me, and showed as much concern lest 
I should be over-fatigued by my day's work as if I had done 
something extraordinary. The remembrance of this day spent 



HOME AND SOCIETY LIFE. 469 

with General Lee in his own honse has been, and ever will be, 
greatly treasured by me, and there are many people who will, 
I feel sure, enjoy this little glimpse of the great soldier at home. 
Unfortunately, the tomatoes upon which we had bestowed so 
much care were never used by the family. Caroline put the 
cans into an unlocked safe on the back porch, and that very 
night they were all stolen. The catsup proved very nice. 

*' About two years after this I went over one mornine in 
July with a young friend from Baltimore to call on Mrs. I^ee. 
As we entered the house we could see through the back door 
several suits of uniform, blue and gray, with one or two Mex- 
ican blankets, hanging upon a line in the yard. We were taken 
into Mrs. Lee's room, and finding the general there I asked 
if the moths had got into his trunks. He replied that they 
had, and everything was being aired and inspected. He 
left the room a moment, and when he returned he brought 
a most beautiful Mexican blanket, woven in imitation of the 
Mexican flag and the gift of the women of the city of Mexico. 
This he prized most highly. After admiring and examining 
it carefully, we comforted him by the assurance that it was 
uninjured. Mrs. Lee asked him to show my friend some of the 
beautiful gifts received by him during the war, and which were 
then lying about his room. He took us into his study, where 
we saw, among other things, some beautiful gauntlets sent from 
England, and which had never been worn. On the table was 
a splendid sword in its scabbard. This I drew out, and, find- 
ing on one or both sides an inscription in French, asked for 
some explanation. He simply said it was sent from France, 
but was too fine for use, and then he put it aside, not wishing 
us to see how beautiful and laudatory the inscription was. He 
then took up another sword, plain and dull in appearance as 
compared with the other. This he showed with great pride. 
It was the sword presented to General Washington during or 
after the Revolutionary War, afterward given to the Patent 
Office by Mr. Custis, and after the Mexican War presented to 
General (Colonel) Lee by another Congress. This he kept 
with him during our war. 

"With some little difficulty we induced him to give the 



470 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

history of a handsome pair of silver spurs sent from Maryland, 
also of a beautiful yellow silk scarf worn once or twice on 

grand reviews. While he was busy with Miss B , I 

espied on a small trunk, under a pile of clothes, a blue cloth 
saddle-blanket with some lettering in gold braid in the cor- 
ners. Going over to it, I carefully drew it out, thereby turn- 
ing completely over on the floor the clean clothes. His keen 
eyes immediately saw the mischief done, and with the excla- 
mation, 'Oh, my clean clothes!' he stepped across the room and 
rescued the freshly-laundricd garments. I was much confused 
and dismayed by my great awkwardness, but he most court- 
eously and kindly assured me that they were unsoiled, at the 
same time placing them on the bed. The saddle-blanket 
proved to be a gorgeous, affair, made and sent by some kind 
lady with the request that he would use it. This he had never 
done. In each corner were the words in rich gold thread, 
' Honor to the brave!' He told us he had sent her word that 
until these were picked out he had no more right to use it than 
the poorest private who faithfully did his duty." 

All the sentiments embalmed in his home letters, and all the 
memories of his home life cherished by his friends, combine 
to tell to the world the manner of man General Lee was in the 
society of his wife and children. Artless, sympathetic, solicit- 
ous, devoted, indulgent, fond of teasing, are descriptive terms 
whose accuracy must appear to all in the side-lights thrown 
upon the private circle. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 

General Lee's Failing Health. — The Fatal Attack. — His Death. — Colonel Jo/inskin's 
Testimony. — Mrs. Lee's Description of the Final Illpess. — Effect of the News upon 
the South. — Procession to the Chapel. — Religious Observances. — The Funeral Cere- 
monies. — Great Meeting at Richmond. — Extracts from Addresses of Jefferson Dayjs, 
General Gordon, and Colonel Withers. — Testimony of Reverdy Johnson. — Letter 
from General Scott. — General Preston's Remarks. — The Lee Memorial Association. 
— The Valentine Recumbent Statue. — Ceremonies of its Reception.— Description 
of Statue and Chamber. — General Lee as a Christian. — His Feeling toward the 
North. — Selected Thoughts. — A Captain Rebuked. 

IN the last year of General Lee's life his friends experienced 
many fluctuations of hope and despair respecting his health. 
In the arduous campaign of 1863 he had contracted a severe 
sore throat, the sequence of which was rheumatism of the heart- 
sac. The malady was intermittent, and so infrequently did he 
complain that few ever thought that his constitution was im- 
paired. But in October, 1869, he was attacked by inflamma- 
tion of the heart-sac, associated with rheumatism of the body. 
His friends persuaded him in the early spring of 1870 to spend 
six weeks in Florida and Georgia. He returned with more 
elated spirits, for his reception among old friends had been so 
cordial as to exorcise depression, though his ailment was not 
eradicated. Shortly afterward, feeling the steady advances of 
the disease, he began to express the belief that he had but a 
short time to remain upon this earth, and wished to resign from 
the presidency of the college, being conscious that his strength 
was inadequate to the performance of its duties. To this the 
faculty would not consent. His mere presence exerted an influ- 
ence that could not be otherwise supplied. 

In the summer he remained a few weeks at the Virginia Hot 
Springs, and was somewhat benefited. When the fall session 

471 



472 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

began lie evinced an energy in the discharge of his college 
duties that deluded many into the fond hope that a new lease 
of life had been vouchsafed him. There was a manifestation 
of interest in affairs and an elation which are so often but 
the indications of an approaching end. The college year had 
continued only a few days when pleasing hope and all the 
exhilaration that was infused through the academic halls 
departed. 

Upon Wednesday morning, September 28, 1870, General Lee 
was promptly at his desk, and gave his correspondence and other 
official matters the usual attention. After dinner, at four o'clock, 
there was a meeting of the vestry of Grace (Episcopal) Church, 
which he attended. A steady rain was falling and the air was 
quite chilly. (This rain poured down for several days and 
caused a flood that is yet remembered for its unusual destruc- 
tion.) He presided at the meeting, sitting in the cold and damp 
church with only his military cloak loosely wrapped about him. 
The discussion over the rebuilding of the church and the increase 
of the rector's salary was protracted until after seven o'clock. 
One of his acts at this meeting was characteristic of him. When 
a deficit was announced as still existing in the subscriptions for 
the minister's salary, General Lee promptly assumed payment 
of the balance, though it was beyond any proportionate amount 
justly due from him. 

Tea was waiting for him when he returned home. He ap- 
proached the table, and stood as if to invoke grace. His family 
watched in terrible anxiety the mute lips and the look that came 
upon his face. He could not speak. Quietly he sat down in his 
chair. His expression told that he comprehended the func- 
tional failure. There was no paralysis of sensation or motion, 
no swoon, yet his weakness was marked. Drs. H. T. Barton 
and R. L. Madison were called in and administered the usual 
restoratives. When carried to his bed he gave silent indication 
of his resignation to the summons. He was treated for venous 
congestion, and the remedies appeared to produce favorable 
results. But there was no buoyancy of hope in the watchers 
by his side, and no expectation of recover>' in his own mind. 
He knew he had been mortally stricken, and his own composed 



DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 473 

waiting for the end was too firm in its decision to Idc influenced 
by momentary symptoms of improvement. 

The seeming rally from the initial shock grew perceptibly 
greater until October loth. But on the afternoon of tliat day 
his pulse became accelerated and his hurried breathing beto- 
kened a serious relaj^se. At midnight a chill of exhaustion 
supervened, and the intelligence of his critical condition was 
broken to his family. Through the next day he rapidly sank, 
and his dissolution was felt to be imminent at any hour. A 
few moments after nine on the morning of the 12th he calmly 
breathed his last. 

Colonel William Preston Johnston, who watched almost con- 
stantly at his bedside, has thus eloquently and touchingly por- 
trayed the sad scenes attendant upon his death : 

"General Lee's closing hours were consonant with his noble 
and disciplined life. Never was more beautifully displayed 
how a long and severe education of mind and character enables 
the soul to pass with equal step through this supreme ordeal — 
never did the habits and qualities of a lifetime, solemnly gath- 
ered into a few last sad hours, more grandly maintain them- 
selves amid the gloom and shadow of approaching death. The 
reticence, the self-contained composure, the obedience to proper 
authority, the magnanimity, and the Christian meekness that 
marked all his actions still preserved their sway, in spite of 
the inroads of disease and the creeping lethargy that weighed 
down his faculties. 

"As the old hero lay in the darkened room or with the lamp 
and hearth-fire casting shadows upon his calm, noble front, all 
the massive grandeur of his form and face and brow remained, 
and death seemed to lose its terrors and to borrow a grace and 
dignity in sublime keeping with the life that was ebbing away. 
The great mind sank to its last repose almost with the equal 
poise of health. The few broken utterances that evinced at 
times a wandering intellect were spoken under the influence 
of the remedies administered ; but as long as consciousness 
lasted there was evidence that all the high controlling influ- 
ences of his whole life still ruled; and even when stupor was 
laying its cold hand on the intellectual perceptions, the moral 



474 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

nature, with its complete orb of duties and affections, still 
asserted itself. A Southern poet has celebrated in song those 
last significant words, 'Strike the tent!' and a thousand voices 
were raised to give meaning to the uncertain sound when the 
dying man said, with emphasis, 'Tell Hill he 7mist come up.' 
These sentences serve to show most touchingly through what 
fields the imagination was passing; but generally his words, 
though few, were coherent, and for the most part his silence 
was unbroken." 

His widow, in a letter to an intimate friend, told the sad 
story of his last hours, and dwelt with sustaining trust upon 
their perfect Christian sublimity: " My husband came in. We 
had been waiting tea for him, and I remarked, ' You liave kept 
us waiting a long time. Where have you been?' He did not 
reply, but stood up as if to say grace. Yet no word proceeded 
from his lips, and he sat down in his chair perfectly upright 
and with a sublime air of resignation on his countenance, 
and did not attempt a reply to" our inquiries. That look was 
never to be forgotten, and I have no doubt he felt that his hour 
had come; for, though he submitted to the doctors, who were 
immediately summoned, and who had not even reached their 
homes from the same vestry-meeting, yet his whole demeanor 
during his illness showed one who had taken leave of earth. 
He ntver smiled, and rarely attempted to speak, except in his 
dreams, and then he wahdcred to those dreadful battlefields. 
Once, when Agnes urged him to take some medicine, which 
he always did with reluctance, he looked at her and said, ' It is 
no use.' But afterward he took it. When he became so much 
better the doctor said, ' You must soon get out and ride your 
favorite gray.' He shook his head most emphatically and 
looked upward. He slept a great deal, but knew us all, 
greeted us with a kindly pressure of the hand, and loved to 
have us around him. For the last forty-eight hours he seemed 
quite insensible of our presence. He breathed more heavily, 
and at last gently sank to rest with one deep-drawn sigh. And 
oh, what a glorious rest was in store for him!" 

The death of General Lee was solemnly proclaimed to the 
residents of Lexington by the tolling of bells. With common 



DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 475 

accord all business was suspended. Tokens of mourning ap- 
peared on all buildings. The schools were closed and the 
college exercises ceased. The grief manifested by the people 
was profound. The little children whom he had cherished, 
and who had entertained for him a reverential love, wept over 
the absence of one whose death in the full measure of its be- 
reavement they scarce understood. Women were affected to 
tears, and strong men turned aside to repress their emotion. 
It was a personal loss to them. In the Southern States his 
death was deplored as a calamity. Citizens, societies, and all 
associations of men met in some manner of assemblage and 
recorded their sense of the sad event. Resolutions of condo- 
lence and respect were adopted. Legislatures paused in their 
proceedings to add to the tokens of grief All professions, all 
callings in mercantile life, were represented in the tributes. 
Rarely has sorrow been so universal, and seldom has genuine 
affection entered so deeply into the mourning over the death of 
a public benefactor. 

On the 14th of (October the remains of the deceased hero were 
conveyed to the college chapel, where they lay in state until 
the hour of the final obsequies upon the next day. The proces- 
sion which moved from the residence was formed under Prof. 
J. J. White as chief marshal, with assistants appointed by the 
students. The escort of honor was composed of Confederate 
soldiers. Following this guard and preceding the hearse came 
the clergy. The pall- bearers were twelve, representing the 
trustees, faculty, and students of Washington College, the au- 
thorities of the Virginia Military Institute, the soldiers of the 
Confederate army, and the citizens of the college town. Just 
in the rear of the hearse two old soldiers led Traveller, the 
celebrated war-horse, crape emblejns appearing upon saddle and 
bridle. Then followed in the long cortege the college author- 
ities, students, and citizens. When the casket was rested upon 
the dais within the chapel the procession filed slowly past, and 
each member looked for the last time upon the uncovered fea- 
tures of the dead. The body was attired in simple black. 
About the coffin rested floral emblems, the profuse tributes of 
loving hearts. Until the hour of interment upon Saturday a 



47 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

student giiard of honor paced with sentinel care about the 
dais. 

Before the conveyance of the remains to the chapel, funeral 
exercises had been held of a simple character. Citizens and 
students made up the saddened congregation which gathered 
within the chapel-walls. Rev. Dr. Pendleton read from Psalm 
27 :8-ii and 28-40, and made application of its teachings to 
the life and death of General Lee. The minister was rarely 
endowed for his sorrowful mission. For forty-five years he 
had been associated with Lee as fellow-student, comrade-in- 
arms, and pastor. He spoke with the full equipment of know- 
ledge and the devotion of friendship, and his tribute to the 
undeviating rectitude, the consistency of Christian character, 
that ruled the life-career of the distinguished dead was the 
eloquent utterance of heartfelt truths. In the beautiful and 
apposite words of the psalm, "The law of God was in his 
heart; therefore did none of his steps slide;" "Mark the per- 
fect man and behold the upright, for the end of that man is 
peace." Dr. White, the pastor of Stonewall Jackson, and 
Rev. John William Jones, a chaplain in the Army of Northern 
Virginia, and intimately connected with General Lee, also made 
brief remarks upon the eminent qualities of the dead. 

The day of the funeral found the sky unclouded. The air 
was bracing. The roads were almost unfit for travel, the effects 
of the recent freshet not having disappeared. But sorrowing 
people braved the discomforts. The Virginia Legislature sent 
a delegation, and various towns in the Commonwealth were 
represented. It had been determined to make the funeral rites 
and observances rigorously plain, for the wishes of the deceased, 
though they had not been expressed in words, were felt by all 
to be opposed to display. The whole manner of General Lee 
had given unerring evidence of his desire in this respect, and 
plainness was in perfect keeping with his lack of ostentation. 
All the ceremonies were marked by simple dignity. 

The procession was formed at ten o'clock on Saturday morn- 
ing on the college campus. The escort of honor was com- 
posed of officers and soldiers of the Confederate army. It 
moved solemnlv onward through the streets of Lexington, 



DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 477 

being joined at various points by tlie visiting delegations. 
The band of the Virginia Military Institute played a solemn 
dirge, bells tolled, and minute-guns were fired. But there 
was no attempt at display. No flag was to be seen in the long 
column. Buildings were festooned with black, and above them 
the flags were at half-staff. The Virginia Military Institute 
was notably draped with the emblems of grief. When the 
procession reached the chapel upon its return, the students 
and cadets, numbering about six hundred and fifty, marched 
through the chapel, past the remains, making their exit at an 
opposite doorway. The procession then filed into the church. 
Within the space allotted for the members of General Lee's 
family there sat also his attending physicians, Drs. Barton and 
Madison, and Colonels W. H. Taylor and C. S. Venable, who 
had been members of his staff. Upon the platform were seated 
the clergy and the faculties of the college and the institute. 

No sermon was preached. With exquisite voice Rev. Dr. 
Pendleton read the burial service of the Episcopal Church. 
At its conclusion the casket was removed to the brick vault 
prepared for it within the college-chapel area. The top of the 
vault was level with the floor of the library. Upon its mar- 
ble capping was the inscription, 

"ROBERT EDWARD LEE, 

Born January 19, 1807; 
Died October 12, 1870." 

The concluding services were conducted by the chaplain from 
the bank on the southern side of the chapel, in front of the 
vault. The hymn, 

" How firm a foundation, ye saints of the Lord," 

was sung by the assemblage after the coffin had been lowered 
into the vault. Thus in all simplicity were conducted the 
obsequies of the distinguished dead. There was not the 
pageantry of rank nor the formal and ostentatious accompa- 
niments of less sincere sorrow. In all that great congregation 
each individual was present to testify the personal sorrow felt 



478 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

for one whose greatness had never obliterated those qualities 
which, with admiration, win also affection. 

There were meetings of Confederate soldiers throughout the 
South — at New OrJeans, Mobile, Savannah, Memphis, in other 
cities, and in many towns — to express the universal regret felt 
at the untimely demise of the great warrior. At Richmond, 
on November 3d, a monster assemblage of his old soldiers 
gathered in obedience to a call from General Jubal A. Early, 
the senior in rank of all the officers of the Army of Northern 
Virginia. There was no distinction of rank observed in the 
invitation to this meeting. It included officers and pri^'ates 
of the army surrendered at Appomattox, men of other Con- 
federate armies, and all the survivors of the navy. The im- 
mediate object was to secure concerted action in reference to 
the memorial association already inaugurated at Lexington. 

Those who responded to this call were fully representative 
of military ranks. General and private mingled in committee, 
all rank forgotten and levelled in the common sorrow. Gen- 
eral Early was temporary chairman. The ex-President of the 
Confederacy, Jefferson Davis, was made the president. He was 
greeted with every manifestation of respect when he came for- 
ward to address the meeting. One extract may possess inter- 
est as bearing upon the single point of the relations subsisting 
between General Lee and Mr. Davis during the protracted 
struggle : 

" Robert E. Lee was my associate and friend in the Military 
Academy, and we were friends until the hour of his death. We 
were associates and friends when he was a soldier and I a Con- 
gressman, and associates and friends when he led the armies 
of the Confederacy and I held a civil office, and therefore I may 
claim to speak as one who knew him. In the many sad scenes 
and perilous circumstances through which we passed together 
our conferences were frequent and full, yet never was there an 
occasion on which there was not entire harmony of purpose and 
accordance as to means. If ever there was difference of opinion, 
it was dissipated by discussion, and harmony was the result. 
I repeat, we never disagreed, and I may add that I never in 
my life saw in him the slightest tendency to self-seeking. It 



DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 4.79 

was not liis to make a record, it was not his to shift blame to 
other shoulders; but it was his, with an eye fixed upon the 
welfare of his country-, never faltering, to follow the line of 
duty to the end. His was the heart that braved every diffi- 
culty: his was the mind that wrought victory out of defeat." 

Tributes were paid to the dead chieftain by General John S. 
Preston of South Carolina, General John B. Gordon of Georgia, 
Colonel Charles Marshall of Virginia, Ex-Governor Henry A. 
Wise of Virginia, Colonel Wm. Preston Johnston (son of Al- 
bert Sidney Johnston), and Ex-Senator Robert E. Withers of 
Virginia. 

General Gordon's address was marked for its felicity of ex- 
pression and affectionate warmth. He thus alluded in eloquent 
terms to one characteristic of General lyce: 

" General Lee is known to the world only as a military man, 
but it is easy to divine from his history how mindful of all just 
authority, how observant of all constitutional restrictions, would 
have been his career as a civilian. When, near the conclusion 
of the war, darkness was thickening about the falling fortunes 
of the Confederacy, when its very life was in the sword of Lee, 
it was my proud privilege to note with special admiration the 
modest demeanor, the manly decorum, and the respectful hom- 
age which marked all his intercourse with the constituted au- 
thorities of his country. Clothed with all power, he hid its 
every symbol behind a genial modesty, and refused to exert it 
save in obedience to law. And even in his triumphant entry 
into the territory of the enemy, so regardful was he of civilized 
warfare that the observance of his general orders as to private 
property and private rights left the line of his march marked 
and marred by no devastated fields, charred ruins, or desolated 
homes." 

Colonel Withers dwelt upon the mutual affection which con- 
trolled the hearts of General Lee and his men. "And why 
was this the predominant sentiment of his soldiery ?" he asked. 
"The answer is obvious: Because he loved his men. His mil- 
itar}' achievements may have been rivalled, possibly surpassed, 
by other great commanders. Alexander, Marlborough, Well- 
ington, Napoleon, each and all excited the admiration, enjoyed 



48p MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the confidence, and aroused the enthusiasm of their soldiers; 
but none of these were loved as Lee was loved. They consid- 
ered tlieir soldiers as mere machines prepared to perform a 
certain part in the great drama of the battlefield. They re- 
garded not the question of human life as a controlling element 
in their calculations: with unmoved eye and unquickened pulse 
they hurled their solid columns against the very face of destruc- 
tion without reck or care for the destruction of life involved. 

"But General Lee never forgot that his men were fellow- 
beings as well as soldiers. He cared for them with parental 
solicitude, nor ever relaxed in his efforts to promote their com- 
fort and protect tlieir lives. K striking exemplification of this 
trait can be found in the fact that it was his constant habit to 
turn over to the sick and wounded soldiers in the hospital such 
delicate viands as the partiality of friends furnished for his per- 
sonal consumption, preferring for himself the plain fare of the 
camp that his sick soldiers might enjoy the unwonted luxuries. 
These facts were well known throughout the army, and hence 
his soldiery, though often ragged and emaciated, though sufferv 
ing from privations and cold and nakedness, never faltered in 
their devotion nor abated one tittle of their love for him. They 
knew it was not his fault." 

Colonel Charles S. Venable also paid a glowing tribute. The 
resolutions presented by him were cordially approved by the 
great meeting. 

At a memorial meeting held in Baltimore, Hon. Reverdy 
Johnson joined in the general eulogy of the dead hero, with 
whom it had been his good fortune to be personally acquainted 
for many years. General Scott had more than once remarked 
in the presence of the speaker that his success in Mexico was 
largely due to the skill, valor, and undaunted energy of Robert 
E. Lee, and had stated his purpose to recommend him as his 
successor in the chief command of the army. ]\Iuch as Scott 
regretted Lee's resignation in 1861, he never failed to say that 
he was convinced that Lee had taken that step from an imper- 
ative sense of duty. The veteran general was somewhat con- 
soled by the reflection that in the conduct of the war he would 
have as his opponent a soldier worthy of every man's esteem, 



DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 48 1 

and one wlio would never deviate from the strictest rules of civ- 
ilized warfare. Mr. Johnson looked upon Robert E. Lee as 
worthy of all praise, peerless among men, and without an 
equal as a soldier. During the speaker's residence in England 
as representative of the United States at the court of Great 
Britain he had heard with delight the praise of Lee's character 
and ability from eminent soldiers and statesmen of that coun- 
try. As one instance he referred to the praises bestowed upon 
the army order of June 26, 1863, issued during the campaign 
in Pennsylvania, in which Lee told his men not to forget that 
the honor of the army required them to observe the same 
humanity in the country of the enemy as in their own. 

As confirmatory of the statement of General Scott's opinion 
of Lee may be consulted the following letter: 

"Headquarters of the Army, 
May 8, 1857. 

**HoN. J. B. Floyd, Secretary of War, 

"Sir: I beg to ask that one of the vacant second lieutenant- 
cies be given to W. H. F. Lee, son of Brevfet Colonel R. E. Lee, 
at present on duty against the Comanches, I make this applica- 
tion mainly on the extraordinary merits of the father, the very 
best soldier that I ever saw in the field. But the son is himself 
a very remarkable youth, now about twenty, of a fine stature 
and constitution, a good linguist, a good mathematician, and 
about to graduate at Harvard University. He is also honor- 
able and amiable, like his father, and dying to enter the army. 
I do not ask this commission as a favor, though if I had influ- 
ence I should be happy to exert it in this case. My application 
is in the name of national justice, in part payment (and but a 
small part) of the debt due to the invaluable services of Colonel 
Lee. 

"I have the honor to be, with high respect, 
"Your obedient servant, 

"WiNFiELD Scott." 

In addition to what has been said upon the subject of Gen- 
eral Scott's high appreciation of Lee as a soldier, we cannot 
desist from giving one further testimony to the same effect in 

31 



482 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

consideration of the value of Scott's opinion in this particular 
and his excellent opportunities of knowing Lee's character and 
ability. In his memorial address at Louisville, General Preston 
related a conversation he had held with General Scott long 
before the Civil War, in which the latter declared that Lee was 
the greatest living soldier in America, and added with empha- 
sis, "I tell you that if I were on my death-bed to-morrow, and 
the President of the United States should tell me that a great 
battle was to be fought for the liberty or slavery of the coun- 
try, and he asked my judgment as to the ability of a com- 
mander, I would say with my dying breath, 'Let it be Robert 
E. Lee.'" 

The meeting at Richmond on November 3d and 4th resulted 
in the formation of the Association of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, and the memorial resolutions authorized the erection 
of a monument at Richmond. That worthy purpose has not 
yet been perfonned, though the subscriptions have reached 
almost the amount of $100,000.6 

Immediately after the funeral, however, the soldiers present 
met at Lexington and took the initial steps toward marking 
the resting-place of the departed general by an appropriate 
monument. That their purpose might be the better achieved, 
an act of incorporation was obtained from the Virginia Legis- 
lature in January, 1871, for **The Lee Memorial Association." 
General John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky, the last Secretary 
of War of the Confederate States, was the president. After 
the name of Washington College had been changed to that of 
Washington and Lee University, the executive committee de- 
termined to locate the mausoleum at Lexington and to attach 
it to the college chapel. The association confided the statuary- 
work to the distinguished Virginia sculptor Edward V. Valen- 
tine, who in the spring of 1870 had modelled a bust of Gen- 
eral Lee, the execution of which had been highly commended. 
His model for the proposed sarcophagus was readily accepted, 
Mrs. Lee having expressed a preference for his design. It was 
a recumbent figure after the school of Rauch's figure of Louise 
of Prussia in the mausoleum at Charlottenbnrg. The con- 
struction of the mausoleum was completed under the super- 



DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 483 

vision of J. Crawford Neilson of Baltimore, who gave his ser- 
vices as a labor of love and a tribute to the memory of Lee. 

The exquisite production of Valentine was completed in his 
studio at Richmond. Its transportation from that city to Lex- 
ington in April, 1875, was made in itself to constitute an event 
in the series of honors which the people seemed ever anx- 
ious to pay to the memory of Lee. A student escort of honor 
accompanied it, and it was conveyed and received with appro- 
priate ceremonies. A procession marched with it to the depot 
at Richmond through the inclemency of a storm. The engine 
which conveyed the chiselled block of marble was draped. Along 
the route there was continued exhibition of reverential remem- 
brance. On reaching the university grounds the statue was 
presented by Mr. J. T. E. Thornhill of the escort, and accepted 
on behalf of the Lee Memorial Association by Governor Letcher. 
General Preston followed in a beautiful address as the repre- 
sentative of Washington and Lee University. The corner- 
stone of the mausoleum was laid November 29, 1878, General 
Joseph E. Johnston and Hon. J. Randolph, Tucker conducting 
the ceremonies. 

The mausoleum rests upon a crypt of heavy masonry con- 
taining repositories for a score of burial-caskets, it being- 
intended as a vault for all the Lee family. The exterior is 
ordinary brick. The interior or monumental chamber is 
divided by an anteroom from the chapel. 

The beautiful creation in marble was unveiled June 28, 
1883, with imposing ceremonies and in the presence of an 
immense assemblage. A touching episode preliminary to the 
unveiling was the march of the procession to the cemetery 
and the laying of immortelles upon the graves of distinguished 
Confederate dead, while at the head of Stonewall Jackson's 
grave was placed a bronze memorial tablet. The oration of 
the day was delivered by John W. Daniel, the present United 
States Senator elect. It elicited praise for its wonderful elo- 
quence from the press of the whole country, but words could 
not portray the manner in which the auditors were affected 
by its inspired utterances. Father Ryan recited his famous 
poem, "The Sword of Lee." Then the multitude repaired 



484 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

to the chapel, and within the mausoleum Miss Julia Jackson, 
the daughter of General "Stonewall " Jackson, drew back the 
curtain from the exquisite marble figure. 

Virginians entertain a feeling of pride not only that a me- 
morial statue has been inaugurated to their honored chief, but 
also that this charming work of art is due to the hand of a 
native sculptor. The figure is of flawless white marble. Gen- 
eral Lee is represented in uniform as sleeping upon a soldier's 
couch. One hand is upon his bosom and • touches gently the 
draper)' of his couch ; the other lies by his side, resting upon 
his sword. The features and form are perfect. It is the maj- 
esty of repose, tranquil and graceful. The floor of the cham- 
ber in which it rests is tessellated in marble and tiles. The 
walls are of gray marble panels inserted in the dark pressed 
brick. There are receptacles for medallions in the walls, and 
upon one already placed is inscribed the name of Robert E. Lee, 
with the dates of his birth and death. The panels of the sar- 
cophagous bear on one side the Lee coat of arms, and upon the 
other the armorial bearings of Virginia. The legend upon the 
panel at the foot repeats the name and dates : at the head a 
simple cross is carved. 

In consonance with the funeral scenes to which this chapter 
has been devoted we may now allude particularly to General 
Lee's lofty conception of Christianity and his high ideal of 
religious duty. Upon his confinnation as a member of the 
Church, Bishop Johns said to him, "If you will be as faithful 
a soldier of the cross as you have been of your countr}', when 
your warfare is over I shall covet your crown." 

He had chastened his spirit with the divine rod of forbear- 
ance. Forgiveness was a noble attribute. When a minister 
once denounced the North in tenns of excessive bitteniess, 
General Lee followed him to the door and said, "Doctor, there 
is a good old book which I read and you preach from which 
says, ' Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good 
to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully 
use you.' Do you think your remarks this evening were quite 
in the spirit of that teaching?" And he added, "I have fought 
against the people of the North because I believed they were 




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DEATH AND MEMORIAL CEREMONIES. 485 

seeking to wrest from the South her dearest rights, but I have 
never cherished toward them bitter or vindictive feelings, and 
have never seen the day when I did not pray for them." 

Soon after the harsh Reconstruction acts had been passed, 
against honorable protest and argument even within the dom- 
inant circles of Congressional government, some Confederate 
friends in the presence of General Lee burst forth in strains 
of invective against the unrelenting spirit which presided over 
the enactment of such statutes. General Lee took from the 
table some manuscript pages of his father's Life^ which he was 
then editing, and read these lines : 

"Learn from yon Orient shell to love thy foe, 
And store with pearls the hand that brings thee woe; 
Free, like yon rock, from base, vindictive pride, 
Emblaze with gems the wrist that rends thy side. 
Mark where yon tree rewards the stony shower 
With fruit nectarious or the balmy flower; 
All Nature cries aloud, Shall men do less 
Than love the smiter and the railer bless?" 

"These lines," said he, "were written in Arabia and by a 
Mohammedan, the poet of Shiraz, the immortal Hafiz; and 
ought not we, who profess to be governed by the principles of 
Christianity, to rise at least to the standard of this Mohamme- 
dan poet and learn to forgive our enemies ?' ' 

General Lee had the habit of writing on small slips of papei 
on his desk such thoughts as might occur to him. From a 
number of these a few may be selected: 

*' Honesty in its widest sense is always admirable. The trite 
saying that ' Honesty is the best policy ' has met with the just 
criticism that honesty is not policy. This seems to be true. 
The real honest man is honest from conviction of what is right, 
not from policy." 

"Those who oppose our purposes are not always to be re- 
garded as our enemies. We usually think and act from our 
immediate surroundings. (See Macaulay on Machiavelli.y 

"The better rule is to judge our adversaries from their 
standpoint, not from ours." 

"God disposes. This ought to satisfy us." 



486 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

" Fame which does not result from good actions and achieve* 
ments for the good of the whole people is not to be desired. 
Nero had fame (or rather notoriety). Who envies him?" 

' ' No man can be so important in the world that he needs 
not the good-will and approval of others." 

' ' ' Charity should begin at home. ' So says . No, charity 

should have no beginning or ending." 

The tolerance of General Lee for the religious faith of oth- 
ers was frequently illustrated. A Jewish soldier applied to 
his captain for permission to attend certain ceremonies at the 
synagogue at Richmond. The captain indorsed the request : 
"Disapproved: if such applications were granted the whole 
anny would turn Jews or Shaking Quakers." When the docu- 
ment reached General Lee he wrote on it, "Approved, and 

respectfully returned to Captain , with the advice that he 

should always respect the religious views and feelings of 
others." 

The Christian character of General Lee was one in which 
the tenderness, forgiveness, philanthropy, and purity of the 
real disciple of the true Christ conception were the ruling 
impulses, and not the haughty, austere self-satisfaction or the 
unrelenting, exacting creed of those who consider themselves 
the elect. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

. THE WORLD'S ESTIMATE. 

Summary of Lee's Career. — His Character as a Soldier; as an Instructor. — Newspa- 
per Comments. — The New York World, Her aid, and Citizen. — Hahfax Morning 
Chronicle. — Statement of /Alexander H. Stephens. — Lee's Noble Aspect. — He 
Consents to Give up his Command. — Sent to West Virginia. — General Starke's 
Narration. — Chief of Staff to Mr. Davis. — Engineering Duty in the South. — Com- 
mander of the Army of Northern Virginia. — Roll-call of his Battles. — Swinton's 
Comment on the Army. — Resignation CoiTespondence. — Tribute of Philip Stan- 
hope Worsley. — Concluding Poem. 

THE biography of Robert E. Lee, the man whom future 
ages will undoubtedly name as the greatest military genius 
of the nineteenth century, has been given in the foregoing 
pages in all its stirring details, ending with a description of 
the well-merited honors which were paid to his memory after 
his death. This work has been a labor of love, and its termi- 
nation is approached with regret, since we can never again 
hope to find so worthy a subject for our pen. Yet before 
bringing our work to an end there seem necessary some brief 
remarks upon the world's estimate of the dead hero, and a 
rapid review of his career and character as a fitting conclu- 
sion to the story of the great events of his life. 

That the tone of this work has been eulogistic is freely admit- 
ted; yet it is not the eulogy of undue partiality, but that tribute 
of honor and respect which the honest writer involuntarily pays 
to the memory of a great man — one whom, like Washington, we 
may designate as ' ' first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts 
of his countrymen." Throughout his whole life this greatness 
was at every point evinced. As a boy his tenderness of demeanor 
to his invalid mother displayed the filial sentiment in a degree 
that has never been surpassed. As a West Point cadet indica- 
tions of his future eminence as a soldier and a man became 
evident to his friends and associates. Never in his earlier 

467 



488 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

army career did he desire to evade the most irksome or monot- 
onous duty. He married happily, and in the long years of 
home felicity no German ideal of domesticity transcends the 
reality of his family relations. He is affectionate, solicitous, 
devoted. The clouds of war lower over him, and in the 
tumultuous doubts and dangers that assail men he follows 
unhesitatingly, unfalteringly, the beacon of duty. Allure- 
ments of rank and avoidance of disaster cannot beguile him 
from heeding the dictates of his cherished principles. Once 
decided upon a course of action consistent with his beliefs 
and ideas of right, there is no thought of recantation. He 
becomes without restraint and with earnest enthusiasm the 
Confederate leader. No greater wrong could be done his 
memory, no more cruel perversion of the truth be made, than 
to claim that during the civil strife duty and principle were 
contending in Robert E. Lee's breast, and that duty merely 
dominated. The exact student of his loyal expressions and 
of his avowed construction of the Federal Union will readily 
discover the reconciliation between his acts and views. He 
fought against what to him was armed aggression upon the 
constitutional rights of the South vouchsafed to it and to 
the North by the inviolable prescriptions of the organic law 
of the Union. 

In that calamitous contest his genius and his prowess have 
compelled the plaudits of the world. His generalship was an 
exhibition of military genius in which the whole nation feels a 
lofty pride. To remarkable powers as a leader he added those 
qualities of self-abnegation, of moral grandeur, and of humane 
solicitude which constitute the true ideal of manliness, and 
the aggregate was a great military character, to find whose 
equal we would need to select the noblest attributes from 
many of the historic generals of the world. 

When the convulsions of war subsided and peace spread, 
her broad wings over a reunited land, Robert E. Lee nobly 
assumed a civic trust, and in the faithful execution of its 
duties added still another laurel to his wreath of honor. Sub- 
missive to the decision of events, he sheathed his sword and 
embraced the new career of instructing youth in the culture 



THE WORLD'S ESTIMATE. 489 

and discipline which alone make worthy citizens. Yielding 
at last to the strain of years of physical exposure and mental 
anxiety, the hero with sublime resignation gave back his 
being to the great Creator, soothed by that unfaltering trust 
which had so long ennobled his life. * 

Such was, in brief, the career of Robert E. Lee — a noble 
career, in which intellectual and moral worth struggled for 
pre-eminence, or, rather, combining in harmonious relations 
in his well-rounded nature, made up a man who has had few 
peers upon the face of the earth. 

As to the voluminous testimonials to his worth which flowed 
in from a thousand quarters upon the news of his death, we 
have no space to give them more than a brief reference, with 
some few extracts from their more striking remarks. The 
newspaper press of the North was full of praises of the de- 
ceased warrior, while from Europe came with no uncertain 
sound the eulogistic tones of those best fitted to judge of 
military ability and manly dignity and eminence. 

The New York ^F<?r/fl' speaks of his "strategic resources, in- 
exhaustible patience, and calm determination," and says that 
" if the testimony of all honorable men who contended against 
the great Southern general agrees with the verdict of all com- 
petent foreign critics in awarding to him a place among the 
most eminent soldiers of history, the concord is not less abso- 
lute of all who knew the man in the private and personal 
aspects of his life as to his gentleness, his love of justice, his 
truth, and his elevation of soul." 

From the long eulogium of the New York Herald we ex- 
tract the following notably truthful passages : 

"Never had mother a nobler son. In him the military 
genius of America was developed to a greater extent than 
ever before. In him all that was pure and lofty in mind and 
purpose found lodgment. Dignified without presumption, 
affable without familiarity, he united all those charms of 
manner which made him the idol of his friends and of his 
soldiers, and won for him the respect and admiration of the 
world. Even as in the days of his triumph glory did not in- 
toxicate, so when the dark clouds swept over him adversity 



490 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE.. 

did not depress. From the hour that he surrendered his sword 
at Appomattox to the fatal autumn morning [of his death] he 
passed among men, noble in his quiet, simple dignity, display- 
ing neither bitterness nor regret over the irrevocable past. He 
conquered us in misfortune by the grand manner in which he 
sustained himself, even as he dazzled us by his genius when 
the tramp of his soldiers resounded through the valleys of 
Virginia. 

". . . . In person General Lee was a notably handsome man. 
He was tall of stature and admirably proportioned ; his features 
were regular and most amiable in appearance ; and in his 
manners he was courteous and dignified. In social life he 
was much admired. As a slaveholder he was beloved by his 
slaves for his kindness and consideration toward them. Gen- 
eral Lee was also noted for his piety. He was an Episcopalian, 
and was a regular attendant at church. Having a perfect com- 
mand over his temper, he was never seen angry, and his most 
intimate friends never heard him utter an oath. Indeed, it is 
doubtful if there are many men of the present generation who 
unite so many virtues and so few vices in each of themselves 
as did General Lee. He came nearer the ideal of a soldier and 
Christian general than any man we can think of, for he was a 
greater soldier than Havelock, and equally as devout a Chris- 
tian, In his death our country has lost a son of whom she 
might well be proud, and of whose services she might have 
stood in need had he lived a few years longer, for we are 
certain that, had occasion required it. General Lee would 
have given to the United States the benefit of all his great 
talents." 

John Mitchell, the Irish patriot, thus wrote of him in the 
New York Citizen: 

"The highest head, the noblest and grandest character of 
our continent, the most conscientious, humane, and faithful 
soldier, the most chivalrous gentleman in this world, the best, 
the most superb sample of the American warrior, has fallen 
like a mighty tree in the forest ; and men wonder, after the 
first shock of the news, to find that there is such a gap, such 
a blank in the world." 



THE WORLD'S ESTIMATE. 49 1 

The Halifax Morning Chronicle in a lengthy review said 
of him : 

"In every particular he possessed the requisites of a true 
soldier. He was brave ; his whole military record and his 
lifelong scorn of danger alike bear testimony to his bravery. 
He was wise ; his great successes against great odds and his 
almost constant anticipation of the enemy's movements were 
proofs of his wisdom. He was skilful ; his forced marches 
and unexpected victories assert his skill. He was patient and 
unyielding ; his weary struggle against the mighty armies of 
the North and his stern defence of Richmond will for ever 
preserve the memory of his patience and resolution. He was 
gentle and just ; the soldiers who fought under him and who 
came alive out of the great fight, remembering and cherish- 
ing the memory of the man, can one and all testify to his gen- 
tleness and his justice. Above all, he was faithful ; when he 
gave up his sword there was no man in his own ranks or in 
those of the enemy that doubted his faith or believed that he 
had not done all that mortal could do for the cause for which 
he had made such a noble struggle." 

Alexander H, Stephens, the Vice-President of the Confed- 
erate States, who was brought into intimate contact with 
General Lee at many times during his eventful career, has 
left a biographical sketch, as yet unpublished, from which we 
extract some highly interesting passages. He first saw Robert 
E. Lee at the time of his entry into the service of Virginia 
as major-general of the State forces, when he replied to the 
address of the president of the convention in the brief but 
eloquent oration which has been given in its appropriate place 
in this work. Mr. Stephens was then in Richmond with the^ 
purpose of inducing Virginia to enter the Confederacy which 
had been formed by the more southern range of States, and 
to undo, so far as General Lee was concerned, the work which 
had been that morning performed. He alludes to Lee in the 
following eloquent words : 

"As he stood there, fresh and ruddy as a David from the 
sheepfold, in the prime of his manly beauty and the embodi- 
ment of a line of heroic and patriotic fathers and worthy 



492 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

mothers, it was thus I first saw Robert E. Lee. I had precon- 
ceived ideas of the rough soldier with no time for the graces 
of life and by companionship almost compelled to the -vices 
of his profession, I did not know then that he used no stimu- 
lants, was free even from the use of tobacco, and that he was 
absolutely stainless in his private life. I did not know then, 
as I do now, that he had been a model youth and young man ; 
but I had before me the most manly man and entire gentle- 
man I ever saw. 

*'That this seeming modesty was genuine, that this worth 
in which his compatriots believed was real, that his character 
was unselfish, I was to know as the shades of evening fell\ 
upon that day and he sat in my room at the Ballard House, \ 
at my request, to listen to my proposal that he resign, without 
any compensation or promise thereof, the very honor and rank 
he had that same morning received 

"General Lee heard me quietly, understood the situation 
at once, and saw that he alone stood between the Confederacy 
and his State. The members of the convention had seen at 
once that Lee was left out of the proposed compact that was 
to make Virginia one of the Confederate States, and I knew 
that one word, or even a look of dissatisfaction,' from him 
would terminate the negotiations with which I was' entrusted. 
North Carolina would act with Virginia, and either the Border 
States would protect our lines or the battle-field be moved at j 
once down to South Carolina and the borders of Georgia. 

"General Lee did not hesitate for one moment, and, while 
he saw that it would make matters worse to throw up his com- 
mission, he declared that no personal ambition or emolument 
should be considered or stand in the way. I had admired him 
in the morning, but I took his hand that night at parting with 
feelings of respect and almost reverence never yet effaced. I 
met him at times later, and he was always the same Christian 
gentleman. 

"Virginia became one of us and the battlefield, as all men 
know, and General Lee took subordinate positions which for a 
time placed him nearly out of sight. The magnitude of his 
sacrifice of the position of commander-in-chief of the Union 



THE WORLD'S ESTIMATE. 493 

army — if Mr. Blair is right in saying it was offered him — is 
already appreciated. But the greatness of his self-abnegation 
in the surrender of the sword of Virginia will not yet be seen 
unless I show what it at once involved. It is not the man on 
the battlefield I wish to draw, but a higher thing than a mere 
sword-flourisher — personal character. 

"Nominally, General Lee lost nothing, but practically, for 
the time being, he lost everything. The Government moved 
to Richmond, and Mr. Davis directed General Lee to retain 
his command of the Virginia troops, which was really to make 
him recruiting- and drill-inspector 

"General Lee with his Virginians was given special charge 
of West Virginia, not then a State. His lieutenant. General 
Garnett, was killed at Cheat River, and the Confederates lost 
a thousand prisoners, with artillery and baggage, by a blunder. 
General Wise did little better ; so of General Henry R. Jack- 
son ; and Lee, when he went personally, found that when he 
had surrounded the forces of General Reynolds at Elk Water 
nothing was to be made by the frightful loss of life of an attack 
while General Rosecrans held an impregnable position on Cheat 
Mountain, and the campaign simply ended with a good look at 
the enemy and a feeling of his future foe, McClellan." 

Before proceeding with Mr. Stephens's narrative we may in- 
troduce at this point a conversation related by General Starke, 
who was with Lee in West Virginia, and conversant with the 
widely-entertained opinion that the failure of that campaign 
stamped him as a greatly over-estimated man and one incom- 
petent to hold an important command. In the conversation 
referred to General Starke turned the subject under discussion 
to the Sewell Mountain campaign, saying that as it was now 
all over he would like to know why General Lee did not fight 
Rosecrans, as the forces were about equal and the Confederates 
were ready and anxious for a fight, and felt certain of a victor}- . 
General Lee's answer was, in substance, that the men were in 
good spirits, and would doubtless have done their duty, but 
that a battle then would have been without substantial results ; 
that the Confederates were seventy miles from the railroad, 
their base of supplies ; tliat the ordinary' road was almost im- 



494 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

passable, and that it would have been difficult to procure 
two days' supplies of provisions ; that if he had fought 
and won the battle, and Rosecrans had retreated, he would 
have been compelled to fall back at last to the source of 
supplies. 

*'But," said General Starke, "your reputation was suffer- 
ing, the press was denouncing you, your own State was losing 
confidence in you, and the army needed a victory to add to its 
enthusiasm." 

At the remark a smile lighted up the sad face of General 
Lee, and his reply was worthy of him : "I could not afford to 
sacrifice the lives of five or six hundred of my people to silence 
public clamor." 

Mr. Stephens 'summarizes the succeeding military perform- 
ances of General Lee as follows : 

"Again he had a barren though difficult honor thrust upon 
him. On March 13, 1862, General Order No. 14 recited that 
' General Robert E. Lee is assigned to duty at the seat of Gov- 
ernment, and, under the direction of the President, is charged 
with the conduct of military operations in the army of the 
Confederacy.' He did much to improve the army as the 
chief of staff of Mr. Davis and nominal head of the army, 
but soon asked to be relieved from responsibility with no 
power. A Congressional act creating the office of com- 
manding general for him had been vetoed by Mr. Davis as 
imconstitutional. 

"The Confederate Government had adopted the plan of 
Austria at the period when Napoleon the First so nearly wiped 
her off the map of Europe, and endeavored to ' cover every- 
thing' with the armies. The army at Centreville was little 
more than a mob clamoring for leave of absence, and with 
seldom a day's rations ahead, and General Lee was sent to 
repair the disasters of Hilton Head and Beaufort, S. C, by 
the impossible task of engineering sufficient fortifications for 
a thousand miles of mingled seacoast and inland swamps. I 
remember seeing him in Savannah, conspicuous by the blue 
uniform which he was the last of the Confederates to put off, 
scarcely noticed among the gay uniforms of the new volunteers, 



THE WORLD'S ESTIMATE. 495 

and the least likely of all men to become the first character in 
the war for States Rights. 

"Toward sundown at the battle of Seven Pines, Virginia, 
on the 31st of May, 1862, General Joseph E. Johnston fell 

severely wounded The time of General Lee had come 

at last. His appointment by Mr. Davis was very unpopular, 
as the South had little confidence in him, and even Virgin- 
ians doubted their old idol. Yet from that time I need only 
to call the roll of his battles : Richmond relieved, Manassas 
(the second), Harper's Ferry, Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, 
Chancellorsville — where Stonewall Jackson fell — Winchester 
and Gettysburg, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, Petersburg, and 
Lynchburg. He is identified for ever with that Army of 
Northern Virginia of which Mr. Swinton says, 'Who that 
ever looked upon it can forget that army of tattered uniforms 
and bright muskets — that body of incomparable infantr}' which 
for four years carried the revolt upon its bayonets, opposing a 
constant front to the mighty concentration of power brought 
against it ; which, receiving terrible blows, did not fail to give 
the like ; and which, vital in all its parts, died only with its 
annihilation?' 

"What I had seen General Lee to be at first — child-like in 
simplicity and unselfish in his character — he remained, un- 
spoiled by praise and by success. While he was always the 
dignified Virginia gentleman, and never free or familiar with 
any one, he won the hearts of his men as entirely as ever did 
Napoleon or Washington." 

In addition to the foregoing evidences of General Lee's cha- 
racter, and of the estimation in which he was held by all those 
associated with him or acquainted with his ability as a soldier 
and his innate nobility of nature, may be given the following 
letters, which form an important portion of the secret history 
of the war. On page 301 of this work the statement is made 
that on the return of the army to the Rapidan after the battle 
of Gettysburg, General Lee resigned the command of the army, 
which resignation, however, was not accepted by Mr. Davis. 
The correspondence in relation to this resignation is of great 
interest and value, and is here given: 



496 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

" Camp Orange, August 8, 1863. 

"Mr. President: Your letters of the 28th July and 2d 
August have been received, and I have waited for a leisure 
hour to reply, but I fear that will never come. I am extremely 
obliged to you for the attention given to the wants of this 
army and the efforts made to supply them. Our absentees 
are returning, and I hope the earnest and beautiful appeal 
made to the country in your proclamation may stir up the 
whole people, and that they may see their duty and perform 
it. Nothing is wanted but that their fortitude should equal 
their bravery to ensure the success of our cause. We must 
expect reverses, even defeats. They are sent to teach us wis- 
dom and prudence, to call forth greater energies, and to prevent 
our falling into greater disasters. Our people have only to be 
true and united, to bear manfully the misfortunes incident to 
war, and all will come right in the end. I know how prone 
we are to censure, and how ready to blame others for the non- 
fulfilment of our expectations. This is unbecoming in a gen- 
erous people, and I grieve to see its expression. The general 
remedy for the want of success in a military commander is 
his removal. This is natural, and in many instances proper. 
For, no matter what may be the ability of the officer, if he 
loses the confidence of his troops disaster must sooner or 
later ensue. 

"I have been prompted by these reflections more than once 
since my return from Pennsylvania to propose to Your Excel- 
lency the propriety of selecting another commander for this 
army. I have seen and heard of expressions of discontent 
in the public journals at the result of the expedition. I do 
not know how far this feeling extends in the army. My 
brother-officers have been too kind to report it, and so far the 
troops have been too generous to exhibit it. It is fair, how- 
ever, to suppose that it does exist, and success is so necessar>' 
to us that nothing should be risked to secure it. I therefore, 
in all sincerity, request Your Excellency to take measures 
to supply my place. I do this with the more earnestness 
because no one is more aware than myself of my inability 
for the duties of my position. I cannot even accomplish 



THE WORLD'S ESTIMATE. 497 

what I myself desire. How can I fulfil the expectations of 
others ? 

"In addition, I sensibly feel the growing failure of my 
bodily strength. I have not yet recovered from the attack I 
experienced the past spring. I am becoming more and more 
incapable of exertion, and am thus prevented from making 
the personal examinations and giving the personal supervision 
to the operations in the field which I feel to be necessary. I 
am so dull that in making use of the eyes of others I am 
frequently misled. Everything, therefore, points to the advan- 
tages to be derived from a new commander, and I the more 
anxiously urge the matter upon Your Excellency from my 
belief that a younger and abler man than myself can readily 
be obtained.* I know that he will have as gallant and brave 
an army as ever existed to second his efforts, and it would be 
the happiest day of my life to see at its head a worthy leader 
— one that could accomplish more than I could perform, and 
all that I have wished. I hope Your Excellency will attrib- 
ute my request to the true reason, the desire to ser\^e my 
country and to do all in my power to ensure the success of 
her righteous cause. 

"I have no complaints to make of any one but myself. I 
have received nothing but kindness from those above me, and 
the most considerate attention from my comrades and com- 
panions-in-arms. To Your Excellency L am specially indebted 
for uniform kindness and consideration. You have done every- 
thing in your power to aid me in the work committed to my 
charge, without omitting anything to promote the general 
welfare. 

"I pray that your efforts may at length be crowned with 
success, and that you may long live to enjoy the thanks of 
a grateful people. With sentiments of great esteem, 
'* I am very respectfully and truly yours, • 

"R. E. Lee, 
" General. 

"His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States'' 
President Davis replied as follows: 

32 



498 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE, 

"Richmond, Va., August ii, 1863. 

*' General R. E. Lee, commanding Army of Northern 
Virginia : 

"Yours of the 8tli instant has just been received. I am 
glad that you concur so entirely with me as to the wants of 
our country in this trying hour, and am happy to add that 
after the first depression consequent upon our disasters in the 
West indications have appeared that our people will exhibit 
that fortitude which we agree in believing is alone needful 
to secure ultimate success. It well became Sydney Johnston, 
when overwhelmed by a senseless clamor, to admit the rule 
that success is the test of merit, and yet there has been noth- 
ing which I have found to require a greater effort of patience 
than to bear the' criticisms of the ignorant, who pronounce 
everything a failure which does not equal their expectations 
or desires, and can see no good result which is not in the line 
of their own imaginings. I admit the propriety of your con- 
clusions that an officer who loses the confidence of his troops 
should have his position changed, whatever may be his abil- 
ity ; but when I read the sentence I was not at all prepared 
for the application you were about to make. Expressions of 
discontent in the public journals furnish but little evidence 
of the sentiment of the army. I wish it were otherwise, even 
though all the abuse of myself should be accepted as the 
results of honest observation. Were you capable of stooping 
to it, you could easily surround yourself with those who would 
fill the press with your laudations and seek to exalt you for 
what you had not done, rather than detract from the achieve- 
ments which will make you and your army the subject of history 
and objects of the world's admiration for generations to come. 

"I am truly sorry to know that you still feel the effects of 
the illness you suffered last spring, and can readily understand 
the embarrassments you experience in using the eyes of oth- 
ers, having been so much accustomed to make your own recon- 
noissances. Practice will, however, do much lo relieve that 
embarrassment, and the minute knowledge of the country 
which you have acquired will render you less dependent for 
topographical information. 



THE WORLD 'S ESTIMA TE. 499 

■ "But suppose, my dear friend, that I were to admit, with 
all their implications, the points which you present, where 
am I to find that new dommander who is to possess the greater 
ability which you believe to be required ? I do not doubt the 
readiness with which you would give way to one who could 
accomplish all that you have wished, and you will do me the 
justice to believe that if Providence should kindly offer such 
a person for our use, I would not hesitate to avail [myself] of 
his services. 

"My sight is not sufficiently penetrating to discover such 
hidden merit, if it exists, and I have but used to you the lan- 
guage of sober earnestness when I have impressed upon you 
the propriety of avoiding all unnecessary exposure to danger, 
because I felt our country could not bear to lose you. To ask 
me to substitute you by some one in my judgment more fit to 
command, or who would possess more of the confidence of the 
army or of the reflecting men of the country, is to demand an 
impossibility. 

" It only remains for me to hope that you will take all pos- 
sible care of yourself, that your health and strength may be 
entirely restored, and that the Lord will preserve you for the 
important duties devolved upon you in the struggle of our 
suffering country for the independence which we have en- 
gaged in war to maintain. 

"As ever, very respectfully and truly, 

"Jefferson Davis." 

We might add to this interesting correspondence an indef- 
inite series of testimonials bearing upon the character of Rob- 
ert E. Lee, gathering appreciative tributes from numerous 
sources and adducing the flattering criticisms upon his career 
of those most competent to judge throughout the world. Yet 
there seems no necessity for extending our remarks upon this 
subject. The character of the great soldier and worthy citi- 
zen speaks for itself in the foregoing pages, and every one can 
form his own opinion from the life-story we have told. That 
this opinion must be an exalted one, alike with military author- 
ities and with the general public, there can be no question, 



500 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

since all must admit that the biography of a nobler man and 
an abler soldier was never written. 

In conclusion may be transcribed the beautiful tribute to 
General Lee by Philip Stanhope Worsley, Fellow of Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, England, accompanying a presented 
copy of his translation of the Iliad : 

"To General R. E. Lee — the most stainless of living 
commanders, and, except in fortune, the greatest — this vol- 
ume is presented with the writer's earnest sympathy and 
respectful admiration. 

" The grand old bard that never dies, 
Receive him in our English tongue: 
I send thee, but with weeping eyes, 
The story that he sung. 

" Thy Troy is fallen, thy dear land 

Is marred beneath the spoiler's heel: 
I cannot trust my trembling hand 
To write the things I feel. 

" Ah, realm of tombs ! but let her bear 
This blazon to the last of times : 
No nation rose so white and fair. 
Or fell so pure of crimes, 

"The widow's moan, the orphan's wail 

Come round thee, yet in truth be strong: 
Eternal right, though all else fail, 
Can never be made wrong. 

" An angel's heart, an angel's mouth. 
Not Homer's, could alone for me 
Hymn well the great Confederate South, 
Virginia first, and Lee P^ 



APPENDIX. 



GENERAL R. E. LEE. 

COMMANDS. 
1861. 
April 2j. — Assumed command of military and naval forces of Virginia, 
Alay 7. — Ordered to assume command of all forces from other States tendering theii' 

services to Virginia. 
May 10. — Assigned command of Confederate States forces. 
May i^. — Appointed brigadier-general C. S. A. 
June 14. — General Confederate States Army. 
Aug. J. — Commanding forces in Anny of the North-west. 
Oct. 20. — Same command. 
Nov. J. — Assigned command of Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. 

1862. 

March /j. — Assigned to duty at Richmond, and charged with military operations ol 

armies of the Confederacy. 
June I. — Assumed command of Army and Department of Northern Virginia, and kept 

it until close of the war. 

1865. 

Jan. jf. — General-in-Chief Confederate States armies. 

Jy^j. 6. — Assigned command of all armies of the Confederate States. 

April g. — Surrendered Army of Northern Virginia to General U. S. Grant, U. S. A. 



GENERAL R. E. LEE'S STAFF. 

Alexander, E. Porter, Lieutenant-colonel, Chief of Ordnance Nov., 1862, from 
June I, 1862. 

Baldwin, Briscoe G., Lieutenant-colonel, Chief of Ordnance Nov., 1862, Sept., 
1863, April 9, 1865. 

Brooke, John M., Lieutenant Virginia Navy, Acting A. D. C. May 4-8, 1861. 

Chilton, R. H., Colonel, A. A. General June, 1862, July 31, Aug. 31, 1863; Brig- 
adier-general, A. and I. General, Dec, 1S63. 

Cole, Robert G., Lieutenant-colonel, Chief Commissary of Subsistence June, 
l862-Apnl 9, 1865. 

• Cooke, Giles B., Major, A. A. General Nov. 4, 1864. 

501 



502 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

CoRl-EY, jANfES L., Lieutenant-colonel, Chief Quartermaster June, 1862-April, 
1865. 
Crenshaw, Joseph R., Major, Acting Commissary-general April 29, 1861. 

Deas, George, Major, A. A. General, Chief of Staff June 15, 1861 ; Lieutenant- 
colonel, A. A. General July 4, 1861 (Virginia State Forces). 

Garneti", R. S., Colonel, A. A. General April 26, 1861 ; Colonel, A. A. General 
May 7, 1861 (Virginia State Forces). 

Gill, William G., Lieutenant-colonel, P. A. C. S., Ordnnnce Officer Nov. i, 1861. 
Guild, Lafayette, Surgeon, Medical Director Nov. 26, 1862, March 6, Aug. 31, 
1863, April 9, 1865. 

Harvie, Edwin J., Lieutenant-colonel, Inspector-general June, 1862. 

Heth, Henry, Lieutenant-colonel, Acting Q. M. General Virginia State Forces 
April 29, 1861 ; promoted Brigadier-general Jan. 6, 1862 ; Major-general May 24, 1863. 

Ives, Joseph C, Captain C. S. A., Chief Engineer Nov. 6, 1861. 

Johnson, S. K., Captain, Engineer Officer Nov., 1862-Sept., 1863. 

Lay, George W., Colonel, A. I. General March 6, 1863. 

Long, Armistead L., Major, Chief of Artillery Department S. C, Ga., and Fla. 
Nov., 1861; Colonel, Military Secretary April 21, 1862-Sept., 1863; promoted Brig- 
adier-general of Artillery Sept. 21, 1863. 

Manigault, Joseph, Vol. A. D. C. No*r., 1861, 

Marshall, Charles, Major, A. D. C. Aug., 1862; Major, A. D. C. March, Aug., 
1863; Lieutenant-colonel, A. A. General Nov. 4, 1864-April, 1865. 

Mason, A. P., Captain, A. A. General Aug., 1862, March 6, 1863. 

Murray, E., Lieutenant-colonel, A. A. General July 31-Sept., 1863, Nov. 4, 1864. 

Page, Thomas J., Lieutenant Virginia Navy, Acting A. D. C. May 3, 1861. 

Pendleton, \V. N., Brigadier-general, Chief of Artillery Mar. 6-Aug. 31, 1 863-1865. 

Peyton, Henry E., Major, A. A. General Nov., 1862; Lieutenant-colonel July 31- 
Nov. 4, 1864. 

Richardson, \V. H., Captain, A. A. General May 11, 1861. 

S.MITH, F. W., Captain, Military Secretary May 27, 1861. 

Smith, William Preston, Lieutenant-colonel, Chief of Engineers July 31-Sept., 
1863. 

Talcott, T. M. R., Major, A. D. C. Nov., 1862, July 31-Aug., 1S63. 

Taylor, Walter H., Captain C. S. A., A. D. C. Nov. 8, 1861-March 27, 1862; 
Major, A. D. C. Aug., 1862, July 31, Aug. 31, 1863; Lieutenant-colonel, A. A. Gen- 
eral Nov. 4, 1864-1865. 

Venable, Charles S.. Major, A. D. C. July 3i-.\ug. 31, 1863; Lieutenant-colonel, 
A. A. General Nov. 4, 1864-April, 1865. 

Washington, John A., Captain, A. D. C. May 6, 1861. 

Washington, Thornton A., Captain, A. A. General Nov. 6, 1861. 

Young, H. E., Captain, A. A. General July-Scpt., 1S63; Mnjor, A. A. General Nov. 
4, 1864. 



OFFICIAL REPORTS 

OF THE 

OPERATIOxNS OF THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, 

MADE BY GENERAL R. E. LEE 
TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT AT RICHMOND. 



REPORT OF THE OPERATIONS AGAINST GENERAL POPE, IN- 
CLUDING THE SECOND BATTLE OF MANASSAS. AUGUST 13, 
TO SEPTEMBER i, 1862. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
June 8, 1863. 

General S. Cooper, Adjutant- and Inspector-general, Richmond, Va., 
General : I have the honor to transmit herewith the report of the operations 
of this army from the time it crossed the Rappahannock, through the battle of 
Manassas. Many of the sub-reports of these operations I have been obliged 
to retain because they contain the narrative in part of the later operations of 
the campaign. Of these operations succeeding the battle of Manassas I have 
not yet made a report, as I have not yet received full reports from Jackson's 
corps. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

The victory at Cedar Run effectually checked the progress of the enemy for 
the time, but it soon became apparent that his army was being largely increased. 
The corps of Major-general Burnside from North Carolina, which had reached 
Fredericksburg, was reported to have moved up the Rappahannock a few days 
after the battle to unite with General Pope, and a part of General McClellan's 
army was believed to have left Westover for the same purpose. It therefore 
seemed that active operations on the James were no longer contemplated, and 
that the most effectual way to relieve Richmond from any danger of attack from 
that quarter would be to reinforce General Jackson and advance upon General 
Pope. 

Accordingly, on August 13th, Major-general Longstreet with his divisions, 

503 



504 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and the two brigades under General Hood, were ordered to proceed to Gor- 
donsville. At the same time General Stuart was directed to move with the 
main body of his cavalry to that point, leaving a sufficient force to observe the 
enemy still remaining in Fredericksburg and to guard the railroad. General 
R. H. Anderson was also directed to leave his position on James River and 
follow Longstreet. 

On the 1 6th the troops began to move from the vicinity of Gordonsville 
toward the Rapidan, on the north side of which, extending along the Orange 
and Alexandria Railroad in the direction of Culpeper Court-house, the Federal 
army lay in force. It was determined with the cavalry to destroy the railroad 
bridge over the Rappahannock in rear of the enemy, while Longstreet and 
Jackson crossed the Rapidan and attacked his left flank. The movement, as 
explained in the accompanying order, was appointed for August i8th, but, the 
necessary preparations not having been completed, its execution was postponed 
to the 20th. In the interval the enemy, being apprised of our design, hastily 
retired beyond the Rappahannock. General Longstreet crossed the Rapidan 
at Raccoon Ford, and, preceded by Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry brigade, arrived 
early in the afternoon near Kelly's P'ord, on the Rappahannock, where Lee had 
a sharp and successful skirmish with the rear-guard of the enemy, who held the 
north side of the river in strong force. Jackson passed the Rapidan at Som- 
erville Ford and moved toward Brandy Station, Robertson's brigade of cavalry, 
accompanied by General Stuart in person, leading the advance. Near Brandy 
Station a large body of the enemy's cavalry was encountered, which was gal- 
lantly attacked and driven across the Rappahannock by Robertson's command. 

General Jackson halted for the night near Stevensburg, and on the morning 
of the 2 1 St moved upon Beverly Ford, on the Rappahannock. The Fifth Vir- 
ginia cavalry, under Colonel Rosser, was sent forward by General Stuart to 
seize the north bank of the river at this point, and gallandy accomplished the 
object, capturing a number of prisoners and arms. General Stuart subse- 
quently arrived, and, being furnished by General Jackson with a section of 
artillery, maintained his position for several hours, skirmishing warmly with the 
enemy. General Robertson, who had crossed the river above Beverly Ford, 
reported that the enemy was advancing in large force upon the position held 
by General Stuart, and, as it had been determined in the mean time not to 
attempt the passage of the river at that point with the army, that officer with- 
drew to tlie south side. The enemy soon afterward appeared in great strength 
upon the opposite bank, and an animated fire was kept up during the rest of 
the day between his artillery and the batteries attached to Jackson's leading 
division, under Brigadier-general Taliaferro. 

As our positions on the south bank of the Rappahannock were commanded 
by those of the enemy, who guarded all the fords, it was determined to seek a 
more favorable place to cross higher up the river, and thus gain the enemy's 



APPENDIX. 505 

right. Accordingly, General Longstreet was directed to leave Kelly's Ford on 
the 2 1 St and take position in front of the enemy in the vicinity of Beverly Ford 
and the Orange and Alexandria Railroad bridge, then held by Jackson, in 
order to mask the movement of the latter, who was instructed to ascend the 
river. 

On the 22d, Jackson crossed Hazel River at Welford's Mill and proceeded 
up the Rappahannock, leaving Trimble's brigade near Freeman's Ford to pro- 
tect his trains. In the afternoon Longstreet sent General Hood, with his own 
and Whiting's brigade, under Colonel Law, to relieve Trimble. Hood had 
just reached the position when he and Trimble were attacked by a consider- 
able force which had crossed at Freeman's Ford. After a short but spirited 
engagement the enemy was driven precipitately over the river with heavy loss. 
General Jackson arrived at the Warrenton Springs Ford in the afternoon, and 
immediately began to cross his troops to the north side, occupying the springs 
and the adjacent heights. He was interrupted by a heavy rain, which caused 
the river to rise so rapidly that the ford soon became impassable for infantry 
and artillery. Under these circumstances it was deemed, advisable to with- 
draw the troops who had reached the opposite side, and they recrossed during 
the night of the 23d on a temporary bridge constructed for the purpose. Gen- 
eral Stuart, who had been directed to cut the railroad in rear of General Pope's 
army, crossed the Rappahannock on the morning of the 22d about six miles 
above the springs with parts of Lee's and Robertson's brigades. Passing 
through Warrenton, he reached Catlett's Station at night, but was prevented 
from destroying the railroad bridge at that point by the same storm that had 
arrested Jackson's movements. He captured more than 300 prisoners, includ- 
ing a number of officers. Becoming apprehensive of the effect of the rain 
upon the streams which separated him from the main body of the army, he 
retired after firing the enemy's camp, and recrossed the Rappahannock at 
Warrenton Springs. 

On the 23d, General Longstreet directed Colonel Walton, with part of the 
Washington Artillery and other batteries of his command, to drive back a 
force of the enemy that had crossed to the south bank of the Rappahannock 
near the railroad bridge upon the withdrawal of General Jackson on the pre- 
vious day. Fire was opened about sunrise, and continued with great vigor for 
several hours, the enemy being compelled to withdraw with loss. Some of the 
batteries of Colonel S. D. Lee's battalion were ordered to aid those of Colonel 
Walton, and under their united fire the enemy was forced to abandon his posi- 
tion on the north side of the river, burning in his retreat the railroad bridge and 
the neighboring dwellings. The rise of the river, rendering the lower fords 
impassable, enabled the enemy to concentrate his main body opposite General 
Jackson, and on the 24th, Longstreet was ordered to proceed to his support. 
Although retarded by the swollen condition of Hazel Run and other tributaries 



506 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of the Rappahannock, he reached Jeffersonton in the afternoon. General 
Jacksort's command lay between that place and the [Warrenton] Springs Ford, 
and a warm cannonade was progressing between the batteries of General A. 
P. Hill's division and those of the enemy. The enemy was massed between 
Warrenton and the springs, and guarded the fords of the Rappahannock as 
far above as Waterloo. The army of General McClellan had left Westover. 
Part of [it] had already marched to join General Pope, and it was reported 
that the rest would soon follow. The captured correspondence of General 
Pope confirmed this information, and also disclosed the fact that the greater 
part of the army of General Cox had been withdrawn from the Kanawha Val- 
ley for the same purpose. Two brigades of D. H. Hill's division, under Gen- 
eral Ripley, had already been ordered from Richmond, and the remainder, 
under General D. H. Hill in person, with the division of General McLaws, two 
brigades under General Walker, and Hampton's cavalry brigade, were now 
directed to join this army, and were approaching. In pursuance of the plan 
of operations determined upon, Jackson was directed on the 25th to cross above 
Waterloo and moue around the enemy's right, so as to strike the Orange and 
Alexandria Railroad in his rear. Longstreet, in the mean time, was to divert 
his attention by threatening him in front, and to follow Jackson as soon as the 
latter should be sufficiently advanced. 

BATTLE OF MANASSAS. 
General Jackson crossed the Rappahannock at Hinson's Mill, about four 
miles above Waterloo, and, passing through Orleans, encamped on the night 
of the 25th near Salem after a long and fatiguing march. The next morning, 
continuing his route with his accustomed vigor and celerity, he passed the Bull 
Run Mountains at Thoroughfare Gap, and, proceeding by way of Gainesville, 
reached the railroad at Bristoe Station after sunset. At Gainesville he was 
joined by General Stuart with the brigades of Robertson and Fitzhugh Lee, 
who continued with him during the rest of his operations, vigilantly and effect- 
ually guarding both his flanks. General Jackson was now between the large 
army of General Pope and the Federal capital. Thus far, no considerable force 
of the enemy had been encountered, and he did not appear to be aware of his 
situation. Upon arriving at Bristoe the greater part of the guard at that point 
fled. Two trains of cars coming from the direction of Warrenton were cap- 
tured and a few prisoners were taken. Notwithstanding the darkness of the 
night and the long and arduous march of the day, General Jackson determined to 
lose no time in capturing the depot of the enemy at Manassas Junction, about 
seven miles distant on the road to Alexandria. General Trimble volunteered 
to proceed at once to that place with the Twenty-first North Carolina and the 
Twenty-first Georgia regiments. The offer was accepted, and, to render suc- 
cess more certain, General Jackson directed General Stuart to accompany the 



APPENDIX. 507 

expedition with part of his cavahy, and, as ranking officer, to assume the com- 
mand. Upon arriving near the junction General Stuart sent Colonel Wickham 
with his regiment, the Fourth Virginia cavalry, to get in rear of the enemy, 
who opened with musketry and artillery upon our troops as they approached. 
The darkness of the night and ignorance of the enemy's numbers and posi- 
tion made it necessary to move cautiously, but about midnight the place was 
taken with little difficulty, those that defended it being captured or dispersed. 
Eight pieces of artillery, with thefr horses, ammunition, and equipments, were 
taken. More than 300 prisoners, 175 horses besides those belonging to the 
artilleiy, 200 new tents, and immense quantities of commissary and quarter- 
master's stores fell into our hands. General Jackson left Ewell's division, with 
the Fifth Virginia cavalry, under Colonel Rosser, at Bristoe Station, and with 
the rest of his command proceeded to the Junction, where he arrived early in 
the morning. Soon afterward a considerable force of the enemy, under Briga- 
dier-general Taylor, approached from the direction of Alexandria, and pushed 
forward boldly to recapture the stores that had been lost. After a sharp engage- 
ment the enemy was routed and driven back, leaving his killed and wounded 
on the field. General Taylor himself being mortally wounded during the pur- 
suit. The troops remained at Manassas Junction during the rest of the day, 
supplying themselves with everything they required from the captured stores. 
In the afternoon the enemy advanced upon General Ewell at Bristoe from 
the direction of Warrenton Junction. They were attacked by three regiments 
and the batteries of Ewell's division, and two columns of not less than a brigade 
each were broken and repulsed. Their places were soon supplied by fresh 
troops, and it was apparent that the Federal commander had now become 
aware of the situation of affairs, and had turned upon General Jackson with 
his whole force. In pursuance of instructions to that effect. General Ewell, 
upon perceiving the strength of the enemy, withdrew his command, part of 
which was at the time engaged, and rejoined General Jackson at Manassas 
Junction, having first destroyed the railroad bridge over Broad Run. The 
enemy halted at Bristoe. General Jackson's force being much inferior to that 
of General Pope, it became necessary for him to withdraw from Manassas and 
take a position west of the turnpike road from Warrenton to Alexandria, where 
he could more readily unite with the approaching column of Longstreet. Hav- 
ing fully supplied the wants of his troops, he was compelled, for want of trans- 
portation, to destroy the rest of the captured property. This was done during 
the night of the 27th, and 50,000 pounds of bacon, 1000 barrels of corned beef, 
2000 barrels of salt pork, and 2000 barrels of flour, besides other property of 
great value, were burned. Taliaferro's division moved during the night by the 
road to Sudley, and, crossing the turnpike near Groveton, halted on the west 
side near the battlefield of July 21, 1861, where it was joined on the 28th by 
the divisions of Hill and Ewell. Perceiving during the afternoon that the 



5oS MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

enemy, approaching from the direction of Warrenton, was moving down the 
turnpike toward Alexandria, thus exposing his left flank, General Jackson 
advanced to attack him. A fierce and sanguinary conflict ensued, which con- 
tinued until about 9 P. M., when the enemy slowly fell back and left us in pos- 
session of the field. The loss on both sides was heavy, and among our 
wounded were Major-general Ewell and Brigadier-general Taliaferro, the 
former severely. 

The next morning, the 29th, the enemy had taken a position to interpose his 
army between General Jackson and Alexandria, and about 10 A. M. opened with 
artillery upon the right of Jackson's line. The troops of the latter were dis- 
posed in rear of Groveton, along the line of the unfinished branch of the 
Manassas Gap Railroad, and extended from a point a short distance west of 
the turnpike toward Sudley Mill; Jackson's division, under Brigadier-general 
Starke, being on the right ; Ewell's, under General Lawton, in the centre ; and 
A. P. Hill's on the left. The Federal army was evidently concentrating upon 
Jackson with the design of overwhelming him before the arrival of Longstreet. 
The latter officer left his position opposite Warrenton Springs on the 26th, being 
relieved by General R. H. Anderson's division, and marched to join Jackson. 
He crossed at Hinson's Mill in the afternoon, and encamped near Orleans that 
night. The next day he reached the White Plains, his march being retarded 
by the want of cavalry to ascertain the meaning of certain movements of the 
enemy from the direction of Warrenton which seemed to menace the right 
flank of his column. 

On the 28th, arriving at Thoroughfare Gap, he found the enemy prepared to 
dispute his progress. General D. R. Jones's division, being ordered to force 
the passage of the mountain, quickly dislodged the enemy's sharpshooters from 
the trees and rocks and advanced into the gorge. The enemy held the eastern 
extremity of the pass in large force and directed a heavy fire of artillery upon 
the road leading through it and upon the sides of the mountain. The ground 
occupied by Jones afforded no opportunity for the employment of artiller)'. 
Hood, with two brigades, and Wilcox, with three, were ordered to turn the 
enemy's right, the former moving over the mountain by a narrow path to the 
left of the pass, and the latter farther to the north by Hopewell Gap. Before 
these troops reached their destinations the enemy advanced and attacked 
Jones's left under Brigadier-general G. T. Anderson. Being vigorously re- 
pulsed, he withdrew to his position at the eastern end of the gap, from which 
he kept up an active fire of artillery until dark, and then retreated. 

(iencrals Jones and Wilcox bivouacked that night east of the mountain, and 
on the morning of the 29th the whole command resumed the march, the sound 
of cannon at Manassas announcing that Jackson was already engaged. Long- 
street entered the turnpike near Gainesville, and, moving down toward Grove- 
ton, the head of his column came upon the field in rear of the enemy's left, 



APPENDIX. 509 

which had already opened with artillery upon Jackson's right, as previously 
described. He immediately placed some of his batteries in position, but before 
he could complete his dispositions to attack the enemy withdrew — not, how- 
ever, without loss from our artillery. Longstreet took position on the right of 
Jackson, Hood's two brigades, supported by Evans, being deployed across the 
turnpike and at right angles to it. These troops were supported on the left by 
three brigades under General Wilcox, and by a like force on the right under 
General Kemper. D. R. Jones's division formed the extreme right of the linCf 
resting on the Manassas Gap Railroad. The cavalry guarded our right and 
left flanks, that on the right being under General Stuart in person. After the 
arrival of Longstreet the enemy changed his position and began to concentrate 
opposite Jackson's left, opening a brisk artillery fire, which was responded to 
with effect by some of General A. P. Hill's batteries. Colonel Walton placed 
a part of his artillery upon a commanding position between the lines of Gen- 
erals Jackson and Longstreet, by order of the latter, and engaged the enemy 
vigorously for several hours. Soon afterward General Stuart reported the 
approach of a large force from the direction of Bristoe Station, threatening 
Longstreet's right. The brigades under General Wilcox were sent to reinforce 
General Jones, but no serious attack was made, and after firing a few shots 
the enemy withdrew. While this demonstration was being made on our right 
a large force advanced to assail the left of Jackson's position, occupied by the 
division of General A. P. Hill. The attack was received by his troops with 
their accustomed steadiness, and the battle raged with great fury. The enemy 
was repeatedly repulsed, but again pressed on to the attack with fresh troops. 
Once he succeeded in penetrating an interval between General Gregg's brigade, 
on the extreme left, and that of General Thomas, but was quickly driven back 
with great slaughter by the Fourteenth South Carolina regiment, then in reserve, 
and the Forty-ninth Georgia of Thomas's brigade. The contest was close and 
obstinate, the combatants sometimes delivering their fire at ten paces. General 
Gregg, who was most exposed, was reinforced by Hays's brigade, under Col- 
onel Forno, and successfully and gallantly resisted the attacks of the enemy 
until, the ammunition of his brigade being exhausted and all his field officers 
but two killed or wounded, it was relieved, after several hours of severe fight- 
ing, by Early's brigade and the Eighth Louisiana regiment. General Early 
drove the enemy back with heavy loss and pursued about two hundred yards 
beyond the line of battle, when he was recalled to the position on the railroad, 
where Thomas, Pender, and Archer had firmly held their ground against every 
attack. While the battle was raging on Jackson's left, General Longstreet 
ordered Hood and Evans to advance, but before the order could be obeyed 
Hood was himself attacked, and his command at once became warmly en- 
gaged. General Wilcox was recalled from the right and ordered to advance 
on Hood's left, and one of Kemper's brigades, under Colonel Hunton, moved 



5IO MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

forward on his right. The enemy was repulsed by Hood after a severe contest, 
and fell back, closely followed by our troops. The battle continued until 9 p. m., 
the enemy retreating until he reached a strong position, which he held with a 
large force. The darkness of the night put a stop to the engagement, and our 
troops remained in their advanced position until early next morning, when they 
were withdrawn to their first line. One piece of artillery, several stands of 
colors, and a number of prisoners were captured. 

Our loss was severe in this engagement. Brigadier-generals Field and Trim- 
ble and Colonel Forno, commanding Hays's brigade, were severely wounded, 
and several other valuable officers killed or disabled, whose names are men- 
tioned in the accompanying reports. 

On the morning of the 30lh the enemy again advanced, and skirmishing 
began along the line. The troops of Jackson and Longstreet maintained their 
positions of the previous day. Fitzhugh Lee, with three regiments of his cav- 
alry, was posted on Jackson's left, and R. H. Anderson's division, which 
arrived during the forenoon, was held in reserve near the turnpike. The 
batteries of Colonel S. D. Lee took the position occupied the day before by 
Colonel Walton, and engaged the enemy actively until noon, when firing 
ceased and all was quiet for several hours. About 3 p. M. the enemy, having 
massed his troops in front of General Jackson, advanced against his position in 
strong force. His front line pushed forward until engaged at close quarters by 
Jackson's troops, when its progress was checked, and a fierce and bloody strug- 
gle ensued. A second and third line of great strength moved up to support 
the first, but in doing so came within easy range of a position a little in advance 
of Longstreet's left. He immediately ordered up two batteries, and, two others 
being thrown forward about the same time by Colonel S. D. Lee, under their 
well-directed and destructive fire the supporting lines were broken and fell 
back in confusion. Their repeated efforts to rally were unavailing, and Jack- 
son's troops, being thus reheved from the pressure of overwhelming numbers, 
began to press steadily forward, driving the enemy before them. He retreated 
in confusion, suffering severely from our artillery, which advanced as he 
retired. General Longstreet, anticipating the order for a general advance, now 
threw his whole command against the Federal centre and left. Hood's two 
brigades, closely followed by Evans's, led the attack. R. H. Anderson's divis- 
ion came gallantly to the support of Hood, while the three brigades under 
Wilcox moved forward on his left, and those of Kemper on his right. D. R. 
Jones advanced on the extreme right, and the whole line swept steadily on, 
driving the enemy with great carnage from each successive position until lo 
P.M., when darkness put an end to the battle and the pursuit. During the 
latter part of the engagement General Wilcox, with his own brigade, was 
ordered to the right, where the resistance of the enemy was most obstinate, 
xnd rendered efficient assistance to the troops engaged on that part of the line. 



APPENDIX. ' 511 

His other two brigades, maintaining their position in line, acted with General 
Jackson's command. The obscurity of night and the uncertainty of the fords 
of Bull Run rendered it necessary to suspend operations until morning, when 
the cavalry, being pushed forward, discovered that the enemy had escaped to 
the strong posidon of Centreville, about four miles beyond Bull Run. The 
prevalence of a heavy rain, which began during the night, threatened to render 
Bull Run impassable and impeded our movements. Longstreet remained on 
the batdefield to engage the attention of the enemy and cover the burial of 
the dead and the removal of the wounded, while Jackson proceeded by Sudley 
Ford to the Little River turnpike to turn the enemy's right and intercept his 
retreat to Washington. Jackson's progress was retarded by the inclemency of 
the weather and the fatigue of his troops, who, in addition to their arduous 
marches, had fought three severe engagements in as many days. He reached 
Little River turnpike in the evening, and the next day, September 1st, advanced 
by that road toward Fairfax Court-house. 

The enemy, in the mean time, was falling back rapidly toward Washington, 
and had thrown out a strong force to Germantown, on the Little River turnpike, 
to cover his line of retreat from Centreville. The advance of Jackson's column 
encountered the enemy at Ox Hill, near Germantown, about 5 p. m. Line of 
battle was at once formed, and two brigades of A. P. Hill's division (those of 
Branch and Field, under Colonel Brockenbrough) were thrown forward to 
attack the enemy and ascertain his strength and position. A cold and drench- 
ing rain-storm drove in the faces of our troops as they advanced and gallantly 
engaged the enemy. They were subsequently supported by the brigades of 
Gregg, Thomas, and Pender, also of Hill'ii. division, which, with part of Ew- 
ell's, became engaged. The conflict was obstinately maintained by the enemy 
until dark, when he retreated, having lost two general officers, one of whom. 
Major-general Kearny, was left dead on the field. 

Longstreet's command arrived after the action was over, and the next morn- 
ing it was found that the enemy had conducted his retreat so rapidly that the 
attempt to intercept him was abandoned. The proximity of the fortifications 
around Alexandria and Washington rendered further pursuit useless, and our 
army rested during the 2d near Chantilly, the enemy being followed only by 
the cavalry, who continued to harass him until he reached the shelter of his 
intrenchments. 

In the series of engagements on the plains of Manassas more than 7000 
prisoners were taken, in addition to about 2000 wounded left in our hands. 
Thirty pieces of artillery, upwards of 20,000 stands of small-arms, numerous 
colors, and a large amount of stores, besides those taken by General Jackson 
at Manassas Junction, were captured. 

The history of the achievements of the army from the time it advanced 
from Gordonsville leaves nothing to be said in commendation of the courage. 



512 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

fortitude, and good conduct of both officers and men. The accompanying 
reports of the medical director will show the number of our killed and wounded. 
Among them will be found the names of many valuable and distinguished 
officers, who bravely and faithfully discharged their duty, and, with the gallant 
soldiers who fell with them, have nobly deserved the love and gratitude of their 
countrymen. The reports of the several commanding officers must necessarily 
be referred to for the names of those whose services were most conspicuous. 
The list is too long for enumeration here. During all these operations the cav- 
alry under General Stuart, consisting of the brigades of Generals Robertson 
and Fitzhugh Lee, rendered most important and valuable service. It guarded 
the flanks of the army, protected its trains, and gave information of the enemy's 
movements. Besides engaging the cavalry of the enemy on several occasions 
with uniform success, a detachment under the gallant and lamented Major Pat- 
rick, assisted by the Stuart Horse Artillery under Major Pelham, effectually 
protected General Jackson's trains against a body of the enemy who penetrated 
to his rear on the 29th before the arrival of General Longstreet. Toward the 
close of the action on the 30th, General Robertson, with the Second Virginia 
regiment under Colonel Munford, supported by the Seventh and Twelfth, 
made a brilliant charge upon a brigade of the enemy's cavalry, Colonel Mun- 
ford leading with great gallantry, and completely routed it. Many of the en- 
emy were killed and wounded, more than 300 prisoners were captured, and 
the remainder pursued beyond Bull Run. The reports of General Stuart and 
the officers under his command, as well as that of General Jackson, are referred 
to for more complete details of these and other services of the cavalry. 

Respectfully submitted, R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Organization of the Army of Northern Virginia^ GENERAL R. 
E. Lee commanding^ during the Battles of August 28 to 
September i, 1862.* 

RIGHT WING, OR LONGSTREET'S CORPS. 

Major-gf.nkral James Longstreet. 

andkrson's division. 

Major-general R. II. Anderson. 

Armis-tead'' s Briton de. Ma hone's Bris^ade. Wright's Brigode. 

Brig.-gen. L. A. Armistcad. Brig. -gen. W. Mahone. Brig. -gen. A. R. Wright. 

9th Virginia. 6th Virginia. 3d Georgia. 

14th Virginia. I2tb Virginia. 22d Georgia. 

38th Virginia. l6th Virginia. 44th Georgia. 

53d Virginia. 41st Virginia. 48th Georgia. • 

57th Virginia. 49lh Virginia. 

5th Virginia Battalion (?). 

• Based upon organization of July 23, 1862, subsequent orders of assignment and transfers, and the 
reports. 



APPENDIX. 



513 



Toombs's Brigade. 

Col. H, L. Benning. 
Brig. -gen, R. Toombs. 

2d Georgia. 
ISth Georgia. 
17th Georgia. 
20th Georgia. 



Jones's division. 

Brigadier-general D. R. Jones. 

Drayton^ s Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. T. F. Drayton. 

50th Georgia. 

51st Georgia. 

15th South Carolina. 

Phillips' Georgia Legion. 

Wilcox's division. 
Brigadier-general C. M. Wilcox. 



yottes's Brigade 

Col. Geo. T. Anderson 

1st Georgia (Regulars). 
7th Georgia. 
8th Georgia. 
9th Georgia. 
nth Georgia. 



Wilcox's Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. C. M. Wilcox. 

^th Alabama. 
9th Alal)ama. 
loth Alabama. 
Ilth Alabama. 

Anderson's Va. Bat. (Thomas's 
Artillery). 



Pryoi^s Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. R. A. Pryor. 

14th Alabama. 
5th Florida. 
8th Florida. 
3d Virginia. 



Featherston' s Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. W. S. Featherston 
Colonel Carnot Posey. 

I2th Mississippi. 
l6th Mississippi. 
19th Mi.ssissippi. 
2d Missi.ssippi Battalion. 
Chapman's Va. Bat. (Dixl© 
Artillery), 



hood's division. 
Brigadier-general John B. Hood. 



Hood^s Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. John B. Hood. 

1 8th Georgia. 
Hampton's S. C. Legion. 
1st Texas. 
4th Texas. 
5th Texas. 



Kemper's Brigade. 
Col. M. D. Corse. 

1st Virginia. 
,. 7th Virginia. 
^ nth Virginia. 

17th Virginia. 

24th Virginia. 



33 



Whiting'' s Brigade. 

Col. E. M. Law. 

4th Alabama. 
2d Mississippi. 
nth Mississippi. 
6th North Carolina. 



Artillery. 

Maj. B. W. Frobel. 

Bachman's South Carolina Battery. 
Garden's South Carolina Battery. 
Reilly's North Carolina Battery. 

kemper's division. 
Brigadier-general James L. Kemper. 

ye7ikins''s Brigade. 

Brig -gen. M. Jenkins. 
Col. Joseph Walker. 

1st South Carolina (Volunteers). 
2d South Carolina Rifles. 
5th South Carolina. 
6th South Carolina. 
4th S. C. Battalion (?). 
Palmetto (S. C.) Sharpshooters. 



PickeWs Brigatte. 

Col. Eppa Hunton. 

8th Virginia. 
1 8th Virginia. 
19th Virginia. 
28th Virginia. 
56th Virginia. 



514 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Rvans" s Brigade.* 

Brig. -gen. N. G. Evans. 
Col. P. V . Stevens. 

17th .South Carolina. 

iStli South Carolina. 

22d South Carolina. 

23d South Carolina. 

Holcomhe (South Carolina) Legion. 

Boyce'b S. C. Bat. (Macbeth Artillery). 

ARTILLERY OF THK RIGHT WING. 

Washington {La.) ArtilUry. Lee's Battalion. 

Col. J. B. Walton. Col. S. D. Lee. 

E.shleman's 4th Company. Eubank's Virginia Battery. 

Miller's 3d Company. Crimes' Virginia Battery. 

Richardson's 2d Company. Jordan's Va. Bat. (Bedford Artillery). 

Squires' 1st Company. Parker's Virginia Battery. 

Rhett's South Carolina Battery, 
Taylor's Virginia Battery. 

MISCELL.\NF.OUS BATTERIES. 

Huger's Virginia Battery, f 

Leake's Virginia Battery. J 

Maurin's Louisiana Battery (Donaldsonville Artillery). \ 

Moorman's Virginia Battery, j- 

Rogers's Virginia Battery (Loudoun Artillery). ;f 

Stribling's Virginia Battery (Lauquier Artillery). \ 

LEFT WING, OR JACKSON'S CORPS. 

Major-general T. J. Jackson. 

Jackson's division. 

Brigadier-general W. B. Taliaferro. 



Brigadier-general W. E. Starke. 

Sftroftd Brigade. 

Col. Bradley T. Johnson. 

2ist Virginia. 
42d Virginia. 
48th Virginia. 
1st Virginia Battalion. 



Third Brigade. 

Col. A. G. Taliaferro. 

47th Alaliama. 
4Sth Alabama, 
loth Virginia. 
23d Virginia. 
37th Virginia. 



First Brigade. 

tol. W. S. H. Baylor. 
Col. A. J. Grigsby. 

2d Virginia. 
4th Virginia. 
5th Virginia. 
27th Virginia. 
33d Virginia. 

Fourth Brigade. 

hrig.-gen. W. K. Starke. 
Col. I>croy A. Stafford. 

ist I^uisiana. 

2d Louisiana. 

9th Louisiana. 

loth Louisiana. 

15th Louisiana. 

Coppens's Louisiana Battalion. 

* An independent brigade. On August 30th, Evans commanded Hood's division as well as his owtt 
brigade. 

+ Ati.u-hcd to .Andcr>;on's division, but not mentioned in the reports. 
J Mciiiioiicd in the rcporu, but assignments nut indicated. 



M.ij 



ArtilUry. 

L. M. Shumaker. 



Brockenbrough's ^L^ryland Battery. 
Carpenter's Virginia Battery. 
Caskil's Virginia Battery (Hampden Artillery). 
Poague's Virginia Battery (Rockbridge Artillery). 
Raine's Virginia B.utei7 (Lee Ariilleiy). 
Wooding's Virginia Battery (Danville Artillery). 



APPENDIX. 



515 



Branches Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. L. O'B. Branch. 

7th North Carolina. 
1 8th North Carolina. 
28th North Carolina. 
33d North Carolina. 
37th North Carolina. 



hill's light division. 

Major-general Ambrose P. Hill. 

Gregg's Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. Maxcy Gregg. 

1st South Carolina. 
1st South Carolina Rifles. 
1 2th South Carolina. 
13th South Carolina. 
14th South Carolina. 



Fields Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. C. W. Field. 
Col. J. M. Brockenbrough. 

40th Virginia. 
47th Virginia. 
55th Virginia. 
2d Virginia Battalion. 



Pender's Brigade. 
Brig. -gen. W. D. Pender. 
1 6th North Carolina. 
22d North Carolina. 
34th North Carolina. 
38th North Carolina. 



Archer's Brigade. 

Brig. gen. J. J. Archer. 

5th Alabama Battalion. 

19th Georgia.* 

1st Tennessee (Prov. Army). 

7lh Tennessee. 

14th Tennessee. 



Thomas's Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. E. L. Thomas. 
14th Georgia. 
19th Georgia.* 
35th Georgia. 
45th Georgia. 
49th Georgia. 



Artillery. 
Lieut. -col. R. L. Walker. 

Braxton's Virginia Battery (Fredericksburg Artillery). 
Crenshaw's Virginia Battery. 
Davidson's Virginia Battery (Letcher Artillery). 
Latham's North Carolina Bnttery (Branch Artillery). 
Mclnto'^h's South Carolina Battery (Pee Dee Artillery). 
Pegram's Virginia Battery (Purceli Artillery). 



Lawtoti's Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. A. R. Lawton. 
Colonel M. Douglass. 

13th Georgia. 
26th Georgia. 
31st Georgia. 
38th Georgia. 
60th Georgia. 
6 1st Georgia. 

Trimble's Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. I. R. Trimble. 
Captain W. F. Brown. 

15th Alabama. 
1 2th Georgia. 
2lst Georgia. 
2 1st North Carolina. 



ewell's division. 

Major-general R. S. Ewell. 
Brigadier-general A. R. Lawton. 

Early'' s Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. J. A. F.arly. 

13th Virginia. 
25th Virginia. 
31st Virginia. 
44th Virginia. 
49th Virginia. 
52d Virginia. 
58th Virginia. 



Hays's Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. Harry T. Hays 
Colonel Henry Forno. 
Colonel H. B. Strong. 

5th Louisiana. 
6th Louisiana. 
7th Louisiana. 
8th Louisiana. 



Artillery. 

Balthis's Va. Battery (Staunton Artillery). 
Brown's Md. Battery (Chesapeake Artilleiy). 
D'Aquin's Battery (Louisiana Guard Artillery). 
Dement's Maryland B.Tttery. 
Latimer's Va. Battery (Courtney Artillery). 



* In Archer's brigade August 9th, according to his report nf Cedar Run or Slaughter Mountain, and 
in Thomas's brigade August 30th, according tj Surgeon Guild's report of casualties. 



5l6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Cavalry. 

Major-general J. E. B. Stuart. 

Hampton^ s Brigade* Lee's Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. Wade Hampton. Brig, -gen. F. Lee. 

1st North Carolina. 1st Virginia. 

2d North Carolina. 3d Virginia, 

loth Virginia. 4th Virginia. 

I Cobb's Georgia Legion. 5lh Virginia. 

Jeff Davis Legion. 9th Virginia. 

Robertson's Brigade. 
Brig. -gen. B. H. Robertson. Artillery. 

2d Virginia. Hart's South Carolina Battery. 

6th Virginia. Pelham's Virginia Battery. 

7th Virginia. 
1 2th Virginia. 
17th Virginia Battalion. 

Artillery.'^ 

ist Virginia Regiment. Sutiipter ( Georgia') Battalion. 

Col. J. T. Brown. Lietit.-col. A. S. Cutts. 

Coke's Va. Battery (Williamsburg Artillery). Blackshear's Battery (D). 

Dance's Va. Battery (Powhatan Artillery). Lane's Battery (C). 

IIupp's Va. Battery (Salem Artillery). Patterson's Battery (B), 

Macon's Battery (Richmond Fayette Artillery). Ross's Battery (A). 
.Smith's Battery (3d Co. Richmond Howitzers). 
Watson's Battery (2d Co. Richmond Howitzers), 

MISCELLANEOUS BATTERIES. 

Ancell's Va. Battery (Fluvanna Art.). Milledge's Georgia Battery. 

Cutshaw's Virginia Battery, f Page's (R. C. M.) Va. Bat. (Morris Art.). 

Fleet's Va. Battery (Middlesex Art). J Peyton's Va. Battery (Orange Artillery). 

Huckstep's Virginia Battery. Rice's Virginia B.nttery. J 

Johnson's Virginia Battery. \ Turner's Virginia Battery. 



Headquarters Alexandria and Leesburg Road, 
Near Dranesville, September 3, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, 

Mr. President : The present seems to be the most propitious time since the 
commencement of the war for the Confederate army to enter Marjland. The 
two grand armies of the United States that have been operating in Virginia, 
though now imited, are much weakened and demoralized. Their new levies, 
of which I understand 60,000 men have already been posted in Washington, 
are not yet organized, and will take some time to prepare for the field. If it is 
ever desired to give material aid to Maryland and afford her an opportunity of 

• On delnched service until Seplemljcr ad. 

t The following ariiUcry orf;ani7.-itions were in the Army of Northern Virginia July 23 and Octoiber 
4, 1863, but with the exceptions noted they do not appear in the reports of the buttlea of Manasias 
Plaiits. 

J Mentioned in the reports, but assignments not indicated. 



APPENDIX. 5 I 7 

throwing off the oppression to which she is now subject, this would seem the 
most favorable. 

After the enemy had disappeared from the vicinity of Fairfax Court-house 
and taken the road to Alexandria and Washington, I did not think it would be 
advantageous to follow him farther. I had no intention of attacking him in 
his fortifications, and am not prepared to invest them. If, I possessed the 
necessary munitions, I should be unable to supply provisions for the troops. I 
therefore determined, while threatening the approaches to Washington, to 
draw the troops into Loudoun, where forage and some provisions can be 
obtained, menace their possession of the Shenandoah Valley, and, if found 
practicable, to cross into Maryland. The purpose, if discovered, will have the 
effect of carrying the enemy north of the Potomac, and if prevented will not 
result in much evil. 

The army is not properly equipped for an invasion of an enemy's tenitory. 
It lacks much of the material df war, is feeble in transportation, the animals 
being much reduced, and the men are poorly provided with clothes, and in 
thousands of instances are destitute of shoes. Still, we cannot afford to be 
idle, and, though weaker than our opponents in men and military equipments, 
must endeavor to harass if we cannot destroy them. I am aware that thd 
movement is attended with much risk, yet I do not consider success impossible, 
and shall endeavor to guard it from loss. As long as the army of the enemy 
are employed on this frontier I have no fears for the safety of Richmond, yet I 
earnestly recommend that advantage be taken of this period of comparative 
safety to place its defence, both by land and water, in the most perfect con^ 
dition. A respectable force can be collected to defend its approaches by land, 
and the steamer Richmond, I hope, is now ready to clear the river of hostile 
vessels. 

Should General Bragg find it impracticable to operate to advantage on his 
present frontier, his army, after leaving sufficient garrisons, could be advan- 
tageously employed in opposing the overwhelming numbers which it seems to 
be the intention of the enemy now to concentrate in Virginia. 

I have already been told by prisoners that some of Buell's cavalry have 
been joined to General Pope's army, and have reason to believe that the whole 
of McClellan's, the larger portion of Burnside's and Cox's, and a portion of 
Hunter's are united to it. 

What occasions me most concern is the fear of getting out of ammunition, 
I beg you will instruct the ordnance department to spare no pains in manufac- 
turing a sufficient amount of the best kind, and to be particular, in preparing 
that for the artillery, to provide three times as much of the long-range ammu- 
nition as of that for smooth-bore or short-range guns. The points to which I 
desire the ammunition to be forwarded will be made known to the department 
in time. If the quartermaster's department can furnish any shoes, it would be 



5l8 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the greatest relief. We have entered upon September, and the nights are be- 
coming cool. 

I have the honor to be, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
s General. 



Headquarters, 
Leesburg, Va., September 4, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, 

Mr. President: I am extremely indebted to Your Excellency for your letter 
of the 30th ultimo, and the letter from Washington which you enclosed to me. 
You will already have learned all that I have ascertained subsequently of the 
movements of McClellan's army, a large part, if not the whole, of which par- 
ticipated in the battle of Saturday last, as I have good reason to believe. 

Since my last communication to you, with reference to the movements which 
I propose to make with this army, I am more fully persuaded of the benefit 
that will result from an expedition into Maryland, and I shall proceed to make 
the movement at once unless you should signify your disapprobation. The 
only two subjects that give me any uneasiness are my supplies of ammunition 
and subsistence. Of the former I have enough for present use, and must await 
results before deciding to what point I will have additional supplies forwarded. 
Of subsistence, I am taking measures to obtain all that this region will afford ; 
but to be able to obtain supplies to advantage in Maryland I think it important 
to have the services of some one known to and acquainted with the resources 
of the country. I wish, therefore, that if ex-Governor Lowe can make it con- 
venient he will come to me at once, as I have already requested by telegram. 
As I contemplate entering a part of the State with which Governor Lowe is 
well acquainted, I think he could be of much service to me in many ways. 
Should the results of the expedition justify it, I propose to enter Pennsylvania, 
unless you should deem it unadvisable upon political or other grounds. 

As to the movements of the enemy, my latest intelligence shows that the 
army of Pope is concentrating around Washington and Alexandria in their 
fortifications. Citizens of this county report that Winchester has been evacu- 
ated, which is confirmed by the Baltimore Sun of this morning, containing 
extracts from the Washington Star of yesterday. This will still further relieve 
our country, and, I think, leaves the Valley entirely free. They will concen- 
trate behind the Potomac. 

I have the honor to be, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 



APPENDIX. 519 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Leesburg, Va., September 4, 1862. 

General Orders No. 102. 

I. It is ordered and earnestly enjoined upon all commanders to reduce their 
transportation to a mere sufficiency to transport cooking-utensils and the abso- 
lute necessaries of a regiment. All animals not actually employed for artillery, 
cavalry, or draught purposes will be left in charge of Lieutenant-colonel Cor- 
iey, chief quartermaster Army of Northern Virginia, to be recruited, the use 
of public animals, captured or otherwise, except for this service, being posi- 
Jively prohibited. Division, brigade, and regimental commanders, and officers 
in charge of artillery battalions, will give special attention to this matter. Bat- 
teries will select the best horses for use, turning over all others. Those bat- 
teries with horses too much reduced for service will be, men and horses, tem- 
porarily transferred by General Pendleton to other batteries, the guns and 
unserviceable horses being sent to the rear, the ammunition being turned in to 
reserve ordnance train. All cannoneers are positively prohibited from riding 
on the ammunition-chests or guns. 

II. This army is about to engage in most important operations, where any 
excesses committed will exasperate the people, lead to disastrous results, and 
enlist the populace on the side of the Federal forces in hostility to our own. 
Quartermasters and commissaries will make all arrangements for purchase of 
supplies needed by our army, to be issued to the respective commands upon 
proper requisitions, thereby removing all excuse for depredations. 

III. A provost-guard under direction of Brigadier-general L. A. Armistead 
will follow in rear of the army, arrest stragglers, and punish summarily all 
depredators and keep the men with their commands. Commanders of brigades 
will cause rear-guards to be placed under charge of efficient officers in rear of 
their brigades, to prevent the men from leaving the ranks, right, left, front, or 
rear, this officer being held by brigade commanders to a strict accountability 
for proper performance of this duty. 

IV. Stragglers are usually those who desert their comrades in peril. Such 
characters are better absent from the army on such momentous occasions as 
those about to be entered upon. They will, as bringing discredit upon our 
cause, as useless members of the service, and as especially deserving odium, 
come under the special attention of the provost-marshal and be considered as 
unworthy members of an army which has immortalized itself in the recent 
glorious and successful engagements against the enemy, and will be brought 
before a military commission to receive the punishment due to their miscon- 
duct. The gallant soldiers who have so nobly sustained our cause by heroism 
in battle will assist the commanding general in securing success by aiding their 
officers in checking the desire for straggling among their comrades. 

By order of General R. E. Lee. R. H. Chilton, 

Assistant Adjutant-general. 



520 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Ilr.ADQUARTERS ArMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, 
Leesburg, Va., September 5, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, Richmond, Va., 

Mr. President : As I have already had the honor to inform you, this 
army is about entering Maryland with a view of affording the people of that 
State an opportunity of liberating themselves. Whatever success may attend 
that effort, I hope, at any rate, to annoy and harass the enemy. The army 
being transferred to this section, the road to Richmond through Warrenton has 
been abandoned as far back as Culpeper Court-house, and all trains are 
directed to proceed by way of Luray and Front Royal from Culpeper Court* 
house to Winchester. I desire that everything coming from Richmond may 
take that route, or any nearer one turning off before reaching Culpeper Court- 
house. Notwithstanding the abandonment of the hne, as above mentioned, I 
deem it important that as soon as the bridge over the Rapidan shall be com- 
pleted, that over the Rappahannock should be constructed as soon as possible, 
and I have requested the president of the rond to have timber prepared for that 
purpose. My reason for desiring that this bridge shall be repaired is that in 
the event of falling back it is my intention to take a position about Warrenton, 
where, should the enemy attempt an advance on Richmond, I should be on his 
flank ; or should he attack me, I should have a favorable countiy to operate in, 
and, bridges being repaired, should be in full communication with Richmond. 
*** *** * ***** 

We shall supply ourselves with provisions and forage in the country in 
which we operate, but ammunition must be sent from Richmond. I hope that 
the Secretary of War will see that the ordnance department provides ample 
supplies of all kinds. In forwarding the ammunition it can be sent in the way 
above designated for the other trains, or it can be sent to Staunton, and thence 
by the Valley road to Winchester, which will be my depot. It is not yet certain 
that the enemy have evacuated the Valley, but there are reports to that effect, 
and I have no doubt that they will leave that section as soon as they learn of 
the movement across the Potomac. Any officer, however, proceeding toward 
Winchester with a train will, of course, not move without first ascertaining that 
the way is clear. I am now more desirous that my suggestion as to General 
Loring's movements shall be carried into effect as soon as possible, so that with 
the least delay he may move to the lower end of the Valley, about Martins- 
burg, and guard the approach in that direction. He should first drive the 
enemy from the Kanawha Valley, if he can, and afterward, or if he finds he 
cannot accomplish that result, I wish him to move by way of Romney toward 
Martinsburg and take position in that vicinity. 

I have the honor to be, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



APPENDIX. 521 

Headquarters, 
Two Miles from Fredericktown, Md,, September 7, 1862. 
His Excellency President Davis, 

Mr. President : 1 have the honor to inform you that all the divisions of 
the army have crossed the Potomac, unless it may be General Walker's, from 
whom I have had no report since his arrival at Leesburg on the evening of the 
5th instant. They occupy the line of the Monocacy. 

I find there is plenty of provisions and forage in this country, and the com- 
munity have received us with kindness. There may be some embarrassment 
in paying for necessaries for the army, as it is probable that many individuals 
will hesitate to receive Confederate currency. I shall endeavor in all cases to 
purchase what is wanted, and if unable to pay upon the spot will give certif- 
icates of indebtedness of the Confederate States for future adjustment. It is 
very desirable that the chief quartermaster and commissary should be pro- 
vided with funds, and that some general arrangement should be made for 
liquidating the debts that may be incurred to the satisfaction of the people of 
Maryland, in order that they may willingly furnish us what is wanted. I shall 
endeavor to purchase horses, clothing, shoes, and medical stores for our present 
use, and you will see the facility that would arise from being provided with the 
means of paying for them. I hope it may be convenient for ex-Governor Lowe, 
or some prominent citizen of Maryland, to join me, with a view of expediting 
these and other arrangements necessary to the success of our army in this State. 
Notwithstanding individual expressions of kindness that have been given, and 
the general sympathy in the success of the Confederate States, situated as 
Maryland is I do not anticipate any general rising of the people in our behalf. 
Some additions to our ranks will no doubt be received, and I hope to procure 
subsistence for our troops. 

As yet we have had no encounter with the enemy on this side of the river, 
except a detachment of cavalry at Poolesville, which resulted in slight loss on 
both sides, 31 of the enemy being captured. As far as I can learn, the enemy 
are in their intrenchments around Washington. General Banks, with his 
division, has advanced to Darnestown. The Shenandoah Valley has been 
evacuated, and their stores, etc. at Winchester are stated to have been 
destroyed, 

I have the honor to be, with 'high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, 
Two Miles from Fredericktown, Md., September 7, 1862. 
His Excellency President Davis, 
Mr. President: I find that the discipUne of the army — which, from the 



522 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ^ 

manner of its organization, the necessity of bringing it into immediate service, 
its constant occupation and hard duty, was naturally defective — has not been 
improved by the forced marches and hard service it has lately undergone. I 
need not say to you that the material of which it is composed is the best in the 
world, and if properly disciplined and instructed would be able successfully to 
resist any force that could be brought against it. Nothing can surpass the gal- 
lantry and intelligence of the main body, but there are individuals who from 
their backwardness in duty, tardiness of movement, and neglect of orders do 
it no credit. These, if possible, should be removed from its rolls if they can- 
not be improved by correction. 

Owing to the constitution of our courts-martial, great delay and difficulty 
occur in correcting daily evils. We require more promptness and certainty 
of punishment. One of the greatest evils, from which many minor ones pro- 
ceed, is the habit of straggling from the ranks. The higher officers feel as I 
do, and I believe have done all in their power to stop it. It has bedbme a habit 
difficult to correct. With some — the sick and feeble — it results from necessity, 
but with the greater number from design. These latter do not wish to be with 
their regiments, nor to share in their hardships and glories. They are the cowards 
of the army, desert their comrades in times of danger, and fill the houses of 
the charitable and hospitable in the march. I know of no better way of cor- 
recting this great evil than by the appointment of a military commission of 
men known to the country, and having its confidence and support, to accom- 
pany the army constantly, with a provost-marshal and guard to execute 
promptly its decisions. 

If, in addition, a proper inspector-general, with sufficient rank and standing, 
with assistants, could be appointed to see to the execution of orders and to fix the 
responsibility of acts, great benefits and saving to the service would be secured. 
I know there is no law for carrying out these suggestions, but beg to call your 
attention to the subject, and ask, if this plan does not meet with your approval, 
that in your better judgment you will devise some other; for I assure you some 
remedy is necessary, especially now, when the army is in a State whose citizens 
it is our purpose to conciliate and bring with us. Every outrage upon their 
feelings and property should be checked. 

I am, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



RiCHMONn, Va., 
September 7 [?], 1S62. 

General R. E. Lee, Commanding, etc., 

Sir : It is deemed proper that you should, in accordance with established 
usage, announce by proclamation to the people of Maryland the motives and 



APPENDIX. 523 

purposes of your presence among them at the head of an invading army, and 
you are instructed in such proclamation to make known — 

1st. That the Confederate Government is waging this war solely for self- 
defence ; that it has no design of conquest or any other purpose than to secure 
peace and the abandonment by the United States of their pretensions to gov- 
ern a people who have never been their subjects, and who prefer self-govern- 
ment to a union with them. 

2d. That this Government, at the very moment of its inauguration, sent com- 
missioners to Washington to treat for a peaceful adjustment of all differences, 
but that these commissioners were not received, nor even allowed to communi- 
cate the object of their mission, and that on a subsequent occasion a commu- 
nication from the President of the Confederacy to President Lincoln remained 
without answer, although a reply was promised by General Scott, into whose 
hands the communication was delivered. 

3d. That among the pretexts urged for continuance of the war is the assertion 
that the Confederate Government desires to deprive the United States of the 
free navigation of the Western rivers, although the truth is that the Confederate 
Congress by public act, prior to the commencement of the war, enacted that 
"the peaceful navigation of the Mississippi River is hereby declared free to the 
citizens of any of the States upon its boundaries or upon the borders of its 
navigable tributaries" — a declaration to which this Government has always 
been, and is still, ready to adhere. 

4th. That now, at a juncture when our arms have been successful, we restrict 
ourselves to the same just and moderate demand that we made at the darkest 
period of our reverses — the simple demand that the people of the United States 
should cease to war upon us and permit us to pursue our own path to happiness, 
while they in peace pursue theirs. 

5th. That we are debarred from the renewal of formal proposals for peace by 
having no reason to expect that they would be received with the respect mutu- 
ally due by nations in their intercourse, whether in peace or in war. 

6th. That under these circumstances we are driven to protect our own coun- 
try by transferring the seat of war to that of an enemy who pursues us with a 
relentless and apparently aimless hostility; that our fields have been laid waste, 
our people killed, many homes made desolate, and that rapine and murder have 
ravaged our frontiers ; that the sacred right of self-defence demands that if such 
a war is to continue its consequences shall fall on those who persist in their re- 
fusal to make peace. 

7th. That the Confederate army, therefore, comes to occupy the territory of 
their enemies, and to make it the theatre of hostilities ; that with the people 
themselves rests the power to put an end to this invasion of their homes, for, if 
unable to prevail on the Government of the United States to conclude a general 
peace, their own State Government, in the exercise of its sovereignty, can secure 



524 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

immunity from the desolating effects of warfare on the soil of the State by a sep- 
arate treaty of peace, which this Government will ever be ready to conclude on 
the most just and liberal basis. 

8th. That the responsibility thus rests on the people of of continuinfj 

an unjust and oppressive warfare upon the Confederate States — a warfare which 
can never end in any other manner than that now proposed. With them is 
the option of preserving the blessings of peace by the simple abandonment of 
the design of subjugating a people over whom no right of dominion has ever 
been conferred either by God or man. 

Jefferson Davis. 



Headquarters, 
August 19, 1S63. 
General S. Cooper, Adjt.- and Insp.-gen., Richmond, Va., 

General: I have the honor to forward a report of the capture of Harper's 
Ferry and the operations of the army in Maryland (1862). The official reports 
of Lieutenant-general Jackson and the officers of his corps have only been 
recently received, which prevented its earlier transmittal. This finishes the 
reports of the operations of the campaign of 1862. They were designed to 
form a continuous narrative, though, for reasons given, were written at inter- 
vals. May I ask you to cause the several reports to be united, and to append 
the tabular statements accompanying each ? Should this be inconvenient, if 
you could return the reports to me, I would have them properly arranged. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



REPORT 0¥ THE CAPTURE OF HARPER'S FERRY AND OPERA- 
TIONS IN MARYLAND. 
The enemy having retired to the protection of the fortifications around Wash- 
ington and Alexandria, the army marched on September 3d toward Lecsburg. 
The armies of Generals McClellan and Pope had now been brought back to 
the point from which they set out on the campaigns of the spring and summer. 
The objects of those campaigns had been frustrated and the designs of the 
enemy on the coast of North Carolina and in West Virginia thwarted by the 
withdrawal of the main body of his forces from those regions. North-eastern 
Virginia was freed from the presence of Federal soldiers up to the intrench- 
ments of Washington, and soon after the arrival of the army at Leesburg 
information was received that the troops which had occupied Winchester had 
retired to Harper's Ferry and Martinsburg. The war w.as thus transferred from 



APPENDIX. 525 

the interior to the frontier, and the supplies of rich and productive districts 
made accessible to our army. To prolong a state of affairs in every way desir- 
able, and not to permit the season for active operations to pass without endeav. 
oring to inflict further injury upon the enemy, the best course appeared to be 
the transfer of the army into Maryland, y Although not properly equipped for 
invasion, lacking much of the material of war and feeble in transportation, the 
troops poorly provided with clothing^and thousands of them destitute of shoes, 
it was yet believed to be strong enough to detain the enemy upon the northern 
frontier until the approach of winter should render his advance into Virginia 
difficult, if not impracticable. The condition of Maryland encouraged the 
belief that the presence of our army, however inferior to that of the enemy, 
would induce the Washington Government to retain all of its available force to 
provide against contingencies which its course toward the people of that State 
gave it reason to apprehend. At the same time, it was hoped that military suc- 
cess might afford us an opportunity to aid the citizens of Maryland in any 
efforts they might be disposed to make to recover their liberties. The diffi- 
culties that surrounded them were fully appreciated, and we expected to derive 
more assistance in the attainment of our object from the just fears of the Wash- 
ington Government than from any active demonstration on the part of the 
people, unless success should enable us to give them assurance of continued 
protection. 

Influenced by these considerations, the army was put in motion, D. H. Hill's 
division, which had joined us on the 2d, being in advance, and between Sep- 
tember 4th and 7th crossed the Potomac at the fords near Leesburg and en- 
camped in the vicinity of Fredericktown. 

It was decided to cross the Potomac east of the Blue Ridge, in order, by 
threatening Washington and Baltimore, to cause the enemy to withdraw from 
the south bank, where his presence endangered our communications and the 
safety of those engaged in the removal of our wounded and the captured prop- 
erty from the late battlefields. Having accomplished this result, it was proposed 
to move the army into Western Maryland, establish our communications with 
Richmond through the Shenandoah Valley, and by threatening Pennsylvania 
induce the enemy to follow, and thus draw him from his base of supplies. 

It had been supposed that the advance upon Fredericktown would lead to 
the evacuation of Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry, thus opening the line of 
communication through the Valley. This not having occurred, it became 
necessary to dislodge the enemy from those positions before concentrating the 
army west of the mountains. To accomplish this with the least delay. General 
Jackson was directed to proceed with his command to Martinsburg, and, after 
driving the enemy from that place, to move down the south side of the Potomac 
upon Harper's Ferry. General McLaws, with his own and R. H. Anderson's 
division, was ordered to seize Maryland Heights, on the north side of the Poto- 



526 AfEAfOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

mac, opposite Harper's Ferry, and Brigadier-general Walker to take possession 
of Loudoun Heights, on the east side of the Shenandoah where it unites with 
the Potomac. These several commands were directed, after reducing Harper's 
Ferry and clearing the Valley of the enemy, to join the rest of the army at 
Boonsboro' or Hagerstown. 

The march of these troops began on the loth, and at the same time the 
remainder of Longstreet's command and the division of D. H. Hill crossed the 
South Mountain and moved toward Boonsboro'. General Stuart, with the cav- 
alry, remained east of the mountains to observe the enemy and retard his 
advance. 

A report having been received that a Federal force was approaching Hagers- 
town from the direction of Chambersburg, Longstreet continued his march to 
the former place in order to secure the road leading thence to Williamsport, 
and also to prevent the removal of stores which were said to be in Hagerstown. 
He arrived at that place on the nth. General Hill halting near Boonsboro' to 
prevent the enemy at Harper's Ferry from escaping through Pleasant Valley, 
and at the same time to support the cavalry. The advance of the Federal 
army was so slow at the time we left Fredericktown as to justify the belief that 
the reduction of Harper's Ferry would be accomplished and our troops concen- 
trated before they would be called upon to meet it. In that event it had not 
been intended to oppose its passage through the South Mountain, as it was 
desired to engage it as far as possible from its base. 

General Jackson marched very rapidly, and, crossing the Potomac near 
Williamsport on the nth, sent A. P. Hill's division directly to Martinsburg, 
and disposed the rest of his command to cut off the retreat of the enemy west- 
ward. On his approach the Federal troops evacuated Martinsburg, retiring to 
Harper's Ferry on the night of the nth, and Jackson entered the former place 
on the 1 2th, capturing some prisoners and abandoned stores. In the forenoon 
of the following day his leading division, under General A. P. Hill, came in 
sight of the enemy strongly intrenched on Bolivar Heights, in rear of Harper's 
Ferry. Before beginning the attack General Jackson proceeded to put himself 
in communication with the co-operating forces under Generals McLaws and 
Walker, from the former of whom he was separated by the Potomac, and from 
the latter by the Shenandoah. General Walker took possession of Loudoun 
Heights on the 13th, and the next day was in readiness to open upon Harper's 
Ferry. General McLaws encountered more opposition. He entered Pleasant 
Valley on the nth. On the 12th he directed General Kershaw, with his own 
and Barksdalc's brigade, to ascend the ridge whose southern extremity is 
known as Maryland Heights, and attack the enemy, who occupied that posi- 
tion with infantry and artillery, protected by intrenchments. He disposed the 
rest of his command to hold the roads leading from Harper's Ferry eastward 
«Jirough Weverton and northward from Sandy Hook, guarding the pass in his 



APPENDIX. 527 

rear, through which he had entered Pleasant Valley, with the brigades of 
Semmes and Mahone. Owing to the rugged nature of the ground on which 
Kershaw had to operate and the want of roads, he was compelled to use 
infantry alone. Driving in the advance parties of the enemy on the summit 
of the ridge on the 12th, he assailed the works the next day. After a spirited 
contest they were carried, the troops engaged in their defence spiking their heavy 
guns and retreating to Harper's Ferry. By 4.30 p. m. Kershaw was in posses- 
sion of Maryland Heights. On the 14th a road for artillery was cut along the 
ridge, and at 2 p. M. four guns opened upon the enemy on the opposite side of 
the river, and the investment of Harper's Ferry was complete. 

In the mean time events transpired in another quarter which threatened to 
interfere with the reduction of the place. A copy of the order directing the 
movement of the army from Fredericktown had fallen into the hands of Gen- 
eral McClellan, and disclosed to him the dispositions of our forces. He imme- 
diately began to push forward rapidly, and on the afternoon of the 13th was 
reported approaching the pass in South Mountain on the Boonsboro' and 
Fredericktown road. The cavalry under General Stuart fell back before him, 
materially impeding his progress by its gallant resistance and gaining time for 
preparations to oppose his advance. By penetrating the moqntain at this point 
he would reach the rear of McLaws and be enabled to relieve the garrison at 
Harper's Ferry. To prevent this, General D. H. Hill was directed to guard the 
Boonsboro' Gap, and Longstreet ordered to march from Hagerstown to his support. 

On the 13th, General Hill sent back the brigades of Garland and Colquitt 
to hold the pass, but, subsequently ascertaining that the enemy was near in 
heavy force, he ordered up the rest of his division. 

Early on the 14th a large body of the enemy attempted to force its way to 
the rear of the position held by Hill by a road south of the Boonsboro' and 
Fredericktown turnpike. The attack was repulsed by Garland's brigade after 
a severe conflict, in which that brave and accomplished young officer was killed. 
The remainder of the division arriving shortly afterward, Colquitt's brigade was 
disposed across the turnpike road ; that of C. B. Artderson, supported by Rip- 
ley, was placed on the right ; and Rodes's occupied an important position on 
the left. Garland's brigade, which had suffered heavily in the first attack, was 
withdrawn, and the defence of the road occupied by it entrusted to Colonel 
Rosser of the Fifth Virginia cavalry, who reported to General Hill with his 
regiment and some artillery. The small command of General Hill repelled 
the repeated assaults of the Federal army and held it in check for five hours. 
Several attacks on the centre were gallantly repulsed by Colquitt's brigade, and 
Rodes maintained his position against heavy odds with the utmost tenacity. 
Longstreet, leaving one brigade at Hagerstown, had hurried to the assistance 
of Hill, and reached the scene of action between 3 and 4 p. M. His troops, 
much exhausted by a long, rapid march and the heat of the day, were disposed 



528 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

on both sides of the turnpike. General D. R. Jones, with three of his brigades 
— those of Pickett (under General Garnett), Kemper, and Jenkins (under 
Colonel Walker) — together with Evans's brigade, was posted along the moun- 
tain' on the left ; General Hood, with his own and Whiting's brigade (under 
Colonel Law), Drayton's, and D. R. Jones's (under Colonel G. T. Anderson), 
on the right. Batteries had been placed by General Hill in such positions as 
could be found, but the ground was unfavorable for the use of artillery. The 
battle continued with great animation until night. On the south of the turn- 
pike the enemy was driven back some distance, and his attack on the centre 
repulsed with loss. His great superiority of numbers enabled him to extend 
beyond both of our flanks. By this means he succeeded in reaching the sum- 
mit of the mountain beyond our left, and, pressing upon us heavily from that 
direction, gradually forced our troops back after an obstinate resistance. Dark- 
ness put an end to the contest. 

The effort to force the passage of the mountains had failed, but it was mani- 
fest that without reinforcements we could not hazard a renewal of the engage- 
ment, as the enemy could easily turn either flank. Information was also 
received that another large body of Federal troops had during the afternoon 
forced their way through Crampton's Gap, only five miles in rear of McLaws. 
Under these circumstances it was determined to retire to Sharpsburg, where 
we would be upon the flank and rear of the enemy should he move against 
McLaws, and where we could more readily unite with the rest of the army. 
This movement was efficiently and skilfully covered by the cavalry brigade of 
General Fitzhugh Lee, and was accomplished without interruption by the 
enemy, who did not appear on the west side of the pass at Boonsboro' until 
about 8 A. M. on the following morning. The resistance that had been offered 
to the enemy at Boonsboro' secured sufficient time to enable General Jackson 
to complete the reduction of Harper's Ferr)'. 

On the afternoon of the 14th, when he found that the troops of Walker and 
McLaws were in position to co-operate in the attack, he ordered General A. P. 
Hill to turn the enemy's left flank and enter Harper's Ferry. Ewell's division 
(under General Lawton ) was ordered to support Hill, while Winder's brigade 
of Jackson's division (under Colonel Grigsby), with a battery of artillery, made 
a demonstration on the enemy's right near the Potomac. The rest of the 
division was held in reserve. The cavalry under Major Massie was placed on 
the extreme left to prevent the escape of the enemy. Colonel Grigsby suc- 
ceeded in getting possession of an eminence on the left, upon which two bat- 
teries were advantageously posted. General A. P. Hill, observing a hill on the 
enemy's extreme left occupied by infantry without artillery, and protected only 
by an abatis of felled timber, directed General Pender with his own brigade 
and those of [General] Archer and Colonel Brockcnbrough to seize the crest, 
which was done with slight resistance, At the same time he ordered Generals 



APPENDIX. 5:9 

Branch and Gregg to march along the Shenandoah, and, taking advantage of 
the ravines intersecting its steep banks, to estabhsh themselves on the plain to 
the left and rear of the enemy's works. This was accomplished during the 
night. Lieutenant-colonel Walker, chief of artillery of A. P. Hill's division, 
placed several batteries on the eminence taken by General Pender, and under 
the directions of Colonel Crutchfield, General Jackson's chief of artillery, ten 
guns belonging to Ewell's division were posted on the east side of the Shenan- 
doah, so as to enfilade the enemy's intrenchments on BoUvar Heights and take 
his nearest and most formidable works in reverse. General McLaws in the 
mean time made his preparations to prevent the force which had penetrated at 
Crampton's Gap from coming to the relief of the garrison. This pass had 
been defended by the brigade of General Cobb, supported by those of Semmes 
and Mahone ; but, unable to oppose successfully the sQperior numbers brought 
against them, they had been compelled to retire with loss. The enemy halted 
at the gap, and during the night General McLaws formed his command in line 
of battle across Pleasant Valley about a mile and a half below Crampton's 
[Gap], leaving one regiment to support the artillery on Maryland Heights and 
two brigades on each of the roads from Harper's Ferry. 

The attack on the garrison began at dawn. A rapid and vigorous fire was 
opened from the batteries of General Jackson and those on Maryland and Lou- 
doun Heights. In about two hours the garrison, consisting of more than 1 1,000 
men, surrendered; 73 pieces of artillery, about 13,000 small-arms, and a large 
quantity of military stores fell into our hands. Leaving General A. P. Hill to 
receive the surrender of the Federal troops and secure the captured property. 
General Jackson with his two other divisions set out at once for Sharpsburg, 
ordering Generals McLaws and Walker to follow without delay. Official infor- 
mation of the fall of Harper's Ferry and the approach of General Jackson was 
received soon after the commands of Longstreet and D. H. Hill reached 
Sharpsburg on the morning of the 1 5th, and reanimated the courage of the 
troops. General Jackson arrived early on the i6th, and General Walker came 
up in the afternoon. The presence of the enemy at Crampton's Gap embar- 
rassed the movements of General McLaws. He retained the position taken 
during the night of the 14th to oppose an advance toward Harper's Ferry until 
the capitulation of that place, when, finding the enemy indisposed to attack, he 
gradually withdrew his command toward the Potomac. Deeming the roads to 
Sharpsburg on the north side of the river impracticable, he resolved to cross 
at Harper's Ferry and march by way of Shepherdstown. Owing to the condi- 
tion of his troops and other circumstances his progress was slow, and he did 
not reach the battlefield at Sharpsburg until some time after the engagement 
of the 17th began. The commands of Longstreet and D. H. Hill on their 
arrival at Sharpsburg were placed in position along the range of hills between 
the town and the Antietam, nearly parallel to the course of that stream, Long' 
34 



530 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E, LEE. 

street on the right of the road to Boonsboro', and Hill on the left. The advance 
of the enemy was delayed by the brave opposition he encountered from Fitz- 
hugh Lee's cavalry, and he did not appear on the opposite side of the Antietam 
until about 2 P. M. During the afternoon the batteries on each side were 
slightly engaged. 

On the i6th the artillery fire became warmer, and continued throughout the 
day. The enemy crossed the Antietam beyond the reach of our batteries and 
menaced our left. In anticipation of this movement Hood's two brigades had 
been transferred from the right and posted between D. H. Hill and the Hagers- 
town road. General Jackson was now directed to take position on Hood's left, 
and formed his line with his right resting upon the Hagerstown road and his 
left extending toward the Potomac, protected b^ General Stuart with the cav- 
alry and horse artillery. General Walker with his two brigades was stationed 
on Longstreet's right. As evening approached the enemy opened more vigor- 
ously with his artillery, and bore down heavily with his infantry upon Hood, 
but the attack was gallantly repulsed. At lo. p.m. Hood's troops were relieved 
by the brigades of Lawton and Trimble of Ewell's division, commanded by 
General Lawton. Jackson's own division, under General J. R. Jones, was on 
Lawton's left, supported by the remaining brigades of Ewell. 

At early dawn on the 17th the enemy's artillery opened vigorously from both 
sides of the Antietam, the heaviest fire being directed against our left. Under 
cover of this fire a large force of infantry attacked General Jackson. They 
were met by his troops with the utmost resolution, and for several hours the 
conflict raged with great fury and alternate success. General J. R. Jones was 
compelled to leave the field, and the command of Jackson's division devolved 
on General Starke. The troops advanced with great spirit, and the enemy's 
lines were repeatedly broken and forced to retire. Fresh troops, however, soon 
replaced those that were beaten, and Jackson's men were in turn compelled to 
fall back. The brave General Starke was killed. General Lawton was wounded, 
and nearly all the field officers, with a large proportion of the men, killed or 
disabled. Our troops slowly yielded to overwhelming,^ numbers and fell back, 
obstinately disputing the progress of the enemy. Hood returned to the field 
and relieved t'ne brigades of Trimble, Lawton, and Hays, which had suffered 
severely. General Early, who succeeded General Lawton in the command of 
Ewell's division, was ordered by General Jackson to move with his brigade to 
take the place of Jackson's division, most of which was withdrawn, its ammu- 
nition being nearly exhausted and its numbers much reduced. A small part 
of the division, under Colonels Grigsby and Stafford, united with Early's 
brigade, as did portions of the brigades of Trimble, Lawton, and Hays. The 
battle now raged with great violence, the small commands under Hood and 
Early holding their ground against many times their own numbers of the 
enemy and under a tremendous fire of artillery. Hood was reinforced by the 



APPENDIX. 531 

brigades of Ripley, Colquitt, and Garland (under Colonel McRae) of D. H, 
Hill's division, and afterward by D. R. Jones's brigade under Colonel G. T, 
Anderson. The enemy's lines were broken and forced back, but fresh num- 
bers advanced to their support, and they began to gain ground. The desperate 
resistance they encountered, however, delayed their progress until the troops 
of General McLaws arrived and those of General Walker could be brought 
from the right. Hood's brigade, greatly diminished in numbers, withdrew to 
replenish their ammunition, their supply being entirely exhausted. They were 
relieved by Walker's command, which immediately attacked the enemy vigor- 
ously, driving him back with great slaughter. Colonel Manning, commanding 
Walker's brigade, pursued until he was stopped by a strong fence, behind 
which was posted a large force of infantry with several batteries. The gallant 
colonel was severely wounded, and his brigade retired to the line on which the 
rest of Walker's command had halted. 

Upon the arrival of the reinforcements under General McLaws, General 
Early attacked with great resolution the large force opposed to him. McLaws 
advanced at the same time, and the enemy were driven back in confusion, 
closely followed by our troops beyond the position occupied at the beginning 
of the engagement. The enemy renewed the assault on our left several times, 
but was repulsed with loss. He finally ceased to advance his infantry, and for 
several hours kept up a furious fire from his numerous batteries, under which 
our troops held their position with great coolness and courage. The attack on 
our left was speedily followed by one in heavy force on the centre. This was 
met by part of Walker's division and the brigades of G. B. Anderson and 
Rodes of D. H. Hill's command, assisted by a few pieces of artillery. The 
enemy was repulsed, and retired behind the crest of a hill, from which he kept 
up a desultory fire. General R. H, Anderson's division came to Hill's support 
and formed in rear of his line. At this time, by a mistake of orders. General 
Rodes's brigade was withdrawn from its position during the temporary absence 
of that officer at another part of the field. The enemy immediately pressed 
through the gap thus created, and G. B. Anderson's brigade was broken and 
retired, General Anderson himself being mortally wounded. Major-general R. 
H, Anderson and Brigadier-general Wright were also wounded and borne from 
the field. 

The heavy masses of the enemy again moved forward, being opposed only 
by four pieces of artillery, supported by a few hundred men belonging to dif- 
ferent brigades, rallied by General D, H, Hill and other officers, and parts of 
Walker's and R, H. Anderson's commands, Colonel Cooke, with the Twenty- 
seventh North CaroUna regiment of Walker's brigade, standing boldly in line 
without a cartridge. The firm front presented by this small force and the well- 
directed fire of the artillery under Captain Miller of the Washington Artillery, 
and of Captain Boyce's South Carolina battery, checked the progress of the en- 



532 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

emy, and in about an hour and a half he retired. Another attack was made 
soon afterward a little farther to the right, but was repulsed by Miller's guns, 
which continued to hold the ground until the close of the engagement, sup- 
ported by a part of R. H. Anderson's troops. 

While the attack on the centre and left was in progress the enemy made 
repeated efforts to force the passage of the bridge over the Antietam opposite 
the right wing of General Longstreet, commanded by Brigadier-general D. R. 
Jones. This bridge was defended by General Toombs with two regiments of 
his brigade (the Second and Twentieth Georgia) and the batteries of General 
Jones. General Toombs's small command repulsed five different assaults 
made by a greatly superior force, and maintained its position with distin- 
guished gallantry. In the afternoon the enemy began to extend his line as if 
to cross the Antietam below the bridge, and at 4 p. M. Toombs's regiments 
retired from the position they had so bravely held. The enemy immediately 
crossed the bridge in large numbers and advanced against General Jones, who 
held the crest with less than two thousand men. After a determined and brave 
resistance he was forced to give way and the enemy gained the summit. 

General A. P. Hill had arrived from Harper's Ferry, having left that place at 
7.30 A. M. He was now ordered to reinforce General Jones, and moved to his 
support with the brigades of Archer, Branch, Gregg, and Pender, the last of 
whom was placed on the right of the line, and the other three advanced and 
attacked the enemy, now flushed with success. Hill's batteries were thrown 
forward, and united their fire with those of General Jones, and one of General 
D. H. Hill's also opened with good effect from the left of the Boonsboro' road. 
The progress of the enemy was immediately arrested and his lines began to 
waver. At this moment General Jones ordered Toombs to charge the flank, 
while Archer, supported by Branch and Gregg, moved upon the front of the 
Federal line. The enemy made a brief resistance, then broke, and retreated 
in confusion toward the Antietam, pursued by the troops of Hill and Jones, 
until he reached the protection of his batteries on the opposite side of the river. 
In this attack the brave and lamented Brigadier-general L. O'B. Branch was 
killed while gallantly leading his brigade. 

It was now nearly dark, and the enemy had massed a number of batteries to 
sweep the approaches to the Antietam, on the opposite side of which the corps 
of General Porter, which had [not ?J been engaged, now appeared to dispute 
our advance. Our troops were much exhausted and greatly reduced in num- 
bers by fatigue and the casualties of battle. Under these circumstances it was 
deemed injudicious to push our advantage farther in the face of fresh troops 
of the enemy much exceeding the number of our own. These were accord- 
ingly recalled and formed on the line originally held by General Jones. While 
the attack on our centre was progressing General Jackson had been directed tn 
endeavor to turn the enemy's right, but found it extending nearly to the Poto- 



APPENDIX. 533 

mac, and so strongly defended with artillery that the attempt had to be aban- 
doned. The repulse on the right ended the engagement, and after a protracted 
and sanguinary conflict every effort of the enemy to dislodge us from our posi- 
tion had been defeated with severe loss. 

The arduous service in which our troops had been engaged, their great pri- 
vations of rest and food, and the long marches without shoes over mountain- 
roads, had greatly reduced our ranks before the action began. These causes 
had compelled thousands of brave men to absent themselves, and many more 
had done so from unworthy motives. This great battle was fought by less than 
40,000 men on our side, all of whom had undergone the greatest labors and 
hardships in the field and on the march. Nothing could surpass the deter- 
mined valor with which they met the large army of the enemy, fully supplied 
and equipped as it was, and the result reflects the highest credit on the officers 
and men engaged. Our artillery, though much inferior to that of the enemy 
in the number of guns and weight of metal, rendered most efficient and gal- 
lant service throughout the day, and contributed greatly to the repulse of the 
attacks on every part of the line. General Stuart with the cavalry and horse 
artillery performed the duty entrusted to him of guarding our left wing with 
great energy and courage, and rendered valuable assistance in defeating the 
attack on that part of our line. 

On the 1 8th we occupied the position of the preceding day except in the 
centre, where our line was drawn in about two hundred yards. Our ranks 
were increased by the arrival of troops which had not been engaged the day 
before, and, though still too weak to assume the offensive, we awaited without 
apprehension the renewal of the attack. The day passed without any demon- 
stration on the part of the enemy, who, from the reports received, was expect- 
ing the arrival of reinforcements. As we could not look for a material increase 
in strength, and the enemy's force could be largely and rapidly augmented, it 
was not thought prudent to wait until he should be ready again to offer battle. 
During the night of the i8th the army was accordingly withdrawn to the south 
side of the Potomac, crossing near Shepherdstown without loss or molestation. 

The enemy advanced the next morning, but was held in check by General 
Fitzhugh Lee with his cavalry, who covered our movement with boldness and 
success. General Stuart, with the main body, crossed the Potomac above 
Shepherdstown and moved up the river. The next day he recrossed at Wil- 
liamsport, and took position to operate upon the right and rear of the enemy 
should he attempt to follow us. After the army had safely reached the Virginia 
shore with such of the wounded as could be removed and all its trains. General 
Porter's corps, with a number of batteries and some cavalry, appeared on the 
opposite side. General Pendleton was left to guard the ford with the reserve 
artillery and about 600 infantry. That night the enemy crossed the river above 
General Pendleton's position, and, his infantry support giving way, four of his 



534 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

guns were taken. A considerable force took position on the right bank under 
cover of their artillery on the commanding hills on the opposite side. The 
next morning General A. P. Hill was ordered to return with his division and 
dislodge them. Advancing under a heavy fire of artillery, the three brigades 
of Gregg, Pender, and Archer attacked the enemy vigorously and drove him 
over the river with heavy loss. 

The condition of our troops now demanded repose, and the army marched 
to the Opequan, near Martinsburg, where it remained several days, and then 
moved to the vicinity of Bunker Hill and Winchester. The enemy seemed to 
be concentrating in and near Harper's Terry, but made no forward movement. 
During this time the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was destroyed for several 
miles, and that from Winchester to Harper's Ferry broken up to within a short 
distance of the latter place, in order to render the occupation of the Valley by 
the enemy after our withdrawal more difficult. 

On October 8th, General Stuart was ordered to cross the Potomac above 
Williamsport with 1200 or 1500 cavalry and endeavor to ascertain the position 
and designs of the enemy. He was directed, if practicable, to enter Pennsyl- 
vania and do all in his power to impede and embarrass the military operations 
of the enemy. This order was executed with skill, address, and courage. 
General Stuart passed through Maryland, occupied Chambersburg, and de- 
stroyed a large amount of public property, making the entire circuit of General 
McClellan's army. He recrossed the Potomac below Harper's Ferry without 
loss. The enemy soon after crossed the Potomac east of the Blue Ridge and 
advanced southward, seizing the passes of the mountains as he progressed. 
General Jackson's corps was ordered to take position on the road between 
Berryville and Charlestown, to be prepared to oppose an advance from Har- 
per's Ferry or a movement into the Shenandoah Valley from the east side of 
the mountains, while at the same time he would threaten the flank of the 
enemy should he continue his march along the eastern base of the Blue Ridge. 
One division of Longstreet's corps was sent to the vicinity of Upperville to 
observe the enemy's movements in front. 

About the last of October the Federal army began to incline eastwardly from 
the mountains, moving in the direction of Warrenton. As soon as this inten- 
tion developed itself Longstreet's corps was moved across the Blue Ridge, and 
about November 3d to position at Culpeper Court-house, while Jackson ad- 
vanced one of his divisions to the east side of the Blue Ridge. The enemy 
gradually concentrated about Warrenton, his cavalry being thrown forward 
beyond the Rappahannock in the direction of Culpeper Court-house, and 
occasionally skirmishing with our own, which was closely observing his move- 
ments. This situation of aff;iirs continued without material change until about 
the middle of November, when the movements began which resulted in the 
winter campaign on the lower Rappahannock. 



APPENDIX. 535 

The accompanying return of the medical director will show the extent of our 
losses in the engagements mentioned. The reports of the different command- 
ing officers must, of necessity, be referred to for the details of these operations. 

I desire to call the attention of the Department to the names of those brave 
officers and men who are particularly mentioned for courage and good conduct 
by their commanders. The limits of this report will not permit me to do more 
than renew the expression of my admiration for the valor that shrank from no 
peril and the fortitude that endured every privation without a murmur. I must 
also refer to the report of General Stuart for the particulars of the services ren- 
dered by the cavalry, besides those to which I have alluded. Its vigilance, 
activity, and courage were conspicuous, and to its assistance is due, in a great 
measure, the success of some of the most important and delicate operations of 
the campaign. 

Respectfully submitted, ^ R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 2, 1862. 
General: The enemy's cavalry, under General Pleasonton, with six pieces 
of artillery, drove back our pickets yesterday in front of Shepherdstown. The 
Ninth Virginia cavalry, which was on picket, repulsed the enemy several times 
by vigorous charges, disputing the ground step by step back to the main body. 
By the time his artillery reached him, Colonel W. H. F. Lee, who was in com- 
mand of the brigade, was obliged to place it on the west bank of the Opequan, 
on the flank of the enemy as he approached Martinsburg. General Hamp- 
ton's brigade had retired through Martinsburg on the Tuscarora road, when 
General Stuart arrived and made dispositions to attack. Lee's brigade was 
advanced immediately and Hampton's ordered forward. The enemy retired 
at the approach of Lee along the Shepherdstown road, and was driven across 
the Potomac by the cavalry with severe loss, and darkness alone prevented it 
from being a signal victory. His rear was overtaken and put to flight, our 
cavalry charging in gallant style under a severe fire of artillery, routing squad- 
ron after squadron, killing a number, wounding more, and capturing several. 
He was driven through Shepherdstown and crossed the river after dark, in no 
case standing a hand-to-hand conflict, but relying upon his artillery and car- 
bines at long range for protection. I regret that we lost one lieutenant and 
several privates. 

I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
General S. Cooper, 

Adjutant- and Inspector-general C. S. A, Richmond, Va. 



536 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 14, 1862. 

Sir : The expedition under General Stuart to Pennsylvania, which crossed 
the Potomac on the evening of the 9th instant at McCoy's Ford, above Wil- 
liamsport, will reach their camp to-day. They proceeded through Mercersburg 
to Chambersburg, where they obtained from the United States storehouses 
such supplies as they needed, but were unable to destroy the railroad bridge 
over the Conacocheague in consequence of its being of iron. The shops, etc. 
of the company were, however, destroyed. Thence he proceeded to Emmitts- 
burg, through Liberty, New Market, Hyattsville, Barnesvillc, to White's Ford, 
below the mouth of the Monocacy, making a complete circuit of the enemy's 
position. On approaching the Potomac he was opposed by the enemy's cav- 
alry under General Stoneman, but drove him back, and put to flight the infantry 
stationed on the bluff at White's Ford t6 guard the passage. 

His expedition was eminently successful, and accomplished without other 
loss than the wounding of one man. He obtained many remounts for his 
cavalry and artillery, and deserves much credit for his prudence and enter- 
prise. 

From the information he was able to obtain I am inclined to believe that 
General McClellan has detached no part of his army eastward, but, on the 
contrary, has been receiving reinforcements. His main army is posted west 
of the Blue Ridge range, and stretches from Hagerstown to Rockville, the 
centre resting at Harper's Ferry, with detachments guarding the river. They 
have a large force repairing the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, and I should 
judge, from all I can learn, that the operation of the Baltimore and Ohio [Rail] 
road from Harper's Ferry west is viewed by them as an object of great import- 
ance, and that efforts will be made to repair it. I am breaking up the Harper's 
Ferry and Winchester [Rail] road to increase the obstacles to their advance up 
the Shenandoah Valley. The iron would be very useful to the roads farther 
south, and the flat iron might be used for Government purposes, but I have no 
means of sending it away. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Hon. G. W. Randolph. 

Secretary of War, Richmond, Va. 



APPENDIX. 



537 



Abstract from Retiirtt of the Army of Northern Virginia.^ Gen- 
eral R. E. Lee commandmg., for Sept. 22^ 1863.^ during Cam- 
paign at Manassas and Antietam^ Aug. 28-30 and Sept.., 1862. 



Command. 



Longstreet'' s Corps. 

General staff ... 

McLaws's division 

Jones's division 

Anderson's division 

Walker's division 

Hood's division 

Evans's brigade 

Lee's and Walton's battalions of artillery 



Total 



Jackson'' s Corps. 

D. H. Hill's division 

A. P. Hill's division 

R. S. Ewell's division 

Jackson's own division 



Total . . . 
Grand total 



Present for duty. 



Officers. 



II 

269 

389 
221 

40 

39 



1,574 



332 
342 
298 
186 



1,158 



2,732 



3,659 
3,460 

4,935 
3,207 

2,592 
516 
632 



19,001 



4,739 
4,435 
3,144 
2,367 



14,68s 



33,686 



Aggregate 
present. 



II 

4,018 

4,403 
6,298 

3,871 

2,847 

556 

677 



22,681 



5,821 
5,468 
4,066 
3,484 



18,839 



41,520 



Note on original return ; 
leiy not being reported." 



" This return is very imperfect, the cavalry and reserve artil- 



Abstract from Return of Tri-monthly Report of EivelV s Divis- 
ion., Maj.-gen. R. S. Ewell commanding^ for Sept. 22, 1862. 





Present for] u 6 






Command. 


duty. u 

a 


P.g 


1 


Remarks. 




.- 




n s" 




t 




60 


ff-2 


bO 3 






o 


c 






bo ,.• 






It 




bo 


60 


60 






O 


s 


< 


< 


< 




Early's brigade, Gen. J. A. Early . . 


124 


905 


1,221 


4,035 


4,082 


Rolls of several com- 
panies of 7th Virginia 
regiment lost. 


Fourth (LaWton's) Brigade, Colonel 












"Absent" not given by 


John H. Lamar commanding . . 


45 


682 


804 






reason of absence of 
company officers. 


Seventh (Trimble's) Brigade, Col. 














James A. Walker commanding . . 


60 


781 


941 


2,759 


2,950 




First Louisiana (Hays's) Brigade, 












"Absent" in 7th Lou- 


Brig. -gen. H. T. Hays command- 












isiana regiment not 


ing 


59 


634 


936 




4,127 


reported. 


Total 


288 


3,002 


3,902 









Station, camp near Martinsburg, Va. 



538 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

IIkadquarters, 
Near Fredericktown, Md., Sc'pteml)er <S, 1862. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davls, President of the Confederate 
States, Richmond, Va., 
Mr. President: The present position of affairs, in my opinion, places it in 
the power of the Government of the Confederate States to propose with pro- 
priety to that of the United States the recognition of our independence. For 
more than a year both sections of the country have been devastated by hostiU- 
ties which have brought sorrow and suffering upon thousands of homes with- 
out advancing the objects which our enemies proposed to themselves in begin- 
ning the contest. Such a proposition, coming from us at this time, could in no 
way be regarded as suing for peace, but, being made when it is in our power 
to inflict injury upon our adversary, would show conclusively to the world that 
our sole object is the establishment of our independence and the attainment 
of an honorable peace. The rejection of this offer would prove to the country 
that the responsibility of the continuance of the war does not rest upon us. but 
that the party in power in the United States elect to prosecute it for purposes of 
their own. The proposal of peace would enable the people of the United 
States to determine at their coming elections whether they will support those 
who favor a prolongation of the war or those who wish to bring it to a termina- 
tion which can but be productive of good to both parties without affecting the 
honor of either. 

I have the honor to be, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Hagerstown, Md., September 12, 1862. 
His Excellency President Davis, 

Mr. President: Before crossing the Potomac I considered the advantages 
of entering Maryland east or west of the Blue Ridge, In either case it was 
my intention to march upon this town. By crossing east of the Blue Ridge 
both Washington and Baltimore would be threatened, which I believed would 
ensure the withdrawal of the mass of the enemy's troops; north of the Potomac 
I think this has been accomplished. I had also supposed that as soon as it was 
known that the army had reached Fredericktown the enemy's forces in the 
Valley of Virginia, which had retired to Harper's Ferry and Martinsburg, 
would retreat altogether from the State. In this I was disappointed, and you 
will perceive from the accompanying order of the 9th instant that Generals 
Jackson and-McLaws have been detached with a view of capturing their forces 
at each plAce should they not have retired. 

Tlie army has been received in this region with sympathy and kindness. 



APPENDIX. 539 

We have found in this city about fifteen hundred barrels of flour, and I am 
led to hope that a supply can be gathered from the mills in the country/though 
I fear we shall have to haul from the Valley of Virginia. The supply of beef 
has been very small, and we have been able to procure no bacon. A thousand 
pairs of shoes and some clothing were obtained in Fredericktown, two hundred 
and fifty pairs in Williamsport, and about four hundred pairs in this city. 
They will not be sufficient to cover the bare feet of the army. 

**** ***** 

R. E. Lee, 
Gcfneral. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Hagerstown, Md., September 13, 1862. 
His Excellency President Davis, Richmond, Va., 

Mr. President : I regret that you should have exposed yourself while in- 
disposed to the fatigue of travel, though I should have been highly gratified at 
an opportunity of conferring with you on many points. You will perceive by 
the printed address * to the people of Maryland, which has been sent you, that 
1 have not gone contrary to the views expressed by you on the subject. Should 
there be anything in it to correct, please let me know. 

********* 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Camp on the Opequan, near Smoketown, September 23, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, Richmond, Va., 

Mr. President : My desire for the welfare of the army and the success of 
the war induces me to trouble you very often. In addition to the matters to 
which I have recently called your attention, there is another of vital import- 
ance to the service. A great number of officers and men borne on the rolls 
of the army I fear are permanently incapacitated for duty. These should be 
discharged and their places filled with effective men. Justice would seem to 
require that some provision should be made for their support, but whether this 
had better be done now or left to the close of the war you and Congress must 
determine. Companies whose rolls show a maximum of men cannot be filled 
by accepting new members when they offer unless the inefficient men be 
removed, nor can the places of officers unfit for duty be filled until the present 
incumbents are retired. The subject of recruiting this army is also one of 
paramount importance. The usual casualties of battle have diminished its 
♦Included in Chapter XIL 



540 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ranks, but its numbers have been greatly decreased by desertion and strag- 
gling. This was the main cause of its retiring from Maryland, as it was unable 
to cope with advantage with the numerous hosts of the enemy. His ranks ara 
daily increasing, and it is just reported, on what I consider reliable authority, 
that 40,000 joined the army of General McClellan on the day after the battle 
of Sharpsburg. We have now abundance of arms ; and if the unarmed regi- 
ments in Texas and Arkansas could be brought forward, as well as the con- 
scripts from the different States, they would add greatly to our strength. Our 
stragglers are being daily collected, and that is one of the reasons of my being 
now stationary. How long they will remain with us or when they will again 
disappear it is impossible for me to say. 

********* 

R. E. Lee, 
General Commanding. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Camp on the Opequan, near Smoketown, September 25, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, Richmond, Va., 

Mr. President: Since my letter of the 23d instant the enemy has been 
quiet. He is in occupation of Harper's Ferry, and has troops posted both on 
the Maryland and Loudoun Heights. I presume he will reconstruct the rail- 
road bridge over the Potomac, and I see it stated in the Baltimore papers that 
a new bridge over the Monocacy has been built. When the railroad is open 
to Harper's Ferry he may possibly advance up the Valley, where I shall 
endeavor to occupy and detain him. 

When I withdrew from Sharpsburg into Virginia it was my intention to 
recross the Potomac at Williamsport and move upon Hagerstown, but the 
condition of the army prevented ; nor is it yet strong enough to advance 
advantageously, f Some of the stragglers have been gathered in, but many 
have wandered to a distance, feigning sickness, wounds, etc., deceiving the 
guards and evading the scouts. Many of them will not stop until they reach 
their distant homes. > 

In a military point of view, the best move, in my opinion, the army could 
make would be to advance upon Hagerstown and endeavor to defeat the 
enemy at that point. I would not hesitate to make it, even with our diminished 
numbers, did the army exhibit its former temper and condition, but, as far as I 
am able to judge, the hazard would be great and a reverse disastrous. I am 
therefore led to pause. 

I have written to General Loring suggesting the advantages, since the enemy 
has been driven from the Kanawha Valley, of proceeding down the Monon- 
gahcla Valley, breaking up the railroad in the vicinity of Clarksburg, Fairmont, 



APPENDIX. 541 

Cheat River, etc, and, should opportunity offer, of continuing his route into 
Pennsylvania and collecting horses and other necessaries for the army gener- 
ally. I have told him to keep me advised of his movements should he under- 
take the expedition, that there may be co-operation, if practicable, betvv'een the 
two armies. 

I am, with the highest respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Washington Run, near Winchester, Va., October 2, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, 

Mr. President : I received last night your letter of the 28th ultimo, and 
am much obliged to you for the attention given to my requests. I have stated 
so frequently my opinion of the necessity of improving the discipline of our 
armies that I need not repeat it. I hope Congress will grant every facility in 
their power. 

In reference to commanders of corps with the rank of lieutenant-general, of 
which you request my opinion, I can confidently recommend Generals Long- 
street and Jackson in this army. My opinion of the merits of General Jackson 
has been greatly enhanced during this expedition. He is true, honest, and 
brave, has a single eye to the good of the service, and spares no exertion to 
accomplish his object. Next to these two officers, I consider General A. P. 
Hill the best commander with me. He fights his troops well and takes good 
' care of them. At present I do not think that more than two commanders of 
corps are necessary for this army, I need not remind you of the merits of 
General E. K. Smith, whom I consider one of our best officers. As regards 
the appointments for major-generals and brigadier-generals for this army, I 
have already forwarded to you the names of those whose merits I think have 
earned promotion. Should you conclude to promote Generals Longstreet and 
Jackson, major-generals in their places will be required, but I believe you 
have sufficient names before you to fill the vacancies. Your own knowledge 
of the claims and qualifications of the officers will, I feel assured, enable you 
to make the best selection. I do not think it necessary to call your attention 
to the officers immediately around Richmond, as you are fully aware of their 
merits. 

********* 

I am, with the highest respect and esteem, your obedient servant, 

R, E. Lee, 
General, 



542 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 2, 1862. 
General Orders 
No. 1 16. 
In reviewing the achievements of the army during the present campaign, the 
commanding general cannot withhold the expression of his admiration of the 
indomitable courage it' has displayed in battle and its cheerful endurance of 
privation and hardship on the march. Since your great victories around Rich- 
mond you have defeated the enemy at Cedar Mountain, expelled him from the 
Rappahannock, and after a conflict of three days utterly repulsed him on the 
plains of Manassas and forced him to take shelter within the fortifications 
around his capital. Without halting for repose you crossed the Potomac, 
stormed the heights of Harper's Ferry, made prisoners of more than 11,000 
men, and captured upward of seventy-five pieces of artillery, all their small- 
arms, and other munitions of war. While one corps of the army was thus 
engaged the other ensured its success by arresting at Boonsboro' the com- 
bined armies of the enemy advancing under their favorite general to the relief 
of their beleaguered comrades. On the field of Sharpsburg, with less than one- 
third his numbers, you resisted from daylight until dark the whole army of the 
enemy and repulsed every attack along his entire front of more than four miles 
in extent. The whole of the foUowmg day you stood prepared to resume the 
conflict on the same ground, and retired next morning without molestation 
across the Potomac. Two attempts subsequently made by the enemy to follow 
you across the river have resulted in his complete discomfiture and being 
driven back with loss. Achievements such as these demanded much valor 
and patriotism. History records few examples of greater fortitude and endur- 
ance than this army has exhibited, and I am commissioned by the President to, 
thank you in the name of the Confederate States for the undying fame you 
have won for their arms. Much as you have done, much more remains to be 
accomplished. The enemy again threatens with invasion, and to your tried 
valor and patriotism the country looks with confidence for deliverance and 
safety. Your past exploits give assurance that this confidence is not misplaced. 

R. E. Lee, 
General Commanding. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Camii near Winchester, Va., October 4, 1862.* 

Hon. George W. Randolph, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir : Mrs. Phil Kearny has applied for the sword and horse of Major-general 
Phil Kearny, which were captured at the time that officer was killed, near Chan- 
* Received October 7, 1S62. 



APPENDIX. 543 

rilly. The horse and saddle have been turned over to the quartermaster of the 
army and the sword to the chief of ordnance. I would send them at once as 
an evidence of the sympathy felt for her bereavement and as a testimony of 
the appreciation of a gallant soldier, but I have looked upon such articles as 
public property, and that I had no right to dispose of them except for the benefit 
of the service. In this case, however, I should like to depart from this rule, 
provided it is not considered improper by the Department, and I therefore refer 
the matter for your decision. An early reply is requested. 
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 6, 1862. 
Hon. George W. Randolph, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir : In view of the probability of the movements of the army, which would 
render it inconvenient to return the horse, equipments, and sword of the late 
General Kearny to his widow, in accordance with her request as communicated 
to you in my letter of the 4th instant, I have caused those articles to be sent 
within the enemy's lines, to be forwarded to Mrs. Kearny, without waiting for 
your reply to my letter. Before doing so I caused the horse and equipments to 
be appraised by a board, and the price fixed for them has been paid to the 
quartermaster, to await your decision upon the question of returning those arti- 
cles, as submitted by me in my letter above referred to. The sword, which was 
a light one with a leather scabbard suitable for a disabled person, I regarded as 
constituting part of General Kearny's private property, and as such proper to 
be returned to his family, in accordance with approved usage under such cir- 
cumstances. Its value will also be paid to the ordnance department should 
you not approve of its return. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 22, 1862. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis, Richmond, Va., 

Mr. President : The time is approaching when it becomes necessary to 
consider what disposition of the troops can best be made for the winter. This 
must, of course, mainly depend upon the operations of the enemy. But on the 
supposition that he will do little more this fall than to organize and instruct his 
new troops, and as the winter advances prepare to advance south of James 



544 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

River, which now seems to me his most probable plan, some position should be 
chosen with a view of procuring shelter and provisions for the army and forage 
for the horses. I have seen no indications to make me believe that General 
McClellan will advance up the Shenandoah Valley. When this army retires 
from its present position I think it probable he v/ill occupy Winchester with a 
sufficient force, and reconstruct the 'Baltimore and Ohio Railroad between Har- 
per's Ferry and Cumberland. A portion of his force will, no doubt, be retained 
at Fairfax Court-house and Centreville, and may probably be advanced toward 
the Rappahannock, At any rate, it will be necessary for us to keep a sufficient 
force south of the Rappahannock and in front of Richmond, and also one in 
this valley. We must select points where there is sufficient wood for hutting 
and fuel for the troops, and within convenient distance from the railroad by 
which they can be provisioned. A portion of these troops may be placed south 
of James River, or, if circumstances require it, can operate in Georgia and 
South Carolina. I should be very glad if Your Excellency would consider this 
subject and give me the benefit of your views, as well as such directions as you 
may see fit. 

We shall finish by to-morrow, I think, the destruction of as much of the 
Winchester and Harper's Ferry and Baltimore and Ohio railroads within this 
valley as we can accomplish without bringing on a battle, which I do not desire 
to do so near the enemy's base of operations. I wish there was any possibility 
of my sending back the iron from these roads, but, as there is none within my 
reach, I have been obliged to injure it as much as possible, to prevent its being 
relaid. The sills have been taken up and burned, and the bridges and station- 
houses at Martinsburg, etc. destroyed. 

I have to-day ordered General Walker's division to cross the Blue Ridge at 
Ashby's Gap and take position in the vitinity of Upperville, with a view of 
checking the incursions of the enemy in that region and watching more closely 
his movements east of the mountains. 

I am, with great respect, Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Department of Northern Virginia, 
November 6, 1862. 
Lieutenant-general Thomas J. Jackson, commanding Corps, 

General : Your letter of yesterday from Millwood has been received. The 
progress of the enemy so far seems to be steadily forward, judging from your 
reports and those of General Stuart, occupying in his advance the gaps of the 
Blue Ridge with his right and resting his left on the Orange and Alexandria 
Railroad. It would seem to be his desire either to detain you in the Valley or 



APPENDIX. 



545 



to get above you, so as to cut you off from a junction with Longstreet; neither 
of which must you permit. It will be necessary for you to make every arrano-e- 
ment, so that you may move promptly up the Valley, that the two corps can 
be kept in communication with each other and unite when necessary. General 
George H. Steuart will have to evacuate Winchester before you move higher 
than Front Royal, and I hope you will be able to bring off all the sick that are 
able to travel. One of the objects of the enemy in proceeding through the 
counties bordering on the Blue Ridge may be to obtain the forage in that region. 
You must give the necessary directions to Munford, so that he may regulate his 
movements by your own. The advantage of the enemy on the eastern slope 
of the Blue Ridge may be regulated by his force and his facilities for procuring 
supphes of forage and provision. I do not think he would descend into the 
Valley except with such force as he would think capable of crushing you, still 
leaving a sufficient force to oppose Longstreet. I have directed Stuart to watch 
his movements closely and inform me when he occupies Chester Gap or ad- 
vances toward Thornton's. In the latter event it will be unwise for the whole 
of the cavalry to fall back before him to Luray, as that would leave exposed 
the whole of the country east of the Blue Ridge. I will make inquiries about 
signal-men and endeavor to establish a line so far as our means will permit. 
T have heard, however, that one of our signal-officers was captured in Loudoun. 
********* 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
November 9, 1862 — i p. M. 
Lieutenant-general Thomas J. Jackson, commanding Left Wing, etc.. 

General : Your letter of the 7th is at hand. The enemy seems to be mass- 
ing his troops along the Manassas Railroad in the vicinity of Piedmont, which 
gives him great facilities for bringing up supplies from Alexandria. It has 
occurred to me that his object may be to seize upon Strasburg with his main 
force, to intercept your ascent of the Valley. This would oblige you to cross into 
the Lost River Valley, or west of it, unless you could force a passage through 
the Blue Ridge ; hence my anxiety for your safety. If you can prevent such a 
movement of the enemy and operate strongly upon his flank and rear through 
the gaps of the Blue Ridge, you would certainly, in my opinion, effect the 
object you propose. A demonstration of crossing into Maryland would serve 
the same purpose, and might call him back to the Potomac. As my object is 
to retard and baffle his designs, if it can be accomplished by manoeuvring your 
corps as you propose it will serve my purpose as well as if effected in any 
other way. With this understanding, you can use your discretion — which I 
35 



54^ MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E, LEE. 

know 1 can rely upon — in remaining or advancing up the Valley. But I desire 
you will take precautions to prevent the enemy's occupying the roads west of 
the Massanutten Mountains, and your demonstration upon his flank might 
probably be as well made from a position nearer to Strasburg as from that you 
now occupy. If the enemy should move into the Valley through Thornton's 
Gap, you must seize the pass through the Massanutten Mountains as soon as 
you can, while Longstreet will advance through Milman's, which you term 
Fisher's Gap (on the direct road from Madison Court-house to New Market). 
But I think his movement upon Front Royal the more probable of the two. 

Keep me advised of your movements and intentions, and you must keep 
always in view the probability of an attack upon Richmond from either north 
or south, when a concentration of forces will become necessary. The enemy 
has made no advance south of the Rappahannock line since I last wrote you. 

The non-occupation of Martinsburg by the enemy, and his not marching 
into the Valley from his former base on the Potomac, shows, I think, that his 
whole force has been drawn from Maryland into Virginia east of the Blue 
Ridge. His retirement from Snicker's and Ashby's gaps and concentration of 
his force on the railroad in the vicinity of Manassas Gap must either be for the 
purpose of supplying it or for making a descent upon Front Royal and Stras- 
burg. I hope, therefore, you will be on your guard. 

I am, etc., 

R. E. Lee, 
Gt'fieral. 

Headquarters Department of Northern Virginia, 
November lO, 1862 — 7 P. M. 

Lieutenant-general Thomas J. Jackson, commanding, etc., 

General : Your letter of the 9th instant has been received, and I am glad 
to learn that your command is in condition to move whenever it becomes 
necessary. My letter of yesterday will have explained to you my views and 
informed you that I rely upon your judgment and discretion in determining the 
lime of your departure. As soon as you think that your presence in that por- 
tion of the Valley will not retard or prevent the advance of the enemy east of 
the Blue Ridge, I wish you to advance with all celerity to unite with Long- 
street's corps. You must inform yourself of the routes, prepare provision and 
forage for the occasion, and lose no time in executing your march when it is 
commenced. As stated in my previous letter, should you find yourself in 
danger at any time of being cut off from the route west of the Massanutten 
Mountains, you must move at once. 

***** **♦* 

1 have the honor to be, etc., 

R. E. Lee, 
Genera/. 



APPENDIX. 547 

Headquarters Department of Northern Virginia, 
November 12, 1862 — 8 A. M. 
Lieutenant-general Thomas J. Jackson, commanding Corps, 

General : Your letter of the loth by special courier has been received. In 
my letter of yesterday in reply to yours of first date I discussed the question 
of your further delay in the Valley. I cannot add more to what has been said, 
and it must depend upon the advantages you can effect by operating against 
the communications of the enemy. He has as yet given no indications of his 
further movement or direction southward. Whether he will cross the Rappa- 
hannock or proceed to Fredericksburg I cannot tell. It is easier for you to 
determine what damage you can inflict upon him where you are. If you can 
accomplish nothing but to retain occupation of the Valley, in the apparent and 
probable need of all our forces southward the force under you is too far from 
the scene of action. If an advance toward Fredericksburg is discovered, it is 
plain that you cannot delay longer, and you must be prepared to move at any 
time. Make your arrangements accordingly, and be prepared to move at any 
moment. General Stuart has been directed to watch the enemy closely, but 
you know the difficulty of determining the first movements. You may learn 
more from the rear than we can in front. It would be grievous for the Valley 
and its supplies to fall into the hands of the enemy unnecessarily, but we can 
only act upon probabilities and endeavor to avoid greater evils. 

Colonel Davidson, at Staunton, telegraphs that the enemy is within thirty-five 
miles of that place — one column at McDowell, and one at Rawley Springs, the 
two columns estimated at from 4000 to 6000 men. He asks for reinforcements ; 
I have none to send him. Have you a disposable force ? The Marylanders, 
if unable to remain at Winchester, might be stationed there. 

I am, etc., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
November 14, 1862. 

Lieutenant-general Thomas J. Jackson, commanding, etc., 

General: Your letter of the loth instant by courier and telegraphic despatch 
of to-day have been received. The withdrawal of the enemy from the Blue 
Ridge and concentration at Warrenton and Waterloo show, I think, that he 
has abandoned his former base and assumed that of the Warrenton and Alex- 
andria Railroad. Your presence, then, in the Valley seems to be too distant 
from his line of operation to affect his movements should you remain quiescent. 
If you were able by a movement through Snicker's Gap to threaten his commu- 
nication north of Manassas Junction, it would have the effect of recalling him. 



548 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

This, in your condition, would be a hazardous movement, as he could bring a 
force against you too strong for you to resist, and might intercept your return 
into the Valley. I do not see, then, what good your continuance in the Valley 
will effect beyond the support of your troops. It is true it may prevent the 
occupation of Winchester by a portion of the enemy's forces, but in a military 
point of view that would accomphsh but little beyond the annoyance of the 
inhabitants, which is much to be lamented. Your detention there until the 
occurrence of bad weather and deep roads might so break down your com- 
mand as to render it inefficient for further operations should they become requi- 
site elsewhere. Your remaining in the Valley was based upon the supposition 
that by operating upon the flank and rear of the enemy you might prevent his 
progress southward, and so long as you found that this could be effected I con- 
sidered it advantageous ; but when this cannot be accomplished the sooner you 
make a junction with Longstreet's corps, the better. The question now is 
whether you can in the present condition of things affect the movements of the 
enemy. He is in a position to move upon Culpeper, using the Orange and 
Alexandria Railroad as a line of communication, or to march upon Fredericks- 
burg and establish his base on the Potomac. As you are the best judge of 
your ability to operate advantageously against him, I leave you to determine 
the question whether you will continue in your present position or march at 
once to join Longstreet. I have heard of no movement of the enemy as yet 
below Kelly's Ford, except a visit of a small party of his cavalry to Fredericks- 
burg on the 8th, when they charged through the town, but were immediately 
driven back across the river by our cavalry. General Stuart reports this even- 
ing that two brigades of the enemy's infantry are at Jeffersonton. Our cavalry 
still hold the line of Aestham River to Sperryville. The position of Long- 
street's corps remains unchanged since you were last informed. 
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Department of Northern Vircinia, 
Camp near Culpeper Court-house, November 19, 1862 — 9 A.M. 

Lieutenant-general Thomas J. Jackson, near Winchester, 

General : Your letter of the i8th has been received. It is certainly import- 
ant to deceive the enemy as long as possible as to our position and intentions, 
provided it is rendered certain that a junction can be made before a battle ; and 
this latter point we must always keep in view as necessary to enable us to resist 
the large force now on the Rappahannock. 

As to the place where it may be necessary or best to fight, I cannot now 
state, as this must be determined by circumstances which may arise. I do not 



APPENDIX. 



549 



now anticipate making a determined stand north of the North Anna. Long- 
street's corps is moving to Fredericksburg, opposite to which place Sumner's 
corps has arrived. 

As before stated, you can repiain in the Valley as long as you see that your 
presence there cripples and embarrasses the general movement of the enemy 
and yet leaves you free to unite with Longstreet for a battle. 

I will advise you from time to time of the movements of the enemy and of 
mine as far as they can be discovered, and with as little delay as possible ; but 
you must make allowances for the inaccuracy of the first and the delay of the 
second, and predicate your movements so as to be on the safe side. 
I am, most respectfully, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Abstract from Field Return of the Department of Northern 
Virginia^ commanded by GENERAL ROBERT E. LeE, Novem- 
ber 20^ 1862 ; headquarters^ Fredericksburg. 





Present for duty. 


\ 
0. 

< 




Command.' 


Infantry. 


Cavalry. 


Artillery. 


an 


o 

o 


1 


% 







t 






to s 

Cuu ^ 


FIRST ARMY CORPS. 

LlEUTENANT-GENKRAI. LoNGSTKEET. 


422 
578 
551 
462 
270 


5,717 
7,559 
5,634 
5,715 
3,904 










7,646 
9,447 
7,498 
7,'i3 
4.945 
576 
274 


13,725 












16,278 












15,138 












12,734 




8,176 








27 
15 


517 
242 


763 


Walton's battalion of artillery 










349 


Totol 


2,283 


28,529 






42 


759 


37.499 


67,163 










SECOND ARMY CORPS, 
Lieutenant-general Jackson. 


407 

572 
549 
723 


4.627 
7,018 
7,653 
9,897 










6,015 
9,122 
9,576 
12,331 
528 
959 


12,629 


Ewcll's division 

D H Hill's div ision 










16,709 










18,526 


A P Hill's divibon .... 










21,781 








23 


479 


697 


Post of Winchester 


72 


767 






1,260 


Total 


2,323 


29,962 






23 


479 


38,531 


71,602 
















603 


8,551 






10.539 


15,008 


Pendleton's reserve artillery * 














4,606 


58,491 


603 


8,551 


65 


1,238 


86.569 


153,773 









* No return received. 



550 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Camp Fredericksljurg, November 22, 1862 — 8 P.M. 

General S. Cooper, Adjutant- and Inspector-genekal, Richmond, Va., 
General : I have the honor to report for the information of the President 
and Department that General Burnside's army, apparently in full force, is on 
the other side of the Rappahannock, opposite this place, stretching from the 
banks of the river toward Acquia Creek. I have learned from our scouts sent 
toward the Potomac, but who were unable to reach Acquia, that it is reported by 
citizens that the enemy were making preparations to reconstruct the wharves at 
that place by means of their pontoon-trains. I have not heard of a commence- 
ment being made to rebuild the railroad. Their immense wagon-train is 
actively engaged, apparently, in provisioning their army, which during the 
last three days of rain and cold I know has been a difficult operation, and must 
have been attended with suffering among their troops. I have with me two 
brigades of Stuart's cavalry, Pendleton's reserve artillery, and four divisions 
of Longstreet's corps. The Fifth will be here to-morrow. If the enemy 
attempt to cross the river, I shall resist it, though the ground is favorable for 
him. Yesterday he summoned the corporate authorities of Fredericksburg to 
surrender the city by 5 p. M., and threatened, in the event of its not being 
delivered up, to commence to shell the town at 9 a. m. to-day. 

Upon the reference of this communication to me, as I was unable to prevent 
the city from being cannonaded, I requested General Longstreet to inform the 
authorities that they might say that I would not occupy or use the city for mili- 
tary purposes, but that I would resist its occupation by the enemy, and recom- 
mended that the women and children be at once removed. Our wagons and 
ambulances have been employed all last night and to-day in accomplishing 
this object. This morning the authorities were informed that the bombard- 
ment would not commence at the hour threatened, but that a definite answer 
would be returned in a short time. I have not learned whether it has yet been 
received. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R, E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Near Fredericksburg, November 25, 1862. 

His Excellency President Davis, Richmond, Va. : 

Mr. President: I have endeavored in my official communications to the 
adjutant- and inspector-general of the army to keep you apprised of the mili- 
tary condition of affairs on this frontier. 



APPENDIX. 551 

For the first two days after my arrival the enemy's forces were being massed 
on the heights of Stafford, opposite Fredericksburg ; but on the evening of the 
22d, which was the second day after my arrival, his camps and trains com- 
menced to move to the rear, and on the morning of the 23d his parks of artil- 
lery had all disappeared save four batteries posted on the plateau just opposite 
the town. Now their force in view is very small. It was generally supposed 
that this retrograde movement indicated another transfer of operations, but I 
believe it was made to secure their camps from our fire and for the convenience 
of obtaining subsistence. I think, from the tone of the Northern papers, it is 
intended that General Burnside shall advance from Fredericksburg to Rich- 
mond, and that he is obliged to wait until he can reconstruct proper landings on 
the Potomac and rebuild the railroad to the Rappahannock. 

All their movements that I have been able to discover look to a concentra- 
tion at this point, and it appears to me that, should General Burnside change 
his base of operations, the effect produced in the United States would be almost 
equivalent to a defeat. I think, therefore, he will persevere in his present 
course ; and the longer we can delay him and throw him into the winter, the 
more difficult will be his undertaking. It is for this reason that I have deter- 
mined to resist him at the outset and to throw every obstacle in the way of his 
advance. I propose to commence breaking up the railroad as one of the 
means of retarding him, so as to oblige him to move with a large wagon-train. 
I fear this measure will produce opposition on the part of the citizens, and may 
be viewed by this community as an abandonment of their country : I therefore 
do not wish to undertake it without due consideration, and, should you think it 
preferable to concentrate the troops nearer to Richmond, I should be glad if 
you would advise me. 

I have waited to the last moment to draw Jackson's corps to me, as I have 
seen that his presence on their flank has embarrassed their plans and defeated 
their first purpose of advancing upon Gordonsville and Charlottesville. I think 
they will now endeavor to get possession of Hanover Junction. 

I need not express to you the importance of urging forward all preparations 
about Richmond, and of uniting all our efforts to resist the great attempt now 
being made to reach our capital, which, if defeated, may prove the last. 

I should like to get some long-range guns from Richmond if any can be 
obtained on travelling-carriages, and will write to Colonel Gorgas on the sub- 
ject. 

I need, not say how glad I should be if your convenience would permit you 
to visit the army, that I might have the benefit of your views and directions. 
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



552 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Department of Northern Virginia, 
December 2, 1862. 
Hon. Secretary of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir : I have the honor to represent to you that there is still a great want of 
shoes in the army, between 2000 and 3000 men being at present barefooted. 
Many have lost their shoes in the long marches over rough roads recently 
made, and the number forwarded was insufficient to meet the necessities of the 
troops. I am informed that there is a large number of shoes now in Richmond 
in the hands of extortioners, who hold them at an extravagant price. 

The quartermaster of General Jackson's corps, in which there is the greatest 
want of shoes, received a proposition from a person in Richmond to furnish 
1300 pairs at $15 per pair. Whether these shoes are to be purchased at the 
prices demanded by the extortioners, or whether any plan can be devised for 
taking them at a fair price, I submit to your consideration ; but I earnestly hope 
that some effectual means may be adopted to supply the wants of the army as 
speedily as possible, and avert the sufferings that threaten the troops during the 
approaching cold and wet weather. 

I hope that the quartermaster's department will avail itself of every means 
to supply the present necessities of the men and to meet the wants that will 
naturally arise, particularly if active operations continue during the winter. I 
also respectfully suggest that, in purchasing shoes, care should be taken to pre- 
vent imposition, as I am informed by the officers who received those last for- 
warded that many of them were of a very inferior character and unfit for ser- 
vice. 

I am, with high respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



[Confidential.] HEADQUARTERS Army of Northern Virginia, 

December 6, 1862. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, Richmond, 

Mr. President : The enemy still maintains his position north of the Rappa- 
hannock. I can discover no indications of his advancing or of transferring his 
troops to other positions. Scouts on both of his flanks north of the Rappahan- 
nock report no movements, nor have those stationed on the Potomac discovered 
the collection of transports or the passage of troops down that river. 

General Burnside's whole army appears to be encamped between the Rappa- 
hannock and Potomac. His apparent inaction suggests the probability that he 
is waiting for expected operations elsewhere, and I fear troops may be collect- 
ing south of James River. Yet I get no reliable information of organized or 
Vied troops being sent to that quarter, nor am I aware of any of their general 



APPENDIX. 553 

officers in whom confidence is placed being there in command. There is an 
evident concentration of troops hitherto disposed in other parts of Virginia, but 
whether for the purpose of augmenting General Burnside's army or any other 
1 cannot tell. 

From the reports forwarded to me by General G. W. Smith, the officers serv- 
ing there seem to be impressed with its magnitude. If I felt sure of our ability 
to resist the advance of the enemy south of that river, it would relieve me of 
great embarrassment, and I should feel better able to oppose the operations 
which may be contemplated by General Burnside. I presume that the opera- 
tions in the departments of the West and South will require all the troops in 
each, but, should there be a lull of the war in these departments, it might be 
advantageous to leave a sufficient covering force to conceal the movement, and 
draw an active force, when the exigency arrives, to the vicinity of Richmond. 
Provisions and forage in the mean time could be collected in Richmond. When 
the crisis shall have passed those troops could be returned to their departments 
with reinforcements. 

I need not state to you the advantages of a combination of our troops for a 
battle, if it can be accomplished, and, unless it can be done, we must make up 
our minds to fight with great odds against us. 

I hope Your Excellency will cause me to be advised when, in your judg- 
ment, it may become necessary for this army to move nearer Richmond. It 
was never in better health or in better condition for battle than now. Some 
shoes, blankets, arms, and accoutrements are still wanting, but we are occa- 
sionally receiving small supplies, and I hope all will be provided in time. 

There was quite a fall of snow yesterday, which will produce some temporary 
discomfort. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
April lo, 1863. 
General : I have the honor to submit herewith my report of the operations 
of this army from the time that it moved from Culpeper Court-house, in Novem- 
ber, 1862, and including the battle of Fredericksburg. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 

General S. Cooper, 

Adjutant- and Inspector-general, Richmond, Va. 



554 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



REPORT OF GENERAL R. E. LEE OF THE BATTLE OF FREDER 
ICKSBURG, December 13. 1862. 

On November 15 [1862] it was known that the enemy was in motion towarvj 
the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and one regiment of infantry, with a bat: 
tery of light artillery, was sent to reinforce the garrison at Fredericksburg. 

On the 17th it was ascertained that Sumner's corps had marched from Cat- 
lett's Station in the direction of Falmouth, and information was also received 
that on the 15th some Federal gunboats and transports had entered Acquia 
Creek. This looked as if Fredericksburg was again to be occupied, and 
McLaws's and Ransom's divisions, accompanied by W. H. F. Lee's brigade 
of cavalry and Lane's battery, were ordered to proceed to that city. To ascer- 
tain more fully the movements of the enemy, General Stuart was directed to 
cross the Rappahannock. 

On the morning of the i8th he forced a passage at Warrenton Springs in the 
face of a regiment of cavalry and three pieces of artillery guarding the ford, 
and reached "Warrenton soon after the last of the enemy's column had left. 
The information he obtained confirmed the previous reports, and it was clear 
that the whole Federal army, under Major-general Burnside, was moving 
toward Fredericksburg. 

On the morning of the 19th, therefore, the remainder of Longstreet's corps 
was put in motion for that point. 

The advance of General Sumner reached Falmouth on the afternoon of the 
17th, and attempted to cross the Rappahannock, but was driven back by Col- 
onel [William B.] Ball with the Fifteenth Virginia cavalry, four companies of 
Mississippi infantry, and [Capt. J. W.] Lewis's light battery. 

On the 2 1 St it became apparent that General Burnside was concentrating his 
whole army on the north side of the Rappahannock. 

On the same day General Sumner summoned the corporate authorities of 
Fredericksburg to surrender the place by 5 p. M., and threatened, in case of 
refusal, to bombard the city at 9 o'clock next morning. The weather had been 
tempestuous for two days, and a storm was raging at the time of the summons. 
It was impossible to prevent the execution of the threat to shell the city, as it 
was completely exposed to the batteries on the Stafford hills, which were beyond 
our reach. The city authorities were informed that, while our forces would not 
use the place for military purposes, its occupation by the enemy would be 
resisted, and directions were given for the removal of the women and children 
as rapidly as possible. The threatened bombardment did not take place, but 
in view of the imminence of a collision between the two armies the inhabitants 
were advised to leave the city, and almost the entire population without a mur- 
mur abandoned their homes. History presents no instance of a people exhib- 
iting a purer and more unselfish patriotism or a higher spirit of fortitude and 



* APPENDIX. . 555 

courage than was evinced by the citizens of Fredericksburg. They cheerfully 
incurred great hardships and privations, and surrendered their homes and 
property to destruction, rather than yield them into the hands of the enemies 
of their country. 

General Burnside now commenced his preparations to force the passage of 
the Rappahannock and advance upon Richmond. When his army first began 
to move toward Fredericksburg, General Jackson, in pursuance of instructions, 
crossed the Blue Ridge, and placed his corps in the vicinity of Orange Court- 
house to enable him more promptly to co-operate with Longstreet. 

About November 26 he was directed to advance toward Fredericksburg, and 
as some Federal gunboats had appeared in the river at Port Royal, and it was 
possible that an attempt might be made to cross in that vicinity, D. H. Hill's 
division was stationed near that place, and the rest of Jackson's corps so dis- 
posed as to support Hill or Longstreet as occasion might require. The fords of 
Lhe Rappahannock above Fredericksburg were closely guarded by our cavalry, 
and the brigade of General W. H. F. Lee was stationed near Port Royal, to 
watich the river above and below. 

On the 28th, General Hampton, guarding the upper Rappahannock, crossed 
to make a reconnoissance on the enemy's right, and, proceeding as far as 
Dumfries and Occoquan, encountered and dispersed his cavalry, capturing two 
squadrons and a number of wagons. About the same time some dismounted 
men of Beale's regiment, Lee's brigade, crossed in boats below Port Royal to 
observe the enemy's left, and took a number of prisoners. 

On December 5, General D, H. Hill, with some of his field guns, assisted by 
Major Pelham of Stuart's horse artillery, attacked the gunboats at Port Royal 
and caused them to retire. With these exceptions no important movement 
took place, but it became evident that the advance of the enemy would not be 
long delayed. The interval was employed in strengthening our lines, extend- 
ing from the river about one and a half miles above Fredericksburg along the 
range of hills in the rear of the city to the Richmond Railroad. As these hills 
were commanded by the opposite heights in possession of the enemy, earth- 
works were constructed upon their crest at the most eligible positions for artil- 
lery. These positions were judiciously chosen and fortified, under the direc- 
tion of Brigadier-general Pendleton, chief of artillery ; Colonel Cabell, of 
McLaws's division ; Colonel E. P. Alexander and Captain S. R. Johnston of 
the Engineers. To prevent gunboats from ascending the river, a batter)', pro- 
tected by intrenchments, was placed on the bank about four miles below the 
city, in an excellent position, selected by my aide-de-camp Major [T. M. R.] 
Talcott. The plain of Fredericksburg is so completely commanded by the 
Stafford Heights that no effectual opposition could be made to the construction 
of bridges or the passage of the river without exposing our troops to the destruc- 
tive fire of the numerous batteries of the enemy. At the same time, the nar- 



556 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

rowness of the Rappahannock, its winding course, and deep bed presented 
opportunities for laying down bridges at points secure from the fire of our artil- 
lery. Our position was therefore selected with a view to resist the enemy's 
advance after crossing, and the river was guarded only by a force sufficient to 
impede his movements until the army could be concentrated. 

Before dawn on December 1 1 our signal guns announced that the enemy 
was in motion. About 2 A. M. he commenced preparations to throw two 
bridges over the Rappahannock — opposite Fredericksburg and about one and a 
quarter miles below, near the mouth of Deep Run. Two regiments of Barks- 
dale's brigade, McLaws's division (the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Mississippi), 
guarded these points, the former, assisted by the Eighth Florida of Anderson's 
division, being at the upper. The rest of the brigade, with the Third Georgia 
regiment, also of Anderson's division, was held in reserve in the city. From 
daybreak until 4 P. M. the troops, sheltered behind the houses on the river-bank, 
repelled the repeated efforts of the enemy to lay his bridges opposite the town, 
driving back his working-parties and their supports with great slaughter. At 
the lower point, where there was no such protection, the enemy was successfully 
resisted until nearly noon, when, being greatly exposed to the fire of the bat- 
teries on the opposite heights and a superior force of infantry on the river-bank, 
our troops were withdrawn, and about i P. M. the bridge was completed. 

Soon afterward 1 50 pieces of artillery opened a furious fire upon the city, 
causing our troops to retire from the river-bank about 4 P. M. The enemy then 
crossed in boats and proceeded rapidly to lay down the bridges. His advance 
into the town was bravely resisted until dark, when our troops were recalled, 
the necessary time for concentration having been gained. 

During the night and the succeeding day the enemy crossed in large num- 
bers at and below the town, secured from material interruption by a dense fog. 
Our artillery could only be used with effect when the occasional clearing of the 
mist rendered his columns visible. His batteries on the Stafford Heights fired 
at intervals upon our position. Longstreet's corps constituted our left, with 
Anderson's division resting upon the river, and those of McLaws, Pickett, and 
Hood extending to the right in the order named. Ransom's division supported 
the batteries on Marye's and Willis's hills, at the foot of which Cobb's brigade 
of McLaws's division, and the Twenty-fourth North Carolina of Ransom's 
brigade, were stationed, protected by a stone wall. The immediate care of 
this point was committed to General Ransom. The Washington Artillery, under 
Colonel Walton, occupied the redoubts on the crest of Marj'e's Hill, and those 
on the heights to the right and left were held by part of the reserve artillery. 
Colonel E. P. Alexander's battalion, and the division batteries of Anderson, 
Ransom, and McLaws. A. P. Hill of Jackson's corps was posted between 
Hood's right and Hamilton's Crossing on the railroad. His front line, consist- 
ing of the brigades of Pender, Lane, and Archer, occupied the edge of a wood. 



APPENDIX. 557 

Lieutenant-colonel Walker, with fourteen pieces of artillery, was posted near 
the right, supported by the Fortieth and Fifty-fifth Virginia regiments of Field's 
brigade, commanded by Colonel Brockenbrough. Lane's brigade, thrown 
forward in advance of the general hne, held the woods, which here projected 
into the open ground. Thomas's brigade was stationed behind the interval 
between Lane and Pender; Gregg's, in rear of that, between Lane and Archer. 
These two brigades, with the Forty-seventh Virginia regiment and Twenty- 
second Virginia battalion of Field's brigade, constituted General Hill's reserve. 
Early's and Taliaferro's divisions composed Jackson's second line ; D. H. 
Hill's division, his reserve. His artillery was distributed along his hne in 
the most eligible positions so as to command the open ground in front. Gen- 
eral Stuart, with two brigades of cavalry and his horse artillery, occupied the 
plain on Jackson's right, extending to Massaponax Creek. 

On the morning of the 1 3th the plain on which the Federal army lay was 
still enveloped in fog, making it impossible to discern its operations. At an 
early hour the batteries on the heights of Stafford began to play upon Long- 
street's position. Shortly after 9 A. M. the partial raising of the mist disclosed 
a large force moving in line of battle against Jackson. Dense masses appeared 
in front of A. P. Hill, stretching far up the river in the direction of Fredericks- 
burg. As they advanced, Major Pelham of Stuart's horse artillery, who was 
stationed near the Port Royal road with one section, opened a rapid and well- 
directed enfilade fire, which arrested their progress. Four batteries imme- 
diately turned upon him, but he sustained their heavy fire with the unflinching 
courage that ever distinguished him. Upon his withdrawal the enemy extended 
his left down the Port Royal road, and his numerous batteries opened with 
vigor upon Jackson's line. Eliciting no response, his infantry moved forward 
to seize the position occupied by Lieutenant-colonel Walker. The latter, re- 
serving his fire until t*ieir line had approached within less than eight hundred 
yards, opened upon it with such destructive effect as to cause it to waver, and 
soon to retreat in confusion. 

About I p. M. the main attack on our right began by a furious cannonade, 
under cover of which three compact lines of infantry advanced against Hill's 
front. They were received, as before, by our batteries, by whose fire they were 
momentarily checked, but, soon recovering, they pressed forward until, coming 
within range of our infantry, the contest became fierce and bloody. Archer 
and Lane repulsed those portions of the line immediately in front of them, but 
before the interval between these commands could be closed the enemy pressed 
through in overwhelming numbers and turned the left of Archer and the right 
of Lane. Attacked in front and flank, two regiments of the former and the 
brigade of the latter, after a brave and obstinate resistance, gave way. Archer 
held his line with the First Tennessee, and, with the Fifth Alabama battalion, 
assisted by the Forty-seventh Virginia regiment and the Twenty-second Vir- 



558 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ginia battalion, continued the struggle until the arrival of reinforcements. 
Thomas came gallantly to the relief of Lane, and, joined by the Seventh and 
part of the Eighteenth North Carolina of that brigade, repulsed the column 
that had broken Lane's Hne and drove it back to the railroad. 

In the mean time a large force had penetrated the wood as far as Hill's 
reserve, and encountered Gregg's brigade. The attack was so sudden and un- 
expected that Orr's rifles, mistaking the enemy for our own troops retiring, were 
thrown into confusion. While in the act of rallying them that brave soldier 
and true patriot, Brigadier-general Maxcy Gregg, fell mortally wounded. Col- 
onel Hamilton, upon whom the command devolved, with the four remaining 
regiments of the brigade and one company of the rifles, met the enemy firmly 
and checked his further progress. The second line was advancing to the sup- 
port of the first. Lawton's brigade of Early's division, under Colonel Atkin- 
son, first encountered the enemy, quickly followed on the right and left by the 
brigades of Trimble (under Colonel Hoke) and Early (under Colonel Walker). 
Taliaferro's division moved forward at the same time on Early's left, and his 
right regiment (the Second Virginia, belonging to Paxton's brigade) joined in 
the attack. The contest in the woods was short and decisive. The enemy was 
quickly routed and driven out with loss, and, though largely reinforced, he was 
forced back and pursued to the shelter of the railroad embankment. Here he 
was gallantly charged by the brigades of Hoke and Atkinson and driven across 
the plain to his batteries. Atkinson continuing the pursuit too far, his flank 
became exposed, and at the same time a heavy fire of musketry and artillery 
was directed against his front. Its ammunition becoming exhausted, and Col- 
onel Atkinson being severely, and Captain E. P. Lawton, [assistant] adjutant- 
general, mortally, wounded, the brigade was compelled to fall back to the main 
body, now occupying our original hne of battle, with detachments thrown for- 
ward to the railroad. * 

The attack on Hill's left was repulsed by the artillery on that part of the line, 
against which the enemy directed a hot fire from twenty-four guns. One bri- 
gade advanced up Deep Run, sheltered by its banks from our batteries, but 
was charged and put to flight by the Sixteenth North Carolina of Pender's bri- 
gade, assisted by the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-seventh North Carolina of Law's 
brigade, Hood's division. 

The repulse of the enemy on our right was decisive, and the attack was not 
renewed, but his batteries kept up an active fire at intervals, and sharpshooters 
skirmished along the front during the rest of the afternoon. 

While these events were transpiring on our right the enemy, in formidable 
numbers, made repeated and desperate assaults upon the left of our line. 

About 1 1 A. M., having massed his troops under cover of the houses of 
Fredericksburg, he moved forward in strong columns to seize IMarye's and 
Willis's hills. General Ransom advanced Cooke's brigade to the top of the 



APPENDIX. 559 

hill, and placed his own, with the exception of the Twenty-fourth Carolina, a 
short distance in the rear. All the batteries on the Stafford Heights directed 
their fire upon the positions occupied by our artillery, with a view to silence it 
and cover the movement of the infantry. Without replying to this furious can- 
nonade our batteries poured a rapid and destructive fire into the dense lines of 
the enemy as they advanced to the attack, frequently breaking their ranks and 
forcing them to retreat to the shelter of the houses. Six times did the enemy, 
notwithstanding the havoc caused by our batteries, press on with great deter- 
mination to within one hundred yards of the foot of the hill, but here, encoun- 
tering the deadly fire of our infantry, his columns were broken and fled in con- 
fusion to the town. 

In the third assault the brave and lamented Brigadier-general Thomas R. R. 
Cobb fell at the head of his gallant troops, and almost at the same moment 
Brigadier-general Cooke was borne from the field severely wounded. Fearing 
that Cobb's brigade might exhaust its ammunition, General Longstreet had di- 
rected General Kershaw to take two regiments to its support. Arriving after the 
fall of General Cobb, he assumed command, his troops taking position on the crest 
and at the foot of the hill, to which point General Ransom also advanced three 
other regiments. The Washington Artillery, which had sustained the heavy 
fire of artillery and infantry with unshaken steadiness and contributed much to 
the repulse of the enemy, having exhausted its ammunition, was reheved about 
4 P. M. by Colonel Alexander's battalion. The latter occupied the posidon 
during the rest of the engagement, and by its well-directed fire rendered great 
assistance in repelling the assaults made in the afternoon, the last of which 
occurred shortly before dark. This effort met the fate of those that preceded 
it, and when night closed in the shattered masses of the enemy had disappeared 
in the town, leaving the field covered with dead and wounded, Anderson's 
division supported the batteries on Longstreet's left, and, though not engaged, 
was exposed throughout the day to a hot artillery fire, which it sustained with 
steady courage. 

During the night our lines were strengthened by the construction of earth- 
works at exposed points, and preparations made to receive the enemy next 
day. 

The 14th, however, passed without a renewal of the attack. The enemy's 
batteries on both sides of the river played upon our lines at intervals, our own 
firing but little. The sharpshooters on each side skirmished occasionally along 
the front. 

On the 15th the enemy still retained his position, apparently ready for battle, 
but the day passed as the preceding. 

The attack on the 13th had been so easily repulsed, and by so small a part 
of our army, that it was not supposed the enemy would limit his efforts to an 
attempt which, in view of the magnitude of his preparations and the extent of 



560 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

his force, seemed to be comparatively insignificant. Believing, therefore, that 
he would attack us, it was not deemed expedient to lose the advantages of our 
position and expose the troops to the fire of his inaccessible batteries beyond 
the river by advancing against him ; but we were necessarily ignorant of the 
extent to which he had suffered, and only became aware of it when, on the 
morning of the i6th, it was discovered that he had availed himself of the dark- 
ness of night and the prevalence of a violent storm of wind and rain to recross 
the river. The town was immediately reoccupied and our position on the river- 
bank resumed. 

In the engagement more than 900 prisoners and 9000 stand of arms were 
taken. A large quantity of ammunition was found at Fredericksburg. 

The extent of our casualties will appear from the accompanying report of 
the medical director. We have again to deplore the loss of valuable lives. In 
Brigadier-generals Gregg and Cobb the Confederacy has lost two of its noblesV 
citizens and the army two of its bravest and most distinguished officers. The 
country consents to the sacrifice of such men as these, and the gallant soldiers 
who fell with them, only to secure the inestimable blessing they died to obtain. 

The troops displayed at Fredericksburg in a high degree the spirit and cour- 
age that distinguished them throughout the campaign, while the calmness and 
steadiness with which orders were obeyed and manoeuvres executed in the 
midst of battle evinced the discipline of a veteran army. 

The artillery rendered efficient service on every part of the field, and greatly 
assisted in the defeat of the enemy. The batteries were exposed to an unusu- 
ally heavy fire of artillery and infantry, which officers and men sustained with 
a coolness and courage worthy of the highest praise. Those on our right, being 
without defensive works, suffered more severely. Among those who fell was 
Lieutenant-colonel [Lewis M.] Coleman, First Regiment Virginia artillery, who 
was mortally wounded while bravely discharging his duty. 

To the vigilance, boldness, and energy of General Stuart and his cavalry is 
chiefly due the early and valuable information of the movements of the enemy. 
His reconnoissances frequently extended within the Federal lines, resulting in 
skirmishes and engagements in which the cavalry was greatly distinguished. 
In the battle of Fredericksburg the cavalry effectually guarded our right, 
annoying the enemy and embarrassing his movements by hanging on his flank 
and attacking when opportunity occurred. The nature of the ground and the 
relative positions of the armies prevented them from doing more. 

To Generals Longstreet and Jackson great praise is due for the disposition 
and management of their respective corps. Their quick perception enabled 
them to discover the projected assaults upon their positions, and their ready 
skill to devise the best means to resist them. Besides their services in the field 
— which every battle of the campaign from Richmond to Fredericksburg has 
served to illustrate — I am also indebted to them for valuable counsel, both as 



APPENDIX. 561 

legards the general operations of the army and the execution of the particular 
measures adopted. " 

To division and brigade commanders I must also express my thanks for the 
prompt, intelligent, and determined manner in which they executed their sev- 
eral parts. 

To the officers of the general staff— Brigadier-general R. H. Chilton, adju- 
tant- and inspector-general, assisted by Major [Henry E.] Peyton ; Lieutenant- 
colonel [James L.] Corley, chief quartermaster ; Lieutenant-colonel [Robert G.) 
Cole, chief commissary ; Surgeon Guild, medical director ; and Lieutenant-col- 
onel B. G. Baldw^in, chief of ordnance — virere committed the care of their 
respective departments and the charge of supplying the demands of each. 
They were always in the field, anticipating, as far as possible, the wants of the 
troops. 

My personal staff were unremittingly engaged in conveying and bringing 
information from all parts of the field. Colonel [Armistead L.] Long was par- 
ticularly useful before and during the battle in posting and securing the artil- 
lery, in which he was untiringly aided by Captain S. R. Johnston, of the Pro- 
visional Engineers; Majors [T. M. R.] Talcott and [Charles S.] Venable, in 
examining the ground and the approaches of the enemy ; Majors [Walter H.j 
Taylor and [Charles] Marshall in communicating orders and intelligence. 
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General, 
36 



562 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Abstract from Return of the Department of Northern Virgmia^ 
General R. E. 'L^^ commatiding^ for Dec. 10^ ISG',2^ Fred- 
ericksburg Campaign., Dec. 15^ lS6?d. 



Command. 



Present for duty. 



FIRST ARMY CORPS. 

LlEUT.-GEN. LONGSTREET. 

General stafT 

Staff 

Anderson's division 

Hood's division 

McLavvs's division 

Pickett's division 

Ransom's division 

Alexander's and Walton's battalions of artillery 

Total 



13 


. . 


»3 


IS 




IS 


SS6 


7,083 


9,373 


539 


6,795 


8,569 


,S«7 


7,3" 


9,285 


707 


6,860 


9,001 


260 


3,595 


4,304 


37 


586 


672 



2,714 



SECOND ARMY CORPS. 
LiEUT.-GEN. T. J. Jackson. 

Staff 

Ewell's division 

A. P. Hill's division 

D. II. Hill's division 

Jackson's division 

Brown's Ijattalion of artillery 

Total 



13 
616 
811 

617 

479 
24 



2,560 



Stuart's cavalry division 
I'endlcton's reserve artillery 

Grand total 



634 
41 



32,230 



7,100 

10,743 

8,327 

4,526 

449 



S,949 



31.145 



8,512 
677 

72,564 



41,232 



13 

9,209 
12,978 
10,164 

6,067 
513 



38,944 



10,016 

752 

90,944 



APPENDIX. 



563 



List of the Regiments^ Brigades^ Divisions^ and Batteries com- 
posing the First Corps^ Army of Northern Virginia^ LiEU- 
TENANT-GENERAL James lyONGSTREET commanding^ De- 
cember 20, 1862. 



ANDERSON'S DIVISION, 



Wilcox's Brisrade. 



8th Alabama, Col. Y. L. Royston. 
9th Alabama, Col. Samuel Henry, 
loth Alabama, Col. W. H. Forney, 
nth Alabama, Col. J. C. C. Sanders. 
14th Alabama, Lieut. -col. L. Pinckard. 

Featherstoti' s Brigade. 

I2th Mississippi, Col. William H. Taylor. 
1 6th Mississippi, Col. Carnot Posey. 
19th Mississippi, Maj. John MuUins. 
2d Mississippi Battalion, Lieut.-col. T. B. 
Manlove. 



Mahon^s Brigade. 

6th Virginia, Col. G. T. Rogers. 
1 2th Virginia, Col. D. A. Weisiger. 
l6th Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. H. Ham. 
41st Virginia, Col. W. A. Parham. 
6 1st Virginia, Col. V. D. Groner. 

Wright'' s Brigade. 

3d Georgia, Col. Edward J. Walker. 
22d Georgia, Col. R. H. Jones. 
48th Georgia, Col. William Gibson. 
2d Georgia Battalion, Maj. G. W. Ross. 



Perry's Brigade. 

2d Florida, Lieut.-col. L. G. Pyles. 

5th Florida, Col. J. C. Hately. 

8th Florida, Lieut.-col. T. B. Lamar. 

Artillery. 

Donaldsonville Artillery, Capt. V. Maurin. 
Grandy's battery, Capt. C. R. Grandy. 
Huger's battery, Capt. Frank Huger. 
Lewis's battery, Capt. John W. Lewis. 



McLAWS'S DIVISION. 



Kers halo's Brigade. 
2d South Carolina, Col. John D. Kennedy. 
3d South Carolina, Col. James D. Nance. 
7th South Carolina, Col. D. Wyatt Aiken. 
8th South Carolina, Col. John W. Henagan. 
1 5th South Carolina, Col. W. D. De Saussure. 
3d South Carolina (James's) Battalion, Lieut.- 
col. W. G. Rice. 

Cobb's Brigade. 

1 6th Georgia, Col. Goode Bryan. 
1 8th Georgia, Col. W. T. W^offord. 
24th Georgia, Col. Robert McMillan. 
Cobb Legion, Lieut.-col. L. J. Glenn. 
PMlhps's Legion, Col. W. Phillips. 



Seniines's Brigade. 



loth Georgia, Lieut.-col. J. B. Weems. 
50th Georgia, Col. W. R. Manning. 
51st Georgia, Col. William M. Slaughter. 
53d Georgia, Col. James P. Simms. 



BarksdaWs Brigade. 

13th Mississippi, Col. J. W. Carter. 
17th Mississippi, Col. W. D. Holder. 
1 8th Mississippi, Col. T. M. Griffin. 
2ist Mississippi, Col. B. G. Humphreys. 



Artillery. 

Manly's battery, Gipt. B. C. Manly. 
Read's battery, Capt. J. P. W. Read. 
Richmond Howitzers, Capt. E. S. McCarthy. 
Troup Artillery, Caj^. H. H. Carlton. 



5^4 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



PICKETT S DIVISION. 



GanietCs Brigade. 

8th Virj^inia, Col. Eppa Hunton. 
1 8th Virginia, Col. R. E. Withers. 
19th Virginia, Lieut. -col. Henry Gantt. 
28th Virginia, Col. R. C. Allen. 
56th Virginia, Col. W. D. Stuart. 

Kemper's Brigade. 

1st Virginia, Col. L. B. Williams, Jr. 
3d Virginia, Col. Joseph Mayo, Jr. 
7th Virginia, Col. W. T. Patton. 
Ilth Virginia, Col. David Funsten. 
24th Virginia, Col. William R. Terry. 



Armistead^ s Brigade. 



9th Virginia, Lieut. -col. J. S. Gilliam. 
14th Virginia, Col. J. G. Hodges. 
38th Virginia, Col. E. C. Edmonds. 
53d Virginia, Col. H. B. Tomlin. 
57th Virginia, Col. David Dyer. 

Jenkins's Brigade. 

1st South Carolina Volunteers, Col. W. H. 

Duncan. 
2d South Carolina (Rifles), Col. Thoma.? 

Thomson. 
5th South Carolina, Col. A. Coward. 
6th South Carolina, Col. John Bratton. 
Hampton Legion, Col. M. W. Gary. 
Palmetto Sharpshooters, Col, Joseph Walker. 



Corse'' s Brigade. 

15th Virginia, Col. T. P. August. 
17th Virginia, Col. Morton Marye. 
30th Virginia, Col. A. T. Harrison. 
32d Virginia, Col. E. B. Montague. 

Artillery. 

Dearing's battery, Capt. James Dearing. 
Macon's battery, Capt. M. C. Macon. 
Stribling's battery, Capt. R. M. Stribling. 



hood's division. 



Robertson's Bris:ade. 



3d Arkansas, Col. Van H. Manning. 
1st Texas, Col. A. T. Rainey. 
4th Texas, Col. T- C. G. Key. 
5th Texas, Col. R. M. Powell. 



Anderson's Brigade. 

1st Georgia (Regulars), Col. W. J. Magill. 
7th Georgia, Col. W. W. White. 
8th Georgia, Col. L. M. Lamar. 
9th Georgia, Col. Benjamin Beck, 
iith Georgia, Col. F. H. Little. 



Law's Brigade. 

4th Alabama, Col. P. D. Bowles. 

44th Alabama, Col. C. A. Derby. 

6th North Carolina, Col. Isaac E. Avery. 

54th North Carolina, Col. J. C. S. McDowell. 

57th North Carolina, Col. A. C. Godwin. 

Toombs's Brigade. 

2d Georgia, Lieut. -col. Skidmore Harris. 
15th Georgia, Maj. P. J. Shannon. 
17th Georgia, Col. H. L. Benning. 
20th Georgia, Col. J. B. Gumming. 



Artillery. 

German Light Battery, Capt. W. K. Bachman. 
Palmetto Light Batteiy, Capt. IL R. Garden. 
Rowan Artillery, Capt. James Reilly. 



ransom's division. 



Ransom's Brigade. 

24th North Carolina, Col. William J. Clarke. 
25th North Carolina, Col. H. M. Rutledge. 
35lh North Carolina, Col. M. W. Ransom. 
49th North Carolina, Col. Lee M. McAfee. 



Cooke's B'igade. 

iSth North Carolina, Col. H. A. Duwd. 
27th North Carolina, Col. John A. Gilmer, ]r. 
46th North C.irolina, Col. E. D. Hall. 
48lh North Carolina, Col, R. C. Hill. 



APPENDIX. 565 

Artillery. 

Branch's batter)', Capt. J. R. Branch, 
Cooper's battery, Capt. R. L. Cooper. 

[reserve artillery.] 

Alexander's battalion, Lieut.-col. E. Porter Alexander. 
Washington Artillery, Col. J. B. Walton. 

Headquarters First Army Corps, 
December 19,* 1862. 
In the foregoing list, where a junior officer is apparently in command of a 
regiment, it is because vacancies exist in those commands which have not yet 
been filled. 

Respectfully, 

G. MoxLEY Sorrel, 
Assistant Adjutant-general. 



List of Regimental and Battery Commanders.^ by Brigades and 
Divisions^ of the Second Army Corps .^ LieuT.-gen. Thomas 
J. Jackson commanding^ December 20, 1862. 

ewell's division. 
Maj.-gen. Richard S. Ewell. 
First Brigade. Second Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. A. R. Lawlon. Brig.-gen. Jubal A. Early. 

13th Georgia, Col. J. M. Smith. 13th Virginia, Col. J. A. Walker. 

26th Georgia, Col. E. N. Atkinson. 25th Virginia, Col. George H. Smith. 

31st Georgia, Col. C. A. Evans. 31st Virginia, Col. John S. Hoffman. 

38th Georgia, [Lieut.-] col. L. J. Parr.f 44th Virginia, Col. William C. Scott. 

6oth Georgia, Col. W. H. Stiles. 49th Virginia, Col. William Smith. 

6ist Georgia, Col. J. H. Lamar. 52d Virginia, Col. M, G. Harman. 

58th Virginia, Col. F. H. Board. 

Third Brigade. Fourth Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. I. R. Trimble. Brig.-gen. Harry T. Hays. 

15th Alabama, Col. James Cantey. 5th Louisiana, Col. Henry Forno. 

1 2th Georgia, Col. Z. T. Conner. 6th Louisiana, Col. W. Monaghan. 

2 1st Georgia, Col. J. T. Mercer. 7th Louisiana, Col. D. B. Penn. 

2ist North CaroHna, R. F. Hoke. 8th Louisiana, Col. H. B. Kelly. 

9th Louisiana, Col. L. A. Stafford. 

Artillery. 
Charlottesville (Virginia) Artiller)', Capt. James McD. Carrington. 
Chesapeake (Maryland) Artillery, Capt. W. D. Brown. 
Courtney (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. J. W. Latimer. 
Dement's (First Maryland) Battery, Capt. William F. Dement. 
Louisiana Guard Artillery, Capt. L. E. D'Aquin. 
Staunton (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. W. L. Balthis. 

* This roster is indorsed as of December 10, 1862. 

t J. D. Mathews was appointed colonel December 13, 1862. 



566 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



D. H. hill's division. 

Maj.-gen. D. H. Hill. 



First Brigade. 
Brig. -gen. R. E. Rodes. 
3d Alabama, Col. CuUen A. Battle. 
5th Alabama, Lieut.-col. Edwin L. Hob- 



6th Alabama, Col. John B. Gordon. 
1 2th Alabama, Lieut.-col. Samuel 

Pickens. 
26th Alabama, Lieut.-col. Edward 

O'Neal. 

Third Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. A. H. Colquitt. 
13th Alabama, Col. B. D. Fry. 
6th Georgia, Col. John T. Lofton. 
23d Georgia, Col. E. F. Best. 
27th Georgia, Col. C. T. Zachry. 
28th Georgia, Maj. TuUy Graybill. 



B. 



Second Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. George Doles. 
4th Georgia, Col. Philip Cook. 
44th Georgia, Col. John B. Estes. 
1st North Carolina, Col. John A. Mc- 

Dowell. 
3d North Carolina, Col. William L. De 
Rosset. 



Fourth Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. A. Iverson. 

5th North Carolina, Lieut.-col. P. J. Sin- 
clair. 

1 2th North Carolina, Col. Benjamin O. 
Wade. 

20th North Carolina, Lieut.-col. William 
H. Toon. 

23d North Carolina, Col. Daniel H. 
Christie. 



Fifth Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. S. D. Ramseur. 
2d North Carolina, Col. W. P. Bynum. 
4th North Carolina, Col. Bryan Grimes. 
14th North Caiolina, Col. R. T. Bennett. 
30th North Carolina, Col. F. M. Parker. 

Artillery. 

Maj. H. P. Jones. 

Hardaway's battery, Capt. R. A. Hardaway. 
Jeff. Davis (Alabama) Artillen,', Capt. J. W. Bondurant. 
King William (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. T. H. Carter. 
Morris (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. R. C. M. Page. 
Orange (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. C. W. Fry, 

A. P. hill's division. 
Maj.-gen. A. P. Hill. 



First Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. C. W. Field. 
40th Virginia, Col. J. M. Brockenbrough. 
47lh Virginia, Col. R. ^L Mayo. 
55th Virginia, Col. F. Mallory. 
2d Virginia Battalion, Maj. E. P. Tayloe. 



Second Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. Maxcy Gregg. 

1st South Carolina, Provisional Army, Col. 
D. n. Hamilton. 

1 2th South Carolina, Lieut.-col. Cadwalader 
Jones. 

13th South Carolina, Lieut.-col. O. E. Ed- 
wards. 

14th South Carolina, Lieut.-col. Samuel 
Mctiowan. 

Ore's Rifles, Lieut.-col. J. M. Perrin. 



APPENDIX. 



567 



Third Brigade. 

Brig-gen. E. L. Thomas. 

14th Georgia, Col. R. W. Folsom. 
35th Georgia, Col. B. H Holt. 
45th Georgia, Col.' T. J. Simmons. 
49th Georgia, Col. A. J. Lane. 



Fifth Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. J. J. Archer. 

5th Alabama Battalion, Maj. A. S. Van de 

Graaff. 
19th Georgia, Col. W. W. Boyd. 
1st Tennessee, Provisional Army, Col. P. 

Turney. 
7th Tennessee, Col. John F. Goodner. 
14th Tennessee, Col. William McComb. 



Fourth Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. J. H. Lane. 

7th North Carolina, Col. E. G. Haywood. 

1 8th North Carolina, Lieut.-col. T. J. Pur- 
die. 

28th North Carolina, Lieut.-col. S. D. 
Lowe. 

33d North Carolina, Col. C. M. Avery. 

37th North Carolina, Col. W. M. Barbour. 

Sixth Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. W. D. Pender. 

13th North Carolina, Col. A. M. Scales. 
1 6th North Carolina, Col. J. S. McEkoy. 
22d North Carolina, Col. James Conner. 
34th North Carolina, Col. W. L. J. Low- 

rance. 
38th North Carolina, Col. W. J. Hoke. 



Artillery. 

Lieut.-col. R. L. Walker. 

Branch Artillery, Capt. A. C. Latham. 
Crenshaw Battery, Capt. William G. Crenshaw. 
Fredericksburg Artillery, Capt. Carter M. Braxton. 
Johnson Battery, Capt. Marmaduke Johnson. 
Letcher Battery, Capt. Greenlee Davidson. 
Pee Dee Artillery, Capt. D. G. Mcintosh. 
Purcell Battery, Capt. William J. Pegram. 

JACKSON'S DIVISION. 

Lieut.-gen. Thomas J. Jackson. 



First Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. E. F. Paxton. 

2d Virginia,* Capt. J. Q. A. Nadenbousch. 
4th Virginia, Col. Charles A. Ronald. 
5th Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. H. S. Funk. 
27th Virginia, Col. James K. Edmondson. 
33d Virginia, Lieut.-col. E. G. Lee. 



Third Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. William B. Taliaferro. 

47th Alabama, Col. J. W. Jackson. 
48th Alabama, Col. J. L. Sheffield, 
loth Virginia, Col. E. T. H. Warren. 
23d Virginia, Col. A. G. Taliaferro. 
37th Virginia, Col. T. V. Williams. 



Second Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. J. R. Jones. 

2 1st Virginia,* Capt. W. R. Berkeley. 
42d Virginia,* Capt. B. W. Leigh.f 
48th Virginia, Col. T. S. Garnett. 
1st Virginia Battalion,* Provisional Army, 

Confederate States, Capt. D. B. 

Bridgford. 

Fourth Brigade. 



1st Louisiana Volunteers, Col. W\ R. 

Shivers. 
2d Louisiana, Col. J. M. Williams, 
loth Louisiana, Col. M. de Marigny. 
14th Louisiana, Col. Zebulon York. 
15th Louisiana, Col. Edmund Pendleton. 



* No field officer. 



t On rolls and registers as captain First Virginia Battalion. 



568 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Ai-tilleiy. 

Carpenter's battery, Capt. Joseph Caq^enter. 
Danville Artillery, Capt. G. W. Wooding. 
Hamixlen Artillery, Capt. W. H. Caskie. 
Lee Artillery, Capt. C. 1. Raine. 
Lusk Battery, Capt. J. A. M. Lusk. 

ARTILLERY CORPS. 

Col. J. Thomson Brown. 

Brooke's (Virginia) Battery, Capt. J. V. Brooke. 
Powhatan (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. W. J. Dance. 
Richmond Howitzers, 2d Company, Capt. D. Watson. 
Richmond Howitzers, 3d Company, Capt. B. H. Smith, Jr, 
Rockbridge (Virginia) Artillery, Capt. W. T. Poague. 
Salem (Virginia) Artillerj', Capt. A. Hupp. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
January 10, 1863. 

Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir : I have the honor to represent to you the absolute necessity that exists, 
in my opinion, to increase our armies if we desire to oppose effectual resistance 
to the vast numbers that the enemy is now precipitating upon us. It has 
occurred to me that the people are not fully aware of their danger, nor of the 
importance of making every e.xertion to put fresh troops in the field at once, 
and that if the facts were presented by those whose position best enables them 
to know the urgency of the case, they and the State authorities would be stim- 
ulated to make greater efforts. I trust, therefore, that it may not be deemed 
improper by the Department to communicate these facts to the governors of 
the several States, that they may give efficient aid to the enrolling officers 
within their limits and arouse the pfeople to a sense of the vital importance of 
the subject. 

The success with which our efforts have been crowned, under the blessing of 
(jod, should not betray our people into the dangerous delusion that the armies 
now in the field are sufficient to bring this war to a successful and speedy ter- 
mination. While the spirit of our soldiers is unabated, their ranks have been 
greatly thinned by the casualties of battle and the diseases of the camp. 
Losses in battle are rendered much heavier by reason of our being compelled 
to encounter the enemy with inferior numbers ; so tha^ every man who remains 
out of service increases the dangers to which tlic brave men who have so well 
borne the burden of the war are exposed. 

The great increase of the enemy's forces will augment the disparity of num- 
bers to such a degree that victory, if attained, can only be achieved by a ter- 
rible expenditure of the most precious blood of the country. This blood will 
be upon the head of the thousands of ablp-bodied men who remain at home 



APPENDIX. 569 

in safety and ease while their fellow-citizens are bravely confronting the enemy 
in the field or enduring with nol^le fortitude the hardships and privations of the 
march and camp. Justice to these brave men^ as well as the most urgent con- 
siderations of public safety, imperatively demand that the ranks of our army 
should be immediately filled. 

The country has yet to learn how often advantages, secured at the expense 
of many valuable lives, have failed to produce their legitimate results by 
reason of our inability to prosecute them against the reinforcements which the 
superior numbers of the enemy enable him to interpose between the defeat of 
an army and its ruin. 

More than once have most promising opportunities been lost for want of men 
to take advantage of them, and victory itself has been made to put on the 
appearance of defeat because our diminished and exhausted troops have been 
unable to renew a successful struggle against fresh numbers of the enemy. The 
lives of our soldiers are too precious to be sacrificed in the attainment of suc- 
cesses that inflict no loss upon the enemy beyond the actual loss in battle. 
Every victory should bring us nearer to the great end which it is the object of 
this war to reach. 

The people of the Confederate States have it in their power to prevent a 
recurrence of these misfortunes, and render less remote the termination of this 
desolating war, at much smaller expense of treasure, suffering, and blood than 
must attend its prosecution with inadequate numbers. They must put forth 
their full strength at once. Let them hear the appeal of their defenders for 
help, and drive into the ranks, from very shame, those who will not heed the 
dictates of honor and of patriotism. Let the State authorities take the matter 
in hand and see that no man able to bear arms be allowed to evade his duty. 

In view of the vast increase of the forces of the enemy, of the savage and 
brutal policy he has proclaimed, which leaves us no alternative but success or 
degradation worse than death, if we would save the honor of our families from 
pollution, our social system from destruction, let every effort be made, every 
means be employed, to fill and maintain the ranks of our armies, until God, in 
his mercy, shall bless us with the establishment of our independence. 
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters Camp near Fredericksburg, 
January 13, 1863. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate 
States, Richmond, Va., 
Mr. President : I have had the honor to receive your despatch of yester- 
day. 



5/0 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

For several days past there have been general indications of some move- 
ment by the army of Burnside, but nothing sufficiently dehnite to designate it 
if true. Rumors are abundant, but whether it is intended to retire, advance, or 
transfer it elsewhere I cannot ascertain. I am pretty sure that the whole army 
is between the Rappahannock and the Potomac. ,No considerable portion 
out^ht to have been able to leave without my knowing it. Reinforcements of 
infantry and artillery have reached it from Washington. Wharves are still 
being constructed at Potomac Creek. The army has recently been more con-' 
centrated, its land-communication with Alexandria more strongly guarded, and 
its right flank more extended toward the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. 
Catde are being driven down on the Maryland side and crossed over on steam^ 
ers to Acquia. No winter quarters are being erected, but the men are covering 
themselves, constructing chimneys to tents, etc. 

There are a great many vessels of all sorts in the Potomac, but not more 
than enough to supply so large a force. It is said by their army that their 
transports were sent off with General Banks, and that there are not enough 
now to move it. 

Citizens in Stafford and King George counties are not allowed to leave their 
dwellings. Persons even going to mill are guarded. 

You may have remarked that recent Northern papers are silent as to its 
movements. It is said this is by order. I have hoped from day to day to have 
been able to discover what is contemplated, and to be guided in my move- 
ments accordingly. I think by spring, if not before, they will move upon 
James River. In the mean time they will endeavor to damage our railroads, 
etc. in North Carolina and get possession of Wilmington and Charleston. 

Should General Burnside retire from his present position, I have intended to 
throw part of this army into North Carolina, and with another endeavor to clear 
the valley of the Shenandoah. I did not wish to move until the designs of the 
enemy were developed. I have hoped that General Smith, with the troops at 
his disposal, could keep the enemy in North Carolina in check in the mean 
time. I still hope so. Since you seem to think my presence there would be 
of service, I will endeavor to go on as soon as I can. 

All the troops in that State should be concentrated as near as possible to the 
threatened points. Charleston will not be attacked until Wilmington is cap- 
tured. General Beauregard can therefore fight them at both points. As far 
as I have been able to judge, I have apprehended the movements in North 
Carolina were intended more as a feint to withdraw troops from this point, 
when General Burnside could move at once upon Richmond. Telegraph 
me your wishes. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



APPENDIX. 571 

Executive Department, C. S. A., Richmond, Va., 
January 22, 1 863. 

General R. E. Lee, commanding, etc., Fredericksburg, Va., 

General : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 19th, 
covering correspondence vk^ith General Halleck, and am pleased at the manner 
in which you presented the matter which had been submitted to you in connec- 
tion with the atrocities of Milroy. If General Halleck should fulfil his prom- 
ise, information recently received here does not permit me to doubt that he will 
have no opportunity to escape on the ground that Milroy has not executed his 
barbarous threats. 

Yours of the 21st has also been received, and, after reading it, my opinion 
is that you would not be justified at this time in making further detachments 
from your command. Should the enemy succeed in crossing the river either 
above or below the long line occupied by you, at the same time holding a strong 
i-eserve opposite to Fredericksburg, it would make your retrograde movement, 
for the purpose of attacking the force he had thrown over, hazardous, by all 
the difficulties which would attend the exposure both of your flank and rear. 
The rain which is now falling must render the roads in that region impractica- 
ble for heavy artillery, and it may be that the movements which are observed 
are only changes of position for the establishment of winter cantonments. 

We have nothing from North Carolina to develop the purpose of the enemy 
tliere, and it may well be that the late storms have interfered with his programme 
if it all tended to an attack upon Wilmington. 

Intelligence from Tennessee is less cheering than we had anticipated, except 
that the cavalry is still successful against the enemy's shipping. 

As ever, your friend, 

„ Jefferson Davis. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
September 23, 1863. 
General: I have the honor to transmit herewith my report of the opera- 
tions of this army from the time the enemy crossed the Rappahannock on 
April 28th last, to his retreat over that river on the night of May sth, embra- 
cing the battles of Chancellorsville, Salem Church, etc. I also forward the 
reports of the several commanding officers of corps, divisions, brigades, and 
regiments, and the returns of the medical and ordnance departments, together 
with a map of the scene of operations. The accompanying reports and other 
documents are enumerated in a schedule annexed to my report. 

Very respectfully, your obedigit servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 

General S. Cooper, 

Adjt.- and Insp.-gen., Richmond, Va. 



572 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

REPORT OF GENERAL R. E. LEE OF BATTLE OF CHANCEL- 
LORSVILLE. VA., MAY i TO 3, 1863. 

General : After the battle of Fredericksburg the army remained encamped 
on the south side of the Rappahannock until the latter part of April. The 
Federal army occupied the north side of the river opposite Fredericksburg, 
extending to the Potomac. Two brigades of [R. H.] Anderson's division — 
those of Generals [William] Mahone and [Carnot] Posey — were stationed 
near the United States Mine (or Bark Mill) Ford, and a third, under General 
[C. M.] Wilcox, guarded Banks's Ford. The cavalry was distributed on both 
flanks, Fitzhugh Lee's brigade picketing the Rappahannock above the mouth 
of the Rapidan, and W. H. F. Lee's near Port Royal. Hampton's brigade 
had been sent into the interior to recruit. General [James] Longstreet, with 
two divisions of his corps, was detached for service south of the James River 
in February, and did not rejoin the army until after the battle of Chancellors- 
ville. 

With the exception of the engagement between Fitz Lee's brigade and the 
enemy's cavalry near Kelly's Ford on March 17th, of which a brief report has 
been already forwarded to the Department, nothing of interest transpired dur- 
ing this period of inactivity. 

On April 14th intelligence was received that the enemy's cavalry was con- 
centrating on the upper Rappahannock. Their efforts to establish themselves 
on the south side of the river were successfully resisted by Fitzhugh Lee's 
brigade and two regiments of W. H. F. Lee's, the whole under the immediate 
command of General Stuart. 

About the 2ist small bodies of infantry appeared at Kelly's Ford and the 
Rappahannock bridge' and almost at the same time a demonstration was made 
opposite Port Royal, where a party of infantry crossed the river about the 23d. 
These movements were evidently intended to conceal the designs of the 
enemy, but, taken in connection with the reports of scouts, indicated that the 
Federal army, now commanded by Major-general Hooker, was about to resume 
active operations. 

At 5.30 A. M. on April 28th the enemy crossed the Rappahannock in boats 
near Fredericksburg, and, driving off the pickets on the river, proceeded to lay 
down a pontoon bridge a short distance below the mouth of Deep Run. Later 
in the forenoon another bridge was constructed about a mile below the first. A 
considerable force crossed on these bridges during the day, and was massed 
out of view under the high banks of the river. The bridges, as well as the 
troops, were effectually protected front our artillery by the depth of the river- 
bed and the narrowness of the stream, while the batteries on the opposite 
heights completely commanded the wide plain between our lines and the river. 
As in the first battle of Fredericksburg, it was thought best to select positions 



APPENDIX, 573 

with a view to resist the advance of the enemy, rather than incur the heavy 
loss that would attend any attempt to prevent his crossing. Our dispositions 
were accordingly made as on the former occasion. 

No demonstration was made opposite any other part of our lines at Freder- 
icksburg, and the strength of the force that had crossed and its apparent indis- 
position to attack indicated that the principal effort of the enemy would be 
made in some other quarter. This impression was confirmed by intellio-ence 
received from General Stuart that a large body of infantry and artillery was 
passing up the river. During the forenoon of the 29th that officer reported 
that the enemy had crossed in force near Kelly's Ford on the preceding even- 
ing. Later in the day he announced that a heavy column was moving from 
Kelly's toward Germanna Fprd on the Rapidan, and another toward Ely's 
Ford on that river. The routes they were pursuing after crossing the Rapidan 
converge near Chancellorsville, whence several roads lead to the rear of our 
position at Fredericksburg, 

On the night of the 29th, General Anderson was directed to proceed toward 
Chancellorsville and dispose Wright's brigade and the troops from the Bark 
Mill Ford to cover these roads. Arriving at Chancellorsville about midnight, 
he found the commands of Generals Mahone and Posey already there, hav- 
ing been withdrawn from the Bark Mill Ford with the exception of a small 
guard. 

Learning that the enemy had crossed the Rapidan and were approaching in 
strong force. General Anderson retired early on the morning of the 30th to the 
intersection of the Mine and plank roads near Tabernacle Church, and began 
to intrench himself. The enemy's cavalry skirmished with his rear-guard as 
he left Chancellorsville, but, being vigorously repulsed by Mahone's brigade, 
offered no further opposition to his march. Mahone was placed on the old 
turnpike, Wright and Posey on the plank road. 

In the mean time, General Stuart had been directed to endeavor to impede 
the progi-ess of the column marching by way of Germanna Ford. Detaching 
W. H. F. Lee with his two regiments (the Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia) to 
oppose the main body of the enemy's cavalry. General Stuart crossed the Rap- 
idan at Raccoon Ford with Fitz Lee's brigade on the night of the 29th. Halt- 
ing to give his men a few hours' repose, he ordered Colonel [Thomas H.] Owen 
with the Third Virginia cavalry to throw himself in front of the enemy, while 
the rest of the brigade attacked his right flank at the Wilderness Tavern, 
between Germanna Ford and Chancellorsville. By this means the march of 
this column was delayed until 12 m., when, learning that the one from Ely's 
Ford had already reached Chancellorsville, General Stuart marched by Todd's 
Tavern toward Spottsylvania Court-house to put himself in communication 
with the main body of the army, and Colonel Owen fell back upon General 
Anderson. 



574 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

The enemy in our front near Fredericksburg continued inactive, and it was 
now apparent that the main attack would be made upon our flank and rear. 
It was therefore determined to leave sufficient troops to hold our lines, and with 
the main body of the army to give battle to the approaching column. Early's 
division of Jackson's corps and Barksdale's brigade of McLaws's division, 
with part of the reserve artillery under' General [W. N.] Pendleton, were 
entrusted with the defence of our position at Fredericksburg, and at midnight 
of the 30th, General McLaws marched with the rest of his command toward 
Chancellorsville. General Jackson followed at dawn next morning with the 
remaining divisions of his corps. He reached the position occupied by General 
Anderson at 8 A. M., and immediately began preparations to advance. 

At 1 1 A. M. the troops moved forward upon the plank and old turnpike roads, 
Anderson, with the brigades of Wright and Posey, leading on the former, Mc- 
Laws, with his three brigades, preceded by Mahone's, on the latter. Generals 
Wilcox and Perry of Anderson's division co-operated with McLaws. Jackson's 
troops followed Anderson on the plank road. Colonel Alexander's battalion 
of artillery accompanied the advance. The enemy was soon encountered on 
both roads, and heavy skirmishing with infantry and artillery ensued, our troops 
pressing steadily forward. A strong attack upon General McLaws was repulsed 
with spirit by Semmes's brigade, and General Wright, by direction of General 
Anderson, diverging to the left of the plank road, marched by way of the 
unfinished railroad from Fredericksburg to Gordonsville and turned the 
enemy's right. His whole line thereupon retreated rapidly, vigorously pur- 
sued by our troops until they arrived within about one mile of Chancellorsville. 
Here the enemy had assumed a position of great natural strength, surrounded 
on all sides by a dense forest filled with a tangled undergrowth, in the midst 
of which breastworks of logs had been constructed, with trees felled in front 
so as to form an almost impenetrable abatis. His artillery swept the few narrow 
roads by which his position could be approached from the front, and commanded 
the adjacent woods. The left of his line extended from Chancellorsville toward 
the Rappahannock, covering the Bark Mill Ford, where he communicated with 
the north bank of the river by a pontoon bridge. His right stretched westward 
along the Germanna Ford road more than two miles. Darkness was approach- 
ing before the strength and extent of his line could be ascertained, and as the 
nature of the country rendered it hazardous to attack by night, our troops were 
halted and formed in line of battle in front of Chancellorsville at right angles 
to the plank road, extending on the right to the Mine road and to the left in 
the direction of the Catharine Furnace. Colonel [William C] Wickham, 
with the Fourth Virginia cavalry and Colonel Owen's regiment, was stationed 
between the Mine road and the Rappahannock. The rest of the cavalry- was 
upon our left flank. 

It was evident that a direct attack upon the enemy would be attended with 



APPENDIX. 575 

great difficulty and loss, in view of the strength of his position and his superior- 
ity of numbers. It was therefore resolved to endeavor to turn his right flank 
and gain his rear, leaving a force in front to hold him in check and conceal the 
movement. The execution of this plan was entrusted to Lieutenant-general 
Jackson with his three divisions. The commands of Generals McLaws and 
Anderson, with the exception of Wilcox's brigade, which during the night had 
been ordered back to Banks's Ford, remained in front of the enemy. 

Early on the morning of the 2d, General Jacksort marched by the Furnace 
and Brock roads, his movement being effectually covered by Fitz Lee's cav- 
alry, under General Stuart in person. As the rear of the train was passing the 
Furnace a large force of the enemy advanced from Chancellorsville and at- 
tempted its capture. General Jackson had left the Twenty-third Georgia regi- 
ment, under Colonel [E. F.] Best, at this point to guard his flank, and upon 
the approach of the enemy Lieutenant-colonel J. T. Brown, whose artillery 
was passing at the time, placed a battery in position to aid in checking his 
advance. A small number of men who were marching to join their commands, 
including Captain [W. S.] Moore with two companies of the Fourteenth Ten- 
nessee regiment of Archer's brigade, reported to Colonel Brown and supported 
his guns. The enemy was kept back by this small force until the train had 
passed, but his superior numbers enabled him subsequently to surround and 
capture the greater part of the Twenty-third Georgia regiment. General An- 
derson was directed to send a brigade to resist the further progress of this 
column, and detached General Posey for that purpose. General Posey became 
warmly engaged with a superior force, but, being reinforced by General [A. R.] 
Wright, the enemy's advance was arrested. 

After a long and fatiguing march General Jackson's leading division, under 
General Rodes, reached the old turnpike, about three miles in rear of Chan- 
cellorsville, at 4 p. M. As the different divisions arrived they were formed at 
right angles to the road — Rodes in front, Trimble's division, under Brigadier- 
general [R. E.] Colston, in the second, and A. P. Hill's in the third hne. 

At 6 p. M. the advance was ordered. The enemy was taken by surprise and 
fled after a brief resistance. General Rodes's men pushed foi-ward with great 
vigor and enthusiasm, followed closely by the second and third lines. Position 
after position was carried, the guns captured, and every effort of the enemy to 
rally defeated by the impetuous rush of our troops. In the ardor of pursuit 
through the thick and tangled woods the first and second hnes at last became 
mingled and moved on together as one. The enemy made a stand at a line 
of breastworks across the road at the house of Melzie Chancellor, but the 
troops of Rodes and Colston dashed over the intrenchments together, and the 
flight and pursuit were resumed, and continued until our advance was arrested 
by the abatis in front of the line of works near the central position at Chancel- 
lorsville. It was now dark, and General Jackson ordered the third line, under 



5/6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

General [A. P.] Hill, to advance to the front and relieve the troops of Rodcs 
and Colston, who were completely blended and in such disorder, from their 
rapid advance through intricate woods and over broken ground, that it was 
necessary to re-form them. As Hill's men moved forward General Jackson, 
with his staff and escort, returning from the extreme front, met his skirmishers 
advancing, and in the obscurity of the night were mistaken for the enemy and 
fired upon. Captain [J. K.] Boswell, chief engineer of the corps, and several 
others were killed and a number wounded. General Jackson himself received 
a severe injury and was borne from the field. The command devolved upon 
Major-general Hill, whose division, under General Heth, was advanced to the 
line of intrenchments which had been reached by Rodes and Colston. A 
furious fire of artillery was opened upon them by the enemy, under cover of 
wliich his infantry advanced to the attack. They were handsomely repulsed 
by the Fifty-fifth Virginia regiment, under Colonel [Francis] Mallory, who was 
killed while bravely leading his men. General Hill was soon afterward dis- 
abled, and Major-general Stuart, who had been directed by General Jackson 
to seize the road to Ely's Ford, in rear of the enemy, was sent for to take com- 
mand. At this time the right of Hill's division was attacked by the column of 
the enemy already mentioned as having penetrated to the Furnace, which had 
been recalled to Chancellorsville to avoid being cut off by the advance of 
Jackson, This attack was gallantly met and repulsed by the Eighteenth and 
Twenty-eighth and a portion of the Thirty-third North Carolina regiments, 
Lane's brigade. 

Upon General Stuart's arrival soon afterward the command was turned over 
to him by General Hill. He immediately proceeded to reconnoitre the ground 
and make himself acquainted with the disposition of the troops. The dark- 
ness of the night and the difificulty of moving through the woods and under- 
growth rendered it advisable to defer further operations until morning, and the 
troops rested on their arms in line of battle. Colonel [S.] Crutchfield, chief of 
artillery of the corps, was severely wounded, and Colonel [E. P.] Alexander, 
senior artillery officer present, was engaged during the entire night in selecting 
positions for our batteries. 

As soon as the sound of cannon gave notice of Jackson's attack on the 
enemy's right, our troops in front of Chancellorsville were ordered to press him 
strongly on the left, to prevent reinforcements being sent to the point assailed. 
They were directed not to attack in force unless a favorable opportunity should 
present itself, and, while continuing to cover the roads leading from their re- 
spective positions toward Chancellorsville, to incline to the left, so as to connect 
with Jackson's right as he closed in upon the centre. These orders were well 
executed, our troops advancing up to the enemy's intrenchments, while several 
batteries played with good effect upon his lines until prevented by the increas- 
ing darkness. 



APPENDIX. 577 

Early on the morning of the 3d, General Stuart renewed the attack upon the 
enemy, who had strengthened his right during the night with additional breast- 
works, while a large number of guns, protected by intrenchments, were posted 
so as to sweep the woods through which our troops had to advance. Hill's 
division was in front, with Colston in the second line and Rodes in the third. 
The second and third lines soon advanced to the support of the first, and the 
whole became hotly engaged. The breastworks at which the attack was sus- 
pended the preceding evening were carried by assault under a terrible fire of 
musketry and artillery. In rear of these breastworks was a barricade, from 
which the enemy was quickly driven. The troops on the left of the plank 
road, pressing through the woods, attacked and broke the next line, while 
those on the right bravely assailed the extensive earthworks behind which the 
enemy's artillery was posted. Three times were these works carried, and as 
often were the brave assailants compelled to abandon them — twice by the retire- 
ment of the troops on their left, who fell back after a gallant struggle with 
superior numbers, and once by a movement of the enemy on their right caused 
by the advance of General Anderson. The left, being reinforced, finally suc- 
ceeded in driving back the enemy, and the artillery under Lieutenant-colonels 
[T. H.] Carter and [H. P.] Jones, being thrown forward to occupy favorable 
positions secured by the advance of the infantry, began to play with great pre- 
cision and effect. Anderson in the mean time pressed gallantly forward directly 
upon Chancellorsville, his right resting upon the plank road and his left extend- 
ing around toward the Furnace, while McLaws made a strong demonstration to 
the right of the road. As the troops advancing upon the enemy's front and 
right converged upon his central position, Anderson effected a junction with 
Jackson's corps, and the whole line pressed irresistibly on. The enemy was 
driven from all his fortified positions with heavy loss in killed, wounded, and 
prisoners, and retreated toward the Rappahannock. By 10 A. M. we were in 
full possession of the field. 

The troops, having become somewhat scattered by the difficulties of the 
gi'ound and the ardor of the contest, were immediately re-formed preparatory 
to renewing the attack. The enemy had withdrawn to a strong position nearer 
to the Rappahannock, which he had previously fortified. His superiority of 
numbers, the unfavorable nature of the ground, which was densely wooded, 
and the condition of our troops after the arduous and sanguinary conflict in 
which they had been engaged, rendered great caution necessary. Our prepa- 
rations were just completed when further operations were arrested by intelli- 
gence received from Fredericksburg. 

General Early had been instructed, in the event of the enemy withdrawing 

from his front and moving up the river, to join the main body of the army with 

so much of his command as could be spared from the defence of his lines. 

This order was repeated on the 2d, but by a misapprehension on the part of 

37 



578 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the officer conveying it, General Early was directed to move unconditionally 
Leaving Hays's brigade and one regiment of Barksdale's at Fredericksburg, 
and directing a part of General Pendleton's artillery to be sent to the rear in 
compliance with the order delivered to him, General Early moved with the rest 
of his command toward Chancellorsville. As soon as his withdrawal was per- 
ceived the enemy began to give evidence of an intention to advance, but, the 
mistake in the transmission of the order being corrected, General Early re- 
turned to his original position. 

The line to be defended by Barksdale's brigade extended from the Rappa- 
hannock above Fredericksburg to the rear of Howisen's house, a distance of 
more than two miles. The artillery was posted along the heights in rear of the 
town. 

Before dawn on the morning of the 3d, General Barksdale reported to Gen- 
eral Early that the enemy had occupied Fredericksburg in large force and laid 
down a bridge at the town. Hays's brigade was sent to his support and placed 
on his extreme left, with the exception of one regiment stationed on the right 
of his hne behind Howisen's house. Seven companies of the Twenty-first 
Mississippi regiment were posted by General Barksdale between the Mar)-e 
House and the plank road, the Eighteenth and the three other companies of 
the Twenty-first occupied the telegraph road at the foot of Marye's Hill, the 
two remaining regiments of the brigade being farther to the right on the hills 
near Howisen's house. The enemy made a demonstration against the extreme 
right, which was easily repulsed by General Early, Soon afterward a column 
moved from Fredericks'ourg along the river-bank, as if to gain the heights on 
the extreme left, v/hich commanded those immediately in rear of the town. 
This attempt was foiled by General Hays and the arrival of General Wilcox 
from Banks's Ford, who deployed a few skirmishers on the hill near Taylor's 
house and opened on the enemy with a section of artillery. Very soon the 
enemy advanced in large force against Marye's and the hills to the right and 
left of it. Two assaults were gallantly repulsed by Barksdale's men and the 
artillery. After the second a flag of truce was sent from the town to obtain 
permission to provide for the wounded. 

Three heavy lines advanced immediately upon the return of the flag and 
renewed the attack. They were bravely repulsed on the right and left, but the 
small force at the foot of Marye's Hill, overpowered by more than ten times 
their numbers, was captured after a heroic resistance and the hill carried. 
Eight pieces of artillery were taken on Marj'e's and the adjacent heights. The 
remainder of Barksdale's brigade, together with that of General Hays and the 
artillery on the right, retired down the telegraph road. The success of the 
enemy enabled him to threaten our communications by moving down the tele- 
graph road or to come upon our rear at Chancellorsville by the plank road. 
He at first advanced on the former, but was checked by General Early, wbo 



APPENDIX. 579 

had halted the commands of Barksdale and Hays, with the artillery, about two 
miles from Marye's Hill and reinforced them with three regiments of Gordon's 
brigade. The enemy then began to advance up the plank road, his progress 
being gallantiy disputed by the brigade of General Wilcox, who had moved 
from Banks's Ford as rapidly as possible to the assistance of General Barks- 
dale, but arrived too late to take part in the action. General Wilcox fell back 
slowly until he reached Salem Church, on the plank road, about five miles from 
Fredericksburg. 

Information of the state of affairs in our rear having reached Chancellors- 
ville, as already stated. General McLaws, with his three brigades and one of 
General Anderson's, was ordered to reinforce General Wilcox. He arrived at 
Salem Church early in the afternoon, where he found General Wilcox in hne 
of battle, with a large force of the enemy — consisting, as was reported, of one 
army corps and part of another, under Major-general Sedgwick — in his front. 
The brigades of Kershaw and Wofford were placed on the right of Wilcox, 
those of Semmes and Mahone on his left. The enemy's artillery played vigor- 
ously upon our position for some time, when his infantry advanced in three 
strong lines, the attack being directed mainly against General Wilcox, but par- 
tially involving the brigades on his left. The assault was met with the utmost 
firmness, and after a fierce struggle the first line was repulsed with great slaugh- 
ter. The second then came forward, but immediately broke under the close 
and deadly fire which it encountered, and the whole mass fled in confusion to 
the rear. They were pursued by the brigades of Wilcox and Semmes, which 
advanced nearly a mile, when they were halted to re-form in the presence of 
the enemy's reserve, which now appeared in large force. It being quite dark^ 
General Wilcox deemed it imprudent to push the attack with his small num- 
bers, and retired to his original position, the enemy making no attempt to 
follow. 

The next morning General Early advanced along the telegraph road and 
recaptured Marye's and the adjacent hills without difficulty, thus gaining the 
rear of the enemy's left. He then proposed to General McLaws that a simul- 
taneous attack should be made by their respective commands, but the latter 
officer not deeming his force adequate to assail the enemy in front, the propo- 
sition was not carried into effect. 

In the mean time the enemy had so strengthened his position near Chancel- 
lorsville that it was deemed inexpedient to assail it with less than our whole 
force, which could not be concentrated until we were relieved from the danger 
that menaced our rear. It was accordingly resolved still further to reinforce 
the troops in front of General Sedgwick, in order, if possible, to drive him 
across the Rappahannock. 

Accordingly, on the 4th, General Anderson was directed to proceed with his 
remaining three brigades to join General McLaws, the three divisions of Jack- 



580 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

son's corps holding our position at Chancellorsville. Anderson reached Salem 
Church about noon, and was directed to gain the left flank of the enemy and 
effect a junction with Early. McLaws's troops were disposed as on the pre- 
vious day, with orders to hold the enemy in front and to push forward his right 
brigades as soon as the advance of Anderson and Early should be perceived, 
so as to connect with them and complete the continuity of our line. Some 
delay occurred in getting the troops into position, owing to the broken and 
irregular nature of the ground and the difficulty of ascertaining the disposition 
of the enemy's forces. The attack did not begin until 6 P. M., when Anderson 
and Early moved forward and drove General Sedgwick's troops rapidly before 
them across the plank road in the direction of the Rappahannock. The 
speedy approach of darkness prevented General McLaws from perceiving the 
success of the attack until the enemy began to recross the river a short distance 
below Banks's Ford, where he had laid one of his pontoon bridges. His right 
brigades, under Kershaw and Wofford, advanced through the woods in the 
direction of the firing, but the retreat was so rapid that they could only join in 
the pursuit. A dense fog settled over the field, increasing the obscurity and 
rendering great caution necessary to avoid collision between our own troops. 
Their movements were consequently slow. General Wilcox, with Kershaw's 
brigade and two regiments of his own, accompanied by a battery, proceeded 
nearly to the river, capturing a number of prisoners and inflicting great damage 
upon the enemy. General McLaws also directed Colonel [E. P.] Alexander's 
artillery to fire upon the locaUty of the enemy's bridge, which was done with 
good effect. 

The next morning it was found that General Sedgwick had made good his 
escape and removed his bridges. Fredericksburg was also evacuated, and our 
rear no longer threatened ; but as General Sedgwick had it in his power to 
recross, it was deemed best to leave General Early with his division and Barks- 
dale's brigade to hold our lines as before, McLaws and Anderson being directed 
to return to Chancellorsville. They reached their destination during the after- 
noon in the midst of a violent storm, which continued throughout the night and 
most of the following day. 

Preparations were made to assail the enemy's works at daylight on the 6th, 
but on advancing our skirmishers it was found that under cover of the storm 
and darkness of the night he had retreated over the river. 

A detachment was left to guard the battlefield while the wounded were being 
removed and the captured property collected. The rest of the army returned 
to its former position. 

The particulars of these operations will be found in the reports of the several 
commanding officers, which are herewith transmitted. They will show more 
fully than my hmits will suffer me to do the dangers and difficulties which, 
under God's blessing, were surmounted by the fortitude and valor of our army. 



APPENDIX. 581 

The conduct of the troops cannot be too highly praised. Attacking largely- 
superior numbers in strongly-intrenched positions, their heroic courage over- 
came every obstacle of nature and art and achieved a triumph most honorable 
to our arms. 

I commend to the particular notice of the Department the brave officers and 
men mentioned by their superiors for extraordinary daring and merit, whose 
names I am unable to enumerate here. Among them will be found some who 
have passed by a glorious death beyond the reach of praise, but the memory 
of whose virtues and devoted patriotism will ever be cherished by their grateful 
countrymen. 

The returns of the medical director will show the extent of our loss, which, 
from the nature of the circumstances attending the engagements, could not be 
otherwise than severe. Many valuable officers and men were killed or wounded 
in the faithful discharge of duty. Among the former, Brigadier-general Paxton 
fell while leading his brigade with conspicuous courage in the assault on the 
enemy's works at Chancellorsville. 

The gallant Brigadier-general Nichols lost a leg. 

Brigadier-general McGowan was severely and Brigadier-generals Heth and 
Pender were slightly wounded in the same engagement. The latter officer led 
his brigade to the attack under a destructive fire, bearing the colors of a regi- 
ment in his own hands up to and over the intrenchments with the most distin- 
guished gallantry. 

General Hoke received a painful wound in the action near Fredericksburg. 

The movement by which the enemy's position was turned and the fortune of 
the day decided was conducted by the lamented Lieutenant-general Jackson, 
who, as has already been stated, was severely wounded near the close of the 
engagement on Saturday evening. I do not propose here to speak of the cha- 
racter of this illustrious man, since removed from the scene of his eminent use- 
fulness by the hand of an inscrutable but all-wise Providence. I nevertheless 
desire to pay the tribute of my admiration to the matchless energy and skill 
that marked this last act of his life, forming as it did a worthy conclusion of 
that long series of splendid achievements which won for him the lasting love 
and gratitude of his countr}\ 

Major-general A. P. Hill was disabled soon after assuming command, but 
did not leave the field until the arrival of Major-general Stuart. The latter 
officer ably discharged the difficult and responsible duties which he was thus 
unexpectedly called to perform. Assuming the command late in the night, at 
the close of a fierce engagement, and in the immediate presence of the enemy, 
necessarily ignorant in a great measure of the disposition of the troops and of 
the plans of those who had preceded him. General Stuart exhibited great 
energy, promptness, and intelligence. During the continuance of the engage- 
ment the next day he conducted the operations on the left with distinguished 



582 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

capacity and vigor, stimulating and cheering the troops by the example of his 
own coolness and daring. 

While it is impossible to mention all who were conspicuous in the several 
engagements, it will not be considered an invidious distinction to say that Gen- 
eral Jackson after he was wounded, in expressing the satisfaction he derived 
from the conduct of his whole command, commended to my particular atten- 
tion the services of Brigadier-general (now Major-general) Rodes and his 
gallant division. 

Major-general Early performed the important and responsible duty entrusted 
to him in a manner which reflected credit upon himself and his command. 
Major-general R. H. Anderson was also distinguished for the promptness, cour- 
age, and skill with which he and his division executed every order, and Briga- 
dier-general (now Major-general) Wilcox is entitled to especial praise for the 
judgment and bravery displayed in impeding the advance of General Sedg- 
wick toward Chancellorsville and for the gallant and successful -stand at Salem 
Church. 

To the skilful and efficient management of the artillery the successful issue 
of the contest is in great measure due. The ground was not favorable for its 
employment, but every suitable position was taken with alacrity, and the opera- 
tions of the infantry supported and assisted with a spirit and courage not second 
to their own. It bore a prominent part in the final assault which ended in 
driving the enemy from the field at Chancellorsville. silencing his batteries, and 
by a destructive enfilade fire upon his works opened the way for the advance 
of our troops. 

Colonels Crutchfield, Alexander, and [R. L.] Walker, and Lieutenant-colo- 
nels [J. T.] Brown, [T. H.] Carter, and [R. S.] Andrews, with the officers and 
men of their commands, are mentioned as deserving especial commendation. 
The batteries under General Pendleton also acted with great gallantry. 

The cavalry of the army at the time of these operations was much reduced. 
To its vigilance and energy we were indebted for timely information of the 
enemy's movements before the battle and for impeding his march to Chancel- 
lorsville. It guarded both flanks of the army during the battle at that place, 
and a portion of it, as has been already stated, rendered valuable service in 
covering the march of Jackson to the enemy's rear. 

The horse artillery accompanied the infantry and participated with credit to 
itself in the engagement. The nature of the country rendered it impossible 
for the cavalry to do more. 

When the enemy's infantry passed the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford his 
cavalry, under General Stoneman, also crossed in large force, and proceeded 
through Culpeper county toward Gordonsville for the purpose of cutting the 
railroads to Richmond. General Stuart had nothing to oppose to this move- 
ment but two regiments of Brigadier-general W. H. F. Lee's brigade (the 



APPENDIX. 583 

Ninth and Thirteenth Virginia cavalry). General Lee fell back before the 
overwhelming numbers of the enemy, and after holding the railroad bridge 
over the Rapidan during May ist, burned the bridge and retired to Gordons villa 
at night. The enemy avoided Gordonsville and reached Louisa Court-house 
on the Central Railroad, which he proceeded to break up. Dividing his force, 
a part of it also cut the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad, and a part 
proceeded to Columbia, on the James River and Kanawha Canal, with a design 
of destroying the aqueduct at that place. The small command of General 
Lee exerted itself vigorously to defeat this purpose. The damage done to the 
railroads was small and soon repaired, and the canal was saved from injur}\ 
The details of his operations will be found in the accom.panying memorandum, 
and are creditable to officers and men. 

The loss of the enemy in the battle of Chancellorsville and the other engage- 
ments was severe. His dead and a large number of wounded were left on 
the field. About 5000 prisoners, exclusive of the wounded, were taken, and 13 
pieces of artillery, 19,500 stands of arms, 17 colors, and a large quantity of 
ammunition fell into our hands. 

To the members of my staff I am greatly indebted for assistance in observ- 
ing the movements of the enemy, posting troops, and conveying orders. On 
so extended and varied a field all were called into requisition, and all evinced 
the greatest energy and zeal. R. E. Lbe, 

General. 



Headquarters, Guiney's [Station], Va., 
May 5, 1863. 

At the close of the battle of Chancellorsville on Sunday the enemy was re- 
ported advancing from Fredericksburg in our rear. General McLaws was sent 
back to arrest his progress, and repulsed him handsomely that afternoon at 
Tabernacle Church. Learning that this force consisted of two corps under 
General Sedgwick, I determined to attack it. Leaving a sufficient force to hold 
General Hooker in check, who had not recrossed the Rappahannock, as was 
reported, but occupied a strong position in front of the United States Ford, I 
marched back yesterday with General Anderson, and, uniting with McLaws 
and Early in the afternoon, succeeded by the blessing of Heaven in driving 
General Sedgwick over the river. We have reoccupied Fredericksburg, and 
no enemy remains south of the Rappahannock in its vicinity. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

His Excellency President Davis. 



584 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



CHANCELLORSVILLE CAMPAIGN, May 3, 1863. 

Abstract from Return of the Ar^ny of Northern Virginia^ Gen.. 
ERAL R. E. Lee commanding^ for May 20, 1863 ; Station^ 
Fredericksburg, Va. 





Present for duty. 


c 

D. 

n 
to 

ei) 
tJO 

< 


c 
u 

ba = 

to ^ 

< 


— 


Command. 


i 





c 


M 

< 




14 
II 




14 
II 

8,890 
8,416 
7,640 
8,677 


13,726 
12,889 

12,113 
12,573 




Staff 




FIRST ARMY CORPS. 

Lieut. -GEN. James Longstreet. 

Anderson's division 


8,401 
8,041 
7,824 
7,265 


McLaws's division 






Pickett's division 






Hood's division 






(Ransom's division detached) 


















Total 






33,635 


51,315 


31.544 


SECOND ARMY CORPS. 

Maj.-gen. a. p. Hill. 

Staff 


15 




A. P. Hill's division 




".035 
8,910 
7.907 
6,356 


18,430 

15.037 
13,081 
12,008 

58,575 
11,905 


9,940 
8,191 
7,700 

5.651 


Rodes's division 






Early's division 






Johnson's division 








• * 




Total 






34,223 

8.193 


31.492 
7,426 


Stuart's cavalry division * 






Valley district f 








Artillery. 
General reserve 






786 

2,307 
2,410 


qi6 

3,015 
3,348 


697 


First Army corpst 






2,049 


Second Army corpsg 






2,264 


Total 






5.503 


7,279 


5,010 




■ 




Grand total 




81,568 


129,041 


75472 











* One regiment and one company not reported. 
X Dcaring's battery not reported. 



+ Not reported. 

j Two batteries not reported — on picket. 



APPENDIX. 585 

REPORTS OF GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE, C. S. ARMY, COM- 
MANDING ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, OF OPERA- 
TIONS, June 30 TO August 4th, 1863. 

CuLPEPER Court-house, 
June 18, 1863. 
General : On the afternoon of the 14th, General Rodes took possession of 
Martinsburg, capturing several pieces of artillery, more than 200 prisoners, a 
supply of ammunition, and grain. Our loss, i killed and 2 wounded. 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 
General S. Cooper, 

Adjutant- and Inspector-general. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
July 17, 1863. 

General : General Fitz Lee attacked the enemy last evening near Kearneys- 
ville and drove him to within a mile of Shepherdstown, when night put an end 
to the contest. The enemy, under cover of darkness, retired, taking the Charles- 
town road, leaving many of their wounded in Shepherdstown and the vicinity 
and their dead on the field. Their loss is reported very heavy. The enemy's 
force is stated to have been Gregg's division. General [D. McM.] Gregg com- 
manding in person. I regret to state that Colonel James H. Drake of the First 
Virginia cavalry was mortally wounded in a charge of his regiment. 
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
General S. Cooper, Adjt.- and Insp. -general, Richmond, Va. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
July 21, 1863. 
General : I have seen in Northern papers what purported to be an official 
despatch of General [G. G.j Meade, stating that he had captured a brigade of 
infantry, two pieces of artillery, two caissons, and a large number of small- 
arms as this army retired to the south bank of the Potomac on the 13th and 
14th instants. This despatch has been copied into the Richmond papers, and 
as its official character may cause it to be believed, I desire to state that it is 
incorrect. The enemy did not capture any organized body of men on that 
occasion, but only stragglers and such as were left asleep on the road exhausj/sd 



586 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

by the Auigue and exposure of one of the most inclement nights I have evei 
known at this season of the year. It rained without cessation, rendering the 
road by which GUI' troops marched to the bridge at Falling Waters very difficult 
to pass, and causing so much delay that the last of the troops did not cross the 
river at the bridge until i p. m. on the 14th. While the column was thus de- 
tained on the road a number of men, worn down with fatigue, lay down in 
barns and by the wayside, and, though officers were sent baclc to arouse them 
as the troops moved on, the darkness and rain prevented them from finding 
all, and many were in this way left behind. Two guns were left in the road. 
The horses that drew them became exhausted, and the officers went forward to 
procure others. When they returned the rear of the column had passed the 
guns so far that it was deemed unsafe to send back for them, and they were 
thus lost. No arms, cannon, or prisoners were taken by the enemy in battle, 
but only such as were left behind under the circumstances I have described. 
The number of stragglers thus lost I am unable to state with accuracy, but it is 
greatly exaggerated in the despatch referred to. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, R. E. Lee, 

General. 
General S. Cooper, 

Adjt.- and Insp.-gen. C. S. Army, Richmond, Va. 



WiLLiAMSPORT, June 25, 1863. 
Ills Excellency President Davis, Richmond, 

Mr. President: So strong is my conviction of the necessity of activity on 
our part in military affairs that you will excuse my adverting to the subject 
again, notwithstanding what I have said in my previous letter of to-day. 

It seems to me that we cannot afford to keep our troops awaiting movements 
of the enemy, but should so employ our own forces as to give occupation to his 
at points of our selection. 

I have observed that extracts from Northern journals, contained in Rich- 
mond papers of the 22d instant, state that the yellow fever has appeared at 
New Berne, and that in consequence the Federal troops are being moved back 
to Morehead City. If, in fact, the fever is in New Berne, it would tend of itself 
to prevent active operations from that point. But as I have never heard of the 
disease being in that city, and as it does not generally break out so early in the 
season even in localities which are subject to it, I am disposed to doubt the 
truth of the statement, and regard it as a cover for the withdrawal of the 
enemy's forces for some other field. The attempt to conceal their movements, 
as in the case of the withdrawal of the troops from Suffolk, coupled with the 
fact that nothing has up to this time been undertaken on tlie North Carolina 



APPENDIX. 587 

coast, convinces me that the enemy contemplates nothing important in that 
region, and that it is unnecessary to keep our troops there to watch him. 

If he has been waiting until this time for reinforcements, the probability of 
their being furnished is greatly diminished by the movements now in progress 
on our part, and they must at least await the result of our operations. The 
same course of reasoning is applicable to the question of the probability of the 
enemy assuming the offensive against Richmond, either on the Peninsula or 
south of the James. I feel sure, therefore, that the best use that can be made 
of the troops in Carolina, and those in Virginia now guarding Richmond, would 
be the prompt assembling of the main body of them, leaving sufficient to pre- 
vent raids, together with as many as can be drawn from the army of General 
Beauregard, at Culpeper Court-house under the command of that officer. I 
do not think they could more effectually prevent aggressive movements on the 
part of the enemy in any other way, while their assistance to this army in its 
operations would be very great. 

If the report received from General Buckner of the withdrawal of General 
Burnside from Kentucky be correct, I think there is nothing to prevent a united 
movement of the commands of Generals Buckner and Sam Jones into that 
State. They would render valuable service by collecting and bringing out sup- 
plies, if they did no more, and would embarrass the enemy and prevent troops 
now there from being sent to other points. If they are too weak to attempt 
this object, they need not be idle ; and I think that if the enemy's forces have 
in fact been so far weakened as to render present active operations on his part 
against them improbable, they should go where they can be of immediate ser« 
vice, leaving only a sufficient guard to watch the lines they now hold. They 
might be sent with benefit to reinforce General Johnston or General Bragg, to 
constitute a part of the proposed army of General Beauregard at Culpeper 
Court-house, or they might accomplish good results by going into North-west- 
ern Virginia. It should never be forgotten that our concentration at any point 
compels that of the enemy, and, his numbers being limited, tends to relieve all 
other threatened localities. 

I earnestly commend these considerations to the attention of Your Excel- 
lency, and trust that you will be at liberty, in your better judgment and with 
the superior means of information you possess as to our own necessities and 
the enemy's movements in the distant regions I have mentioned, to give effect 
to them, either in the way I have suggested or in such other manner as may 
seem to you more judicious. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



588 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

[Enclosure.] 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
July 4, 1863. 
General Orders 

No. 74. 
' I. The army will vacate its position this evening. General A. P. Hill's corps 
will commence the movement, withdrawing from its position after dark, and 
proceed on the Fairfield road to the pass in the mountains, which it will occupy, 
selecting the strongest ground for defence toward the east. General Longstreet's 
corps will follow, and General Ewell's corps bring up the rear. These two latter 
corps will proceed through and go into camp. General Longstreet's corps will 
be charged with the escort of the prisoners, and will habitually occupy the cen- 
tre of the line of march. General Ewell's and General Hill's corps will alter- 
nately take the front and rear on the march. 

II. The trains which accompany the army will habitually move between th$ 
leading and the rear corps, each under the charge of their respective chief 
quartermasters. Lieutenant-colonel [James L.] Corley, chief quartermaster of 
the army, will regulate the order in which they shall move. Corps command- 
ers will see that the officers remain with their trains, and that they move steadily 
and quietly, and that the animals are properly cared for. 

III. The artillery of each corps will move under the charge of their respective 
chiefs of artillery, the whole under the general superintendence of the com- 
mander of the artillery of the army. 

IV. General Stuart will designate a cavalry command not exceeding two 
squadrons to precede and follow the army in its line of march, the commander 
of the advance reporting to the commander of the leading corps, the com- 
mander of the rear to the commander of the rear corps. He will direct one 
or two brigades, as he may think proper, to proceed to Cashtown this afternoon 
and hold that place until the rear of the army has passed Fairfield, and occupy 
the gorge in the mountains ; after crossing which to proceed in the direction of 
Greencastle, guarding the right and rear of the army on its march to Hagers- 
town and Williamsport. General Stuart, with the rest of the cavalry, will this 
evening take the route to Emmettsburg, and proceed thence toward Cavetown 
and Boonsboro', guarding the left and rear of the army. 

V. The commanding general earnestly exhorts each corps commander to see 
that every officer exerts the utmost vigilance, steadiness, and boldness during 
the whole march. R. E. Lee, 

GcneraL 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
August 2, 1863. 
General: On the night of July 31st the enemy laid pontoon bridges at a 
point below Kelly's Ford and at Rappahannock Station, and crossed the river 



APPENDIX. 589 

with two or three divisions of cavalry and a large body of infantry. The cav- 
alry, supported by three brigades of infantry, advanced toward Brandy Station, 
being retarded in their progress by Hampton's brigade of cavalry, under the 
command of Colonel [L. S.] Baker of the First North Carolina regiment, which 
fell back gradually before them to our line of infantry, about two miles this side 
of Brandy. Our infantry skirmishers were then advanced, and drove the enemy 
back a mile beyond the station. i 

Hampton's brigade behaved with its usual gallantry, and was very skilfully 
handled by Colonel Baker. General Stuart was in the front with the brigade 
the whole day. 

Our loss was small, but among our wounded, 1 regret to say, are those brave 
officers — Colonel Baker, commanding the brigade ; Colonel [Pierce M. B.] 
Young of Cobb's Legion, and Colonel [John L.] Black of the First South 
Carolina cavalry. 

I am, etc., R. E. Lee, 

General. 
General S. Cooper, 

Adjutant- and Inspector-general C. S. Army, Richmond, Va. 



REPORT OF GENERAL R. E. LEE OF THE GETTYSBURG CAM- 
PAIGN, June to August, 1863. 

Heaquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Januaiy — , 1864. 

General : I have the honor to submit a detailed report of the operations of 
this army from the time it left the vicinity of Fredericksburg early in June to its 
occupation of the line of the Rapidan in August. 

Upon the retreat of the Federal army, commanded by Major-general 
[Joseph] Hooker, from Chancellorsville, it reoccupied the ground north of 
the Rappahannock opposite Fredericksburg, where it could not be attacked 
except at a disadvantage. It was determined to draw it from this position, and, 
if practicable, to transfer the scene of hostilities beyond the Potomac. The 
execution of this purpose also embraced the expulsion of the force under Gen- 
eral [R, H.] Milroy, which had infested the lower Shenandoah Valley during 
the preceding winter and spring. If unable to attain the valuable results whicl^ 
might be expected to follow a decided advantage gained over the enemy in 
Maryland or Pennsylvania^ it was hoped that we should at least so far disturb 
his plans for the summer campaign as to prevent its execution during the season 
of active operations. 

The commands of Longstreet and Ewell were put in motion, and encamped 



590 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

around Culpeper Court-house June 7th. As soon as their march was discov- 
ered by the enemy he threw a force across the Rappahannock about two miles 
below Fredericksburg, apparently for the purpose of observation. Hill's corps 
was left to watch these troops, with instructions to follow the movements of the 
army as soon as they should retire. 

The cavalry, under General [J. E. B.] Stuart, which had been concentrated 
near Culpeper Court-house, was attacked on June 9th by a large force of Fed- 
eral cavalry, supported by infantry, which crossed the Rappahannock at Bev- 
erly and Kelly's fords. After a severe engagement, which continued from early 
in the morning until late in the afternoon, the enemy was compelled to recross 
the river with heavy loss, leaving about 500 prisoners, 3 pieces of artillery, and 
several colors in our hands. 

General Imboden and General Jenkins had been ordered to co-operate in 
the projected expedition into the Valley — General Imboden, by moving toward 
Romney with his command to prevent the troops guarding the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad from reinforcing those at Winchester, while General Jenkins 
advanced directly toward the latter place with his cavalry brigade, supported 
by a battalion of infantry and a battery of the Maryland hne. 

General Ewell left Culpeper Court-house on June loth. He crossed the 
branches of the Shenandoah near Front Royal, and reached Cedarville on the 
I2th, where he was joined by General Jenkins. Detaching General Rodes with 
his division and the greater part of Jenkins's brigade to dislodge a force of 
the enemy stationed at Berryville, General Ewell with the rest of his command 
moved upon Winchester, Johnson's division advancing by the Front Royal 
road — Early's, by the Valley turnpike, which it entered at Newtown, where it 
was joined by the Maryland troops. 

The enemy was driven in on both roads, and our troops halted in line of 
battle near the town on the evening of the 13th. The same day the force 
which had occupied Berryville retreated to Winchester on the approach of 
General Rodes. The following morning General Ewell ordered General Early 
to carry an intrenched position north-west of Winchester near the Pughtown 
road, which the latter officer, upon examining the ground, discovered would 
command the principal fortifications. 

To cover the movement of General Early, General Johnson took position 
between the road to Millwood and that to Berryville, and advanced his skir- 
mishers toward the town. General Early, leaving a portion of his command 
to engage the enemy's attention, with the remainder gained a favorable posi- 
tion without being perceived, and about 5 P. M. twenty pieces of artillery under 
Lieutenant-colonel H. P. Jones opened suddenly upon the intrenchments. The 
enemy's guns were soon silenced. Hays's brigade then advanced to the assault 
and carried the works by storm, capturing six rifled pieces, two of which were 
turned upon and dispersed a column which was forming to retake the position. 



APPENDIX. 591 

•I 
The enemy immediately abandoned the works on the left of those taken by 

Hays and retired into his main fortifications, which General Early prepared to 
assail in the morning. The loss of the advanced works, however, rendered 
the others untenable, and the enemy retreated in the night, abandoning his 
sick and wounded, together with his artillery, wagons, and stores. Anticipating 
such a movement, as soon as he heard of Early's success General Ewell 
directed General Johnson to occupy with part of his command a point on the 
Martinsburg road about two and a half miles from Winchester, where he could 
either intercept the enemy's retreat or aid in an attack should further resist- 
ance be offered in the morning. General Johnson marched with Nichols's and 
part of Steuart's brigades, accompanied by Lieutenant-colonel [R. S.] Andrews 
with a detachment of his artillery, the Stonewall brigade being ordered to 
follow. 

Finding the road to the place indicated by General Ewell difficult of passage in 
the darkness, General Johnson pursued that leading by Jordan [Alum ?] Springs 
to Stephenson's Depot, where he took a favorable position on the Martinsburg 
road about five miles from Winchester. Just as his line was formed the re- 
treating column, consisting of the main body of General Milroy's army, arrived 
and immediately attacked him. The enemy, though in superior force, consist- 
ing of both infantry and cavalry, was gallantly repulsed, and, finding all efforts 
to cut his way unavailing, he sent strong flanking-parties simultaneously to the 
right and left, still keeping up a heavy fire in front. The party on the right 
was driven back and pursued by the Stonewall brigade, which opportunely 
arrived. That on the left was broken and dispersed by the Second and Tenth 
Louisiana regiments, aided by the artillery, and in a short time nearly the whole 
infantry force, amounting to more than 2300 men, with 11 stands of colors, sur- 
rendered, the cavalry alone escaping. General Milroy, with a small party of 
fugidves, fled to Harper's Ferry. The number of prisoners taken in this action 
exceeded the force engaged under General [Edward] Johnson, who speaks in 
terms of well-deserved praise of the conduct of the officers and men of his 
command. 

• In the mean time, General Rodes marched from Berryville to Martinsburg, 
reaching the latter place in the afternoon of the 14th. The enemy made a 
show of resistance, but soon gave way, the cavalry and artillery retreating 
towai d Williamsport, the infantry toward Shepherdstown, under cover of night. 
The route taken by the latter was not known until it was too late to follow ; but 
the former were pursued so rapidly, Jenkins's troops leading, that they were 
forced to abandon five of their six pieces of ardllery. About 200 prisoners 
were taken, but the enemy destroyed most of his stores. 

These operations resulted in the expulsion of the enemy from the Valley ; 
the capture of 4000 prisoners, with a corresponding number of small-arms ; 28 
pieces of superior artillery, including those taken by Generals Rodes and Hays ; 



592 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

about 300 wagons and as many horses, together with a considerable quantity 
of ordnance, commissary, and quartermaster's stores. 

Our entire loss was 47 killed, 219 wounded, and 3 missing. 

MARCH INTO PENNSYLVANIA. 

On the night of Ewell's appearance at Winchester the enemy in front of A. 
P. Hill at Fredericksburg recrossed the Rappahannock, and the whole army 
of General Hooker withdrew from the north side of the river. In order to 
mislead him as to our intentions, and at the same time protect Hill's corps in 
its march up the Rappahannock, Longstreet left Culpeper Court-house on the 
1 5th, and, advancing along the eastern side of the Blue Ridge, occupied Ash- 
by's and Snicker's gaps. He had been joined while at Culpeper by General 
Pickett with three brigades of his division. General Stuart, with three brigades 
of cavalry, moved on Longstreet's right and took position in front of the gaps. 
Hampton's and [J. M.J Jones's brigades remained along the Rappahannock 
and Hazel rivers in front of Culpeper Court-house, with instructions to follow 
the main body as soon as Hill's corps had passed that point. 

On the 17th, Fitz Lee's brigade, under Colonel [Thos. T.] Munford, which 
was on the road to Snicker's Gap, was attacked near Aldie by the Federal cav- 
alry. The attack was repulsed with loss, and the brigade held its ground until 
ordered to fall back, its right being threatened by another body coming from 
Hopewell toward Middleburg. The latter force was driven from Middleburg 
and pursued toward Hopewell by Robertson's brigade, which arrived about 
dark. Its retreat was intercepted by W. H. F. Lee's brigade, under Colonel 
[J. R.J Chambliss, and the greater part of a regiment captured. 

During the three succeeding days there was much skirmishing, General 
Stuart taking a position west of Middleburg, where he awaited the rest of his 
command. 

General [J. M.] Jones arrived on the 19th, and General Hampton in the 
afternoon of the following day, having repulsed on his march a cavalry force 
sent to reconnoitre in the direction of Warrenton. 

On the 2 1st the enemy attacked with infantry and cavalry, and obliged Gen- 
eral Stuart, after a brave resistance, to fall back to the gaps of the mountains. 
The enemy retired the next day, having advanced only a short distance beyond 
Upperville. 

In these engagements the cavalry sustained a loss of 510 killed, wounded, 
and missing. Among them were several valuable officers, whose names are 
mentioned in General Stuart's report. One piece of artillery was disabled and 
left on the field. The enemy's loss was heavy. About 400 prisoners were 
taken and several stands of colors. 

The Federal army was apparently guarding the approaches to Washington, 
and manifested no disposition to assume the offensive. 



APPENDIX. 593 

In the mean time, the progress of Ewell, who was already in Maryland, with 
Jenkins's cavalry advanced into Pennsylvania as far as Chambersburg, ren- 
dered it necessary that the rest of the army should be within supporting dis- 
tance, and Hill having reached the Valley, Longstreet was withdrawn to the 
west side of the Shenandoah, and the two corps encamped near Berryville. 
General Stuart was directed to hold the mountain-passes with part of his 
command as long as the enemy remained south of the Potomac, and with the 
remainder to cross into Maryland and place himself on the right of General 
Ewell. Upon the suggestion of the former officer that he could damage the 
enemy and delay his passage of the river by getting in his rear, he was author- 
ized to do so, and it was left to his discretion whether to enter Maryland east or 
west of the Blue Ridge ; but he was instructed to lose no time in placing his 
command on the right of our column as soon as he should perceive the enemy 
moving northward. 

On the 22d, General Ewell marched into Pennsylvania with Rodes's and 
Johnson's divisions, preceded by Jenkins's cavalry, taking the road from 
Hagerstown through Chambersburg to Carlisle, where he arrived on the 27th. 
Early's division, which had occupied Boonsboro', moved by a parallel road to 
Greenwood, and, in pursuance of instructions previously given to General 
Ewell, marched toward York. 

On the 24th, Longstreet and Hill were put -in motion to follow Ewell, and on 
the 27th encamped near Chambersburg. 

General Imboden, under the orders already referred to, had been operating 
on Ewell's left while the latter was advancing into Maryland. He drove off 
the troops guarding the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and destroyed all the 
important bridges on that route from Martinsburg to Cumberland, besides 
inflicting serious damage upon the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal. He was at 
Hancock when Longstreet and Hill reached Chambersburg, and was directed 
to proceed to the latter place by way of McConnellsburg, collecting supplies 
for the army on his route. 

The cavalry force at this time with the army, consisting of Jenkins's brigade 
and [E. V.] White's battalion, was not greater than was required to accompany 
the advance of General Ewell and General Early, with whom it performed 
valuable service, as appears from their reports. It was expected that as soon 
as the Federal army ' should cross the Potomac, General Stuart would give 
notice of its movements, and, nothing having been heard from him since our 
entrance into Maryland, it was inferred that the enemy had not yet left Virginia. 
Orders were therefore issued to move upon Harrisburg. The expedition of 
General Early to York was designed in part to prepare for this undertaking by 
breaking the railroad between Baltimore and Harrisburg and seizing the bridge 
over the Susquehanna at Wrightsville. General Early succeeded in the first 
object, destroying a number of bridges above and below York, but on the ap- 
38 



594 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

proach of the troops sent by him to Wrightsville a body of militia stationed at 
that place fled across the river and burned the bridge in their retreat. General 
Early then marched to rejoin his corps. 

The advance against Harrisburg was arrested by intelligence received from 
a scout on the night of the 28th to the effect that the army of General Hooker 
had crossed the Potomac and was approaching the South Mountains. In the 
absence of the cavalry it was impossible to ascertain his intentions; but to 
deter him from advancing farther west and intercepting our communications 
with Virginia it was determined to concentrate the army east of the mountains. 

BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. 

Hill's corps was accordingly ordered to move toward Cashtown on the 29th, 
and Longstreet to follow the next day, leaving Pickett's division at Chambers- 
burg to guard the rear until relieved by Imboden. General Ewell was recalled 
from Carlisle, and directed to join the army at Cashtown or Gettysburg as cir- 
cumstances might require. The advance of the enemy to the latter place was 
unknown, and the weather being inclement the march was conducted with a 
view to the comfort of the troops. Heth's division reached Cashtown on the 
29th, and the following morning Pettigrew's brigade, sent by General Heth to 
procure supplies at Gettysburg, found it occupied by the enemy. Being igno- 
r.T.nt of the extent of his force, General Pettigrew was unwilling to hazard an 
attack with his single brigade and returned to Cashtown. 

General Hill arrived with Pender's division in the evening, and the following 
morning (July ist) advanced with these two divisions, accompanied by Pe- 
gram's and Mcintosh's battalions of artillery, to ascertain the strength of the 
enemy, whose force was supposed to consist chiefly of cavalry. The leading 
division under General Heth found the enemy's videttes about three miles west 
of Gettysburg, and continued to advance until within a mile of the town, when 
two brigades were sent forward to reconnoitre. They drove in the advance of 
the enemy very gallantly, but subsequently encountered largely-superior num- 
bers, and were compelled to retire with loss. Brigadier-general Archer, com- 
manding one of the brigades, being taken prisoner. General Heth then pre- 
pared for action, and as soon as Pender arrived to support him was ordered by 
General Hill to advance. The artillery was placed in position and the engage- 
ment opened with vigor. General Heth pressed the enemy steadily back, 
breaking his first and second lines, and attacking his third with great resolu- 
tion. About 2.30 p. M. the advance of Ewell's corps, consisting of Rodes's 
division, with Carter's battalion of artillery, arrived by the Middletown road, 
and. forming on Heth's left nearly at right angles with his line, became warmly 
engaged with fresh numbers of the enemy. Heth's troops, having suffered 
heavily in their protracted contest with a superior force, were relieved by Pen- 
der's, and Early, coming up by the Heidlersburg road soon afterward, took 



APPENDIX. 595 

position on the left of Rodes, when a general advance was made. The enemy- 
gave way on all sides and was driven through Gettysburg with great loss. 
Major-general [J. F.] Reynolds, who was in command, was killed. More than 
5000 prisoners, exclusive of a large number of wounded, 3 pieces of artillery, 
and several colors were captured. Among the prisoners were two brigadier- 
generals, one of whom was badly wounded. Our own loss was heavy, includ- 
ing a number of officers, among whom were Major-general Heth slightly, and 
Brigadier-general Scales of Pender's division severely, wounded. The enemy 
retired to a range of hills south of Gettysburg, where he displayed a strong 
force of infantry and artillery. 

It was ascertained from the prisoners that we had been engaged with two 
corps of the army formerly commanded by General Hooker, and that the 
remainder of that army, under General [George G.] Meade, was approaching 
Gettysburg. Without information as to its proximity, the strong position which 
the enemy had assumed could not be attacked without danger of exposing the 
four divisions present, already weakened and exhausted by a long and bloody- 
struggle, to overwhelming numbers of fresh troops. General Ewell was there- 
fore instructed to carry the hill occupied by the enemy if he found it practicable, 
but to avoid a general engagement until the arrival of the other divisions of 
the army, which were ordered to hasten forward. He decided to await John- 
son's division, which had marched from Carlisle by the road west of the moun- 
tains to guard the trains of his corps, and consequently did not reach Gettysburg 
until a late hour. 

In the mean time the enemy occupied the point which General Ewell de- 
signed to seize, but in what force could not be ascertained, owing to the dark- 
ness. An intercepted despatch showed that another corps had halted that 
afternoon four miles from Gettysburg. Under these circumstances it was 
decided not to attack until the arrival of Longstreet, two of whose divisions 
(those of Hood and McLaws) encamped about four miles in rear during the 
night. Anderson's division of Hill's corps came up after the engagement. 

It had not been intended to deliver a general battle so far from our base 
unless attacked, but, coming unexpectedly upon the whole Federal army, to 
withdraw through the mountains with our extensive trains would have been 
difficult and dangerous. At the same time we were unable to await an attack, 
as the country was unfavorable for collecting supplies in the presence of the 
enemy, who could restrain our foraging-parties by holding the mountain-passes 
with local and other troops. A battle had therefore become, in a measure, un- 
avoidable, and the success already gained gave hope of a favorable issue. 

The enemy occupied a strong position, vi'ith his right upon two commanding 
elevations adjacent to each other, one south-east and the other, known as Cem- 
etery Hill, immediately south of the town, which lay at its base. His line ex- 
tended thence upon the high ground along the Emmettsburg road, with a steep 



596 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

ridge in rear, which was also occupied. This ridge was difficult of ascent, par. 
ticularly the two hills above mentioned as forming its northern extremity, and 
a third at the other end on which the enemy's left rested. Numerous stone 
and rail fences along the slope served to afford protection to his troops and im- 
pede our advance. In his front the ground was undulating and generally open 
for about three-quarters of a mile. 

General Ewell's corps constituted our left, Johnson's division being opposite 
the height adjoining Cemetery Hill, Early's in the centre, in front of the north 
face of the latter, and Rodes upon his right. Hill's corps faced the west side 
of Cemetery Hill and extended nearly parallel to the Emmettsburg road, mak- 
ing an angle with Ewell's. Pender's division formed his left, Anderson's his 
right, Heth's, under Brigadier-general Pettigrew, being in reserve. His artil- 
lery, under Colonel [R. L.] Walker, was posted in eligible positions along his 
line. It was determined to make the principal attack upon the enemy's left, 
and endeavor to gain a position from which it was thought that our artillery 
could be brought to bear with effect. Longstreet was directed to place the 
divisions of McLaws and Hood on the right of Hill, partially enveloping the 
enemy's left, which he was to drive in. General Hill was ordered to threaten 
the enemy's centre to prevent reinforcements being drawn to either wing, and 
co-operate with his right division in Longstreet's attack. General Ewell was 
instructed to make a simultaneous demonstration upon the enemy's right, to be 
converted into a real attack should opportunity offer. 

About 4 p. M. Longstreet's batteries opened, and soon afterward Hood's 
division, on the extreme right, moved to the attack. McLaws followed some- 
what later, four of Anderson's brigades — those of Wilcox, Perry, [A. R.] 
Wright, and Posey — supporting him on the left in the order named. The 
enemy was soon driven from his position on the Emmettsburg road to the 
cover of a ravine and a line of stone fences at the foot of the ridge in his rear. 
He was dislodged from these after a severe struggle, and retired up the ridge, 
leaving a number of his batteries in our possession. Wilcox's and Wright's 
brigades advanced with great gallantry, breaking successive lines of the en- 
emy's infantry and compelling him to abandon much of his artillery. Wilcox 
reached the foot and Wright gained the crest of the ridge itself, driving the 
enemy down the opposite side ; but, having become separated from McLaws 
and gone beyond the other two brigades of the division, they were attacked in 
front and on both flanks and compelled to retire, being unable to bring off any 
of the captured artillery. McLaws's left also fell back, and, it being now 
nearly dark, General Longstreet determined to await the arrival of General 
Pickett. He disposed his command to hold the ground gained on the right, 
withdrawing his left to the first position from which the enemy had been 
driven. 

Four pieces of artillery, several hundred prisoners, and two regimental flags 



APPENDIX. 597 

were taken. As soon as the engagement began on our right General Johnson 
opened with his artillery, and about two hours later advanced up the hill next 
to Cemetery Hill with three brigades, the fourth being detained by a demon- 
stration on his left. Soon afterward General Early attacked Cemetery Hill 
with two brigades, supported by a third, the fourth having been previously de- 
tached. The enemy had greatly increased the strength of the positions assailed 
by Johnson and Early by earthworks. 

The troops of the former moved steadily up the steep and rugged ascent 
under a heavy fire, driving the enemy into his intrenchments, part of which 
was carried by Steuart's brigade, and a number of prisoners taken. The con- 
test was continued to a late hour, but without further advantage. On Cemetery 
Hill the attack by Early's leading brigades — those of Hays and Hoke, under 
Colonel [I. E.] Avery — was made with vigor. Two lines of the enemy's in- 
fantry were dislodged from the cover of some stone and board fences on the 
side of the ascent and driven back into the works on the crest, into which our 
troops forced their way and seized several pieces of artillery. A heavy force 
advanced against their right, which was without support, and they were com- 
pelled to retire, bringing with them about loo prisoners and 4 stands of colors. 
General Ewell had directed General Rodes to attack in concert with Early, 
covering his right, and had requested Brigadier-general Lane, then command- 
ing Pender's division, to co-operate on the right of Rodes. When the time to 
attack arrived, General Rodes, not having his troops in position, was unpre- 
pared to co-operate with General Early, and before he could get in readiness 
the latter had been obliged to retire for want of the expected support on his 
right. General Lane was prepared to give the assistance required of him, and 
so informed General Rodes, but the latter deemed it useless to advance after 
the failure of Early's attack. 

In this engagement our loss in men and officers was large. Major-generals 
Hood and Pender, Brigadier-generals [J. M.] Jones, Semmes, G. T. Anderson, 
and Barksdale, and Colonel Avery, commanding Hoke's brigade, were wound- 
ed, the last two mortally. Generals Pender and Semmes died after their re- 
moval to Virginia. 

The result of this day's operations induced the behef that with proper con- 
cert of action, and with the increased support that the positions gained on the 
right would enable the artillery to render the assaulting columns, we should 
ultimately succeed, and it was accordingly determined to continue the attack. 
The general plan was unchanged. Longstreet, reinforced by Pickett's three 
brigades, which arrived near the battlefield during the afternoon of the 2d, 
was ordered to attack the next morning, and General Ewell was directed to 
assail the enemy's right at the same time. The latter during the night rein- 
forced General Johnson with two brigades from Rodes's and one from Early's 
division. 



598 AfEMOIKS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

General Longstreet's dispositions were not completed as early as was ex- 
pected, but before notice could be sent to General Ewell, General Johnson had 
already become engaged, and it was too late to recall him. The enemy at- 
tempted to recover the works taken the preceding evening, but was repulsed, 
and General Johnson attacked in turn. After a gallant and prolonged struggle, 
in which the enemy was forced to abandon part of his intrenchments, General 
Johnson found himself unable to carry the strongly-fortified crest of the hill. 
The projected attack on the enemy's left not having been made, he was enabled 
to hold his right with a force largely superior to that of General Johnson, and 
finally to threaten his flank and rear, rendering it necessary for him to retire to 
his original position about i P. M. 

General Longstreet was delayed by a force occupying the high, rocky hills 
on the enemy's extreme left, from which his troops could be attacked in reverse 
as they advanced. His operations had been embarrassed the day previous by 
the same cause, and he now deemed it necessary to defend his flank and rear 
with the divisions of Hood and McLaws. He was therefore reinforced by 
Heth's division and two brigades of Pender's, to the command oT which Major- 
general Trimble was assigned. General Hill was directed to hold his line with 
the rest of his command, afford General Longstreet further assistance if required, 
and avail himself of any success that might be gained. 

A careful examination was made of the ground secured by Longstreet, and 
his batteries placed in positions which it was believed would enable them to 
silence those of the enemy. Hill's artillery and part of Ewell's was ordered to 
open simultaneously, and the assaulting column to advance under cover of the 
combined fire of the three. The batteries were directed to be pushed forward 
as the infantry progressed, protect their flanks, and support their attacks closely. 
About I p. M., at a given signal, a heavy cannonade was opened and contin- 
ued for about two hours with marked effect upon the enemy. His batteries 
replied vigorously at first, but toward the close their fire slackened perceptibly, 
and General Longstreet ordered forward the column of attack, consisting of 
Pickett's and Heth's divisions, in two lines, Pickett on the right. Wilcox's 
brigade marched in rear of Pickett's right to guard that flank, and Heth's was 
supported by Lane's and Scales's brigades under General Trimble. The troops 
moved steadily on under a heavy fire of musketry and artillery, the main attack 
being directed against the enemy's left centre. His batteries reopened as soon 
as they appeared. Our own, having nearly exhausted their ammunition in the 
protracted cannonade that preceded the advance of the infantr>', were unable 
to reply or render the necessary support to the attacking party. Owing to this 
fact, which was unknown to me when the assault took place, the enemy was 
enabled to throw a strong force of infantry against our left, already wavering 
under a concentrated fire of artillery from the ridge in front and from Cemetery 
Hill on the left. It finally gave way, and the right, after penetrating the en- 



APPENDIX. 599 

emy's lines, entering his advance works and capturing some of his artillery, 
was attacked simultaneously in front and on both flanks and driven back with 
heavy loss. The troops were rallied and re-formed, but the enemy did not 
pursue. 

A large number of brave officers and men fell or were captured on this occa- 
sion. Of Pickett's three brigade commanders, Generals Armistead and [R. B.] 
Garnett were killed and General Kemper dangerously wounded. Major-gen- 
eral Trimble and Brigadier-general Pettigrew were also wounded, the former 
severely. 

The movements of the army preceding the battle of Gettysburg had been 
much embarrassed by the absence of the cavalry. As soon as it was known 
that the enemy had crossed into Maryland orders were sent to the brigades of 
[B. H.] Robertson and [Wm. E.] Jones, which had been left to guard the 
passes of the Blue Ridge, to rejoin the army without delay, and it was expected 
that General Stuart with the remainder of his command would soon arrive. In 
the exercise of the discretion given him when Longstreet and Hill marched 
into Maryland, General Stuart determined to pass around the rear of the Fed- 
eral army with three brigades and cross the Potomac between it and Washing- 
ton, believing that he would be able by that route to place himself on our right 
flank in time to keep us properly advised of the enemy's movements. He 
marched from Salem on the night of June 24th, intending to pass west of Cen- 
treville, but found the enemy's forces so distributed as to render that route 
impracticable. Adhering to his original plan, he was forced to make a wide 
detour through Buckland and Brents ville. and crossed the Occoquan at Wolf 
Run Shoals on the morning of the 27th. Continuing his march through Fair- 
fax Court-house and Dranesville, he arrived at the Potomac below the mouth 
of Seneca Creek in the evening. He found the river much swollen by the 
recent rains, but after great exertion gained the Maryland shore before mid- 
night with his whole command. He now ascertained that the Federal army, 
which he had discovered to be drawing toward the Potomac, had crossed the 
day before and was moving toward Fredericktown, thus interposing itself 
between him and our forces. 

He accordingly marched northward through Rockville and Westminster to 
Hanover, Pa., where he arrived on the 30th ; but the enemy advanced with 
equal rapidity on his left, and continued to obstruct communication with our 
main body. 

Supposing from such information as he could obtain that part of the army 
was at Carlisle, he left Hanover that night and proceeded thither by way of 
Dover. 

He reached Carlisle on July ist, where he received orders to proceed to Get- 
tysburg. He arrived in the afternoon of the following day and took position 
on General Ewell's left. His leading brigade, under General Hampton, 



600 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

encountered and repulsed a body of the enemy's cavalry at Hunterstown 
endeavoring to reach our rear. 

General Stuart had several skirmishes during his march, and at Hanover 
quite a severe engagement took place with a strong force of cavalry, which was 
finally compelled to withdraw from the town. 

The prisoners taken by the cavalry and paroled at various places amounted 
to about 8cx), and at Rockville a large train of wagons coming from Washing- 
ton was intercepted and captured. Many of them were destroyed, but 125, 
with all the animals of the train, were secured. 

The ranks of the cavalry were much reduced by its long and arduous march, 
repeated conflicts, and insufficient supplies of food and forage, but the day 
after its arrival at Gettysburg it engaged the enemy's cavalry with unabated 
spirit and effectually protected our left. In this action Brigadier-general 
Hampton was seriously wounded while acting with his accustomed gallantry. 

Robertson's and Jones's brigades arrived on July 3d, and were stationed upon 
our right flank. The severe loss sustained by the army and the reduction of its 
ammunition rendered another attempt to dislodge the enemy inadvisable, and 
it was therefore determined to withdraw. 

The trains, with such of the wounded as could bear removal, were ordered 
to Williamsport on July 4th, part moving through Cashtown and Greencastle, 
escorted by General Imboden, and the remainder by the Fairfield road. The 
army retained its position until dark, when it was put in motion for the Potomac 
by the last-named route. A heavy rain continued throughout the night, and so 
much impeded its progress that Ewell's corps, which brought up the rear, did 
not leave Gettysburg until late in the forenoon of the following day. The 
enemy offered no serious interruption, and after an arduous march we arrived 
at Hagerstown in the afternoon of the 6th and morning of July 7th. 

The great length of our trains made it difficult to guard them effectually in 
passing through the mountains, and a number of wagons and ambulances 
were captured. They succeeded in reaching Williamsport on the 6th, but were 
unable to cross the Potomac on account of the high stage of water. Here they 
were attacked by a strong force of cavalry and artillery, which was gallantly 
repulsed by General Imboden, whose command had been strengthened by 
several batteries and by two regiments of infantry which had Ijpen detached 
at Winchester to guard prisoners and were returning to the army. While the 
enemy was being held in check General Stuart arrived with the cavalry, which 
had performed valuable service in guarding the flanks of the army during the 
retrograde movement, and after a short engagement drove him from the field. 
The rains that had prevailed almost without intermission since our entrance 
into Mar\land, and greatly interfered with our movements, had made the 
Potomac unfordable, and the pontoon bridge left at Falling Waters had been 
partially destroyed by the enemy. The wounded and prisoners were sent over 



APPENDIX. 60 1 

the river as rapidly as possible in a few ferry-boats, while the trains awaited the 
subsiding of the waters and the construction of a new pontoon bridge. 

On July 8th the enemy's cavalry advanced toward Hagerstown, but was 
repulsed by General Stuart and pursued as far as Boonsboro'. With this 
exception nothing but occasional skirmishing occurred until the 12th, when the 
main body of the enemy arrived. The army then took a position previously 
selected, covering the Potomac from Williamsport to Falling Waters, where 
it remained for two days, with the enemy immediately in front, manifesting no 
disposition to attack, but throwing up intrenchments along his' whole line. 

By the 13th the river at Williamsport, though still deep, was fordable, and a 
good bridge was completed at Falling Waters, new boats having been con- 
structed and some of the old recovered. As further delay would enable the 
enemy to obtain reinforcements, and as it was found difficult to procure a suf- 
ficient supply of flour for the troops, the working of the mills being interrupted 
by high water, it was determined to wait an attack no longer. Orders were 
accordingly given to cross the Potomac that night — Ewell's corps by the ford 
at Williamsport, and those of Longstreet and Hill on the bridge. The cavalry 
was directed to relieve the infantry skirmishers and bring up the rear. The 
movement was much retarded by a severe rain-storm and the darkness of the 
night. Ewell's corps, having the advantage of a turnpike road, marched with 
less difficulty, and crossed the river by 8 o'clock the following morning. The 
condition of the road to the bridge and the time consumed in the passage of 
the artillery, ammunition-wagons, and ambulances, which could not ford the 
river, so much delayed the progress of Longstreet and Hill that it was daylight 
before their troops began to cross. Heth's division was halted about a mile 
and a half from the bridge to protect the passage of the column. 

No interruption was offered by the enemy until about 11 A. m., when his 
cavalry, supported by artillery, appeared in front of General Heth. A small 
number in advance of the main body was mistaken for our own cavalry retir- 
ing, no notice having been given of the withdrawal of the latter, and was suf- 
fered to approach our lines. They were immediately destroyed or captured, 
with the exception of two or three, but Brigadier-general Pettigrew, an officer 
of great merit and promise, was mortally wounded in the encounter. He sur- 
vived his removal to Virginia only a few days. 

The bridge being clear, General Heth began to withdraw. The enemy 
advanced, but his efforts to break our lines were repulsed, and the passage of 
the river was completed by i p. M. Owing to the extent of General Heth's 
line, some of his men most remote from the bridge were cut off before they 
could reach it, but the greater part of those taken by the enemy during the 
movement (supposed to amount in all to about 500) consisted of men from 
various commands who lingered behind, overcome by previous labors and 
hardships and the fatigue of a most trying night-march. There was no loss 



602 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

of material except a few broken wagons and two pieces of artillery, which the 
horses were unable to draw through the deep mud. Other horses were sent 
back for them, but the rear of the column had passed before their arrival. '\\\t. 
army proceeded to the vicinity of Bunker Hill and Darkesville, where it halted 
to afford the troops repose. 

The enemy made no effort to follow except with his cavalry, which crossed 
the Potomac at Harper's Ferry and advanced to Martinsburg on July i6th. 
They were attacked by General Fitz Lee with his own and Chambliss's brigades, 
and driven back with loss. 

When the army returned to Virginia it was intended to move into Loudoun, 
but the Shenandoah was found to be impassable. While waiting for it to sub- 
side the enemy crossed the Potomac east of the Blue Ridge and seized the 
passes we designed to use. As he continued to advance along the eastern 
slope, apparently with the purpose of cutting us off from the railroad to Rich- 
mond, General Longstreet was ordered on July 19th to proceed to Culpeper 
Court-house by way of Front Royal. He succeeded in passing part of his 
command over the Shenandoah in time to prevent the occupation of Manassas 
and Chester gaps by the enemy, whose cavalry had already made its appear- 
ance. As soon as a pontoon bridge could be laid down the rest of his corps 
crossed the river and marched through Chester Gap to Culpeper Court-house, 
where it arrived on the 24th. He was followed by General A. P. Hill without 
serious opposition. 

General Ewell having been detained in the Valley by an effort to capture a 
force of the enemy guarding the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad west of Martins- 
burg, Wright's brigade was left to hold Manassas Gap until his arrival. He 
reached Front Royal on the 23d with Johnson's and Rodes's divisions, Early's 
being near Winchester, and found General Wright skirmishing with the 
enemy's infantry, which had already appeared in Manassas Gap. General 
Ewell supported Wright with Rodes's division and some artillery, and the 
enemy was held in check. Finding that the Federal force greatly exceeded his 
own. General Ewell marched through Thornton's Gap, and ordered Early to 
move up the Valley by Strasburg and New Market. He encamped near Mad- 
ison Court-house on July 29th. 

The enemy massed his army in the vicinity of Warrenton, and on the night 
of July 31st his cavalry, with a large supporting force of infantry, crossed the 
Rappahannock at Rappahannock Station and Kelly's Ford. 

The next day they advanced toward Brandy Station, their progress being 
gallantly resisted by General Stuart wiih Hampton's brigade, commanded by 
Colonel [L. S.] Baker, who fell back gradually to our lines about two miles 
south of Brandy. Our infantry skirmishers advanced and drove the enemy 
beyond Brandy Station. It was now determined to place the army in a posi- 
tion to enable it more readily to oppose the enemy should he attempt to move 



APPENDIX. 603 

soirthward, that near Culpeper Court-house being one that he could easily 
avoid. Longstreet and Hill were put in motion August 3d, leaving the cavalry 
at Culpeper. Ewell had been previously ordered from Madison, and by the 
5th the army occupied the hne of the Rapidan. 

The highest praise is due to both officers and men for their conduct during 
the campaign. The privations and hardships of the march and camp were 
cheerfully encountered, and borne with a fortitude unsurpassed by our ances- 
tors in their struggle for independence, while their courage in battle entitles 
them to rank with the soldiers of any army and of any time. Their forbear- 
ance and discipline under strong provocation to retaliate for the cruelty of the 
enemy to our own citizens is not the least claim to the respect and admiration 
of their countrymen and of the world. 

I forward returns of our loss in killed, wounded, and missing. Many of the 
latter were killed or wounded in the several assaults at Gettysburg, and neces- 
sarily left in the hands of the enemy, I cannot speak of these brave men as 
their merits and exploits deserve. Some of them are appropriately mentioned 
in the accompanying reports, and the memory of all will be gratefully and 
affectionately cherished by the people in whose defence they fell. 

The loss of Major-general Pender is severely felt by the army and the coun- 
try.. He served with this army from the beginning of the war, and took a dis- 
tinguished part in all its engagements.. Wounded on several occasions, he 
never left his command in action until he received the injury that resulted in 
his death. His promise and usefulness as an officer were only equalled by the 
purity and excellence of his private life. 

Brigadier-generals Armistead, Barksdale, Garnett, and Semmes died as they 
had hved, discharging the highest duty of patriots with devotion that never fal- 
tered and courage that shrank from no danger. 

I earnestly commend to the attention of the Government those gallant officers 
and men whose conduct merited the special commendation of their superiors, 
but whose names I am unable to mention in this report. 

The officers of the general staff of the army were unremittingly engaged in 
the duties of their respective departments. Much depended on their manage- 
ment and exertion. The labors of the quartermaster's, commissary, and med- 
ical departments were more than usually severe. The inspectors-general were 
also laboriously occupied in their attention to the troops both on the march and 
in camp, and the officers of engineers showed skill and judgment in expediting 
the passage of rivers and streams, the swollen condition of which by almost 
continuous rains called for extraordinary exertion. 

The chief of ordnance and his assistants are entitled to praise for the care 
and watchfulness given to the ordnance trains and ammunition of the army, 
which in a long march and in many conflicts were always at hand and access- 
ible to the troo;:)s. 



6o4 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

My thanks are due to my personal staff for the constant aid afforded me 
at all times on the march and in the field, and their wiUing discharge of every 
duty. 

There were captured at Gettysburg nearly 7000 prisoners, of whom about 
1 500 were paroled and the remainder brought to Virginia, Seven pieces of 
artillery were also secured. 

I forward herewith the reports of the corps, division, and other commanders 
mentioned in the accompanying schedule,* together with maps* of the scene 
of operations, and one showing the routes pursued by the army. 
Respectfully submitted, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
General S. Cooeer, 

Adjt.- and Insp.-gen. C. S. Army, Richmond, Va. 



REPORT OF SURGEON LAFAYETTE GUILD, C. S. ARMY, MEDICAL 
DIRECTOR, WITH RETURN OF CASUALTIES IN THE ARMY 
OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA. 

Medical Director's Office, 
Camp near Culpeper Coiut-house, July 29, 1863. 

Sir : At midnight July 3d, after the fiercest and most sanguinary battle ever 
fought on this continent, the general commanding gave orders for our army to 
withdraw from Gettysburg and fail back to Hagerstown. I enclose you a copy 
of my instructions to the corps [of] medical directors issued on that occasion. f 
Every available means of transportation was called into requisition for remov- 
ing the wounded from the field infirmaries, and on the evening of the 4th our 
ambulance-trains took up their line of march by two routes, guarded as well as 
could be by our broken-down and inefficient cavalry. One train went by Cash- 
town, the other by Fairfax. The latter train was attacked by a body of the 
enemy's cavalry, who destroyed many wagons and paroled the wounded 
private soldiers, but taking with them all of the officers who fell into their hands. 
The former train was more fortunate ; however, it, too, was attacked by the 
enemy, and met with some little loss in wagons and prisoners. The poor 
wounded suffered very much indeed in their rapid removal by day and night 
over rough roads, through mountain-passes, and across streams toward the 
Potomac. Those who could be removed from the battlefield and infirmaries 
were concentrated at Williamsport and transferred to the Virginia bank of the 

* On file. t ^^"' found. 



APPENDIX. 605 

river by rafts and ferry-boats as rapidly as the swollen condition of the stream 
would permit. 

Since my hasty and imperfect letter of the loth instant from the vicinity of 
Hagerstown, Md., I have not had time or opportunity to report to you more 
fully our movements. At Hagerstown, as I informed you in my last letter, we 
fully expected another battle, and prepared for it. We waited there six long 
days, nearly every day the two armies engaging in desultory skirmishing. 
When the enemy made his appearance in force, instead of attacking us, as we 
expected, he commenced fortifying himself all along our line of battle, his line 
being little less than a mile from ours. 

Our supplies for both men and animals were being rapidly exhausted, and 
the enemy declining batde by laying aside his muskets and taking to his picks 
and shovels, orders were given for us to resume our march toward the Potomac 
on the 13th instant. The army crossed at three points (two fords near Wil- 
liamsport — very deep and bad fords, the river being swollen, at which quite a 
number of animals were drowned ; and the pontoon bridge at Falling Waters) 
without molestation from the enemy, who contented himself with picking up 
stragglers. Our crossing the river without annoyance evidently shows that the 
enemy was very badly crippled and could not risk another general engage- 
ment. The sufferings of the wounded were distressing. Indeed, the healthiest 
and most robust suffered extremely in crossing the river. 

The head of our column commenced its passage at dark on the 13th instant, 
and in the afternoon of the 14th the rear-guard reached the south bank. 

On July 15th we encamped near Bunker Hill, twelve miles north of Win- 
chester, and remained there until the 21st, refreshing the troops and removing 
to the rear our sick and wounded from Winchester and Jordan [Alum ?] Springs, 
at which place I found about 4000 sick and wounded, steps for their removal 
to Staunton being immediately taken. All who could bear transportation were 
gotten off by the 22d instant, less than 150 remaining at the two places. 
Mount Jackson and Harrisonburg have been used simply as wayside hospitals, 
where the sick and wounded were refreshed with food and wounds re-dressed, 
medical officers with supplies of all kinds being stadoned at the two points. 

On the 22d the army resumed its march, the First and Third corps taking dif- 
ferent routes to Front Royal and Chester Gap, where they were convalesced 
and the march continued to this point, where they encamped on the 25th, and 
are now resting after their arduous night-marches through great inclemency of 
weather. The Second army corps crossed the Blue Ridge at Thornton's Gap, 
south of Chester Gap, and will encamp in our vicinity to-day. Considerable 
sickness has been the consequence of their fatigues and exposure. Diarrhoea, 
dysentery, continued fever, and rheumatism preponderate. I have prohibited 
the establishment of a hospital at Culpeper Court-house, but organized a depot 
for the sick and wounded who cannot be treated in camp. Those who should 



6o6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

go to general hospital are sent withall despatch to Gordonsville for distribution. 
The sick and wounded should, in my opinion, by no means be allowed to 
accumulate at Gordonsville. It is or may be at any time exposed to cavalry 
raids, and the inhuman enemy invariably, when an opportunity offers, drag our 
sick and wounded officers (at the sacrifice of their lives) into their own lines. 

Mount Jackson and Harrisonburg, in the valley of the Shenandoah, should 
be abandoned as hospitals, as far as practicable, leaving only those patients 
whose lives would be endangered by transportation. 

I have ordered Surgeon [R. J.] Breckinridge, medical inspector of the army, 
to proceed to the hospitals near the army where our sick and wounded have 
been sent since the battle of Gettysburg, and to have all returned to their regi- 
ments who are fit for duty. I enclose for your information a copy of my letter 
of instructions to him and order from the general commanding. The list of 
casualties has been forwarded to my office, and embrace the whole army with 
the exception of two brigades, which I have taken steps to have made out. 

Our loss at Gettysburg was very heavy indeed, numbering about 14,000 killed 
and wounded. The consolidated list will be furnished you at an early day. 

At the battle of Winchester, fought by General Ewell's corps on June 13th, 
14th, and 15th, our loss was comparatively small — 42 killed and 210 wounded. 
I will also forward to you very soon the list of casualties properly prepared. 

Complaints are very frequently made by medical officers and officers of the 
line that many of the sick and wounded who are sent to general hospital are 
never heard from, the hospital surgeons failing to report deaths, discharges, 
furloughs, etc. I would again respectfully request that means be adopted for 
the correction of this neglect of duty on the part of medical officers in general 
hospital. I am exceedingly anxious to have a personal interview with you 
relative to some changes in the organization of our corps in the field, particu- 
larly in the purveying department. It is impossible for me to visit Richmond 
at this time, but I hope soon to have an opportunity. My office is exhausted of 
blank forms. Please have forwarded to me the following, viz. : 

* * * * *•* * * * 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

L. Guild, 
Medical Director Army of Northern Virginia. 

Surgeon-general S. P. Moore, 

Richmond, Va. 



APPENDIX. 



607 



Organization of the Army of Northern Virginia^ General 
R. E. Lee commanding^ during the Gettysburg Campaign. 

FIRST CORPS. 

Lieutenant-general James Longstreet. 

mclaws's division. 

Major-general Lafayette McLaws. 

Kershaw's [/.r^] Brigade. Settimes's \_2d'] Brigade. Barksdale's [j^/] Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. P. J. Scmmes (wd.). Brig. -gen. W. Barksdale (wd.). 

Colonel Goodc Bryan. Colonel B. G. Humphreys. 

loth Georgia. 13th Mis.sissippi. 

50th Georgia. 17th Mississippi. 

51st Georgia. l8th Mississippi. 

53d Georgia. 21st Mississippi. 



Brigadier-general J. B. Kershaw. 

2d South Carolina. 
3d South Carolina. 
7th South Carolina. 
8th South Carolina. 
15th .South Carolina. 
3d South Carolina Batt. 



Wofford's \^4tli\ Brigade. 
Brigadier-general W. T. Wofford. 
i6tli Georgia. 
iSth Georgia. 
24th Geoigia. 
Cobb's Georgia Legion. 
Phillips's Georgia Legion. 



Artillery. 
Colonel H. C. Cabell. 
Carlton's Ga. Bat. (Troup Artillery). 
t"raser's Ga. Bat. (Pulaski Artillery). 
McCarthy's Bat. ( 1st Richmond Howitzers). 
Manly's North Carolina Battery. 



GarneWs [/.?/] Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. R. B. Garnett (kd.). 
Major George C. Cabell. 

8th Virginia. 

iSth Viiginia. 

19th Virginia. 

28th Virginia. 

56th Virginia. 

Corse''s [41^] Brigade.* 
Brigadier-general M. D. Corse. 
15th Virginia. 
17th Virginia. 
29th Virginia. 
30th Virginia. 



PICKETT'S DIVISION. 
Major-general George E. Pickett. 

Annisfead's [2d'] Brigade. Kemper''s [ji/] Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. L. A. Armistead (kd.)< 
Colonel W. R. Aylett. 



9th Virginia. 
14th Virginia. 
38th Virginia. 
53d Virginia. 
57th Virginia. 



Brig.-gen. J. L. Kemper (wd.). 
Colonel Joseph Mayo, Jr. 

1st Virginia. 
3d Virginia. 
7th Virginia, 
nth Virginia. 
24th Virginia. 



Artillery. 
Major James Dearing. 
Blount's Virginia Battery. 
Caskie's Va. Bat. (Hampden Artillery). 
Macon's Bat. (Richmond Fayette Art.). 
Stribling's Va. Bat. (Fauquier Artillery). 



hood's division. 
Major-general John B. Hood (wounded). 



Lau>s (/St) Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. E. M. Law. 
Col. Jas. L. Sheffield. 

4th Alabama. 
15th Alabama. 
44lh Alabama. 
47th Alabama. 
48th Alabama. 



Anderson's (2d) Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. Geo. T. Anderson (wd.). 
Colonel W. W. White. 

7th Georgia. 

8th Georgia. 

9th Georgia. 

I ith Georgia. 

59th Georgia. 



Robertson's (3d) Brigade, 

Brig.-gen. J. B. Robertson. 

3d Arkansas. 
1st Texas. 
4th Texas. 
5th Texas. 



* Not engaged at Gettysburg; encamped at Gordonsville July ist to 8th. 



6o8 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Benning's {4th) Btigade. 
Brigadier-general H. L. Benning. 
2cl GenrjJia. 
15th Georijia. 
Ijlh Georgia 
20th Georgia. 



Artillery. 
Major M. W. Henry. 
Bachman's S. C. Bat. (German Artilleryy. 
Garden's S. C. Bat. (Palmetto Light Art.). 
Latham's N. C. Bat. (Branch Artillery). 
Reilly's N. C. Battery (Rowan Artillery). 



RESERVE ARTILLERY FIRST CORPS. 
Colonel J. B. Walton, Chief of Artillery. 



Alfxander' s Battalion. 

Colonel E. P. Alexander. 
Jordan's Va. Battery (Bedford Artillery). 
Moody's La. Battery (Madison Light Art.). 
Parker's Virginia Battery. 
Rhett's S. C. Battery (Brooks Artillery). 
Taylor's Virijinia Battery. 
Woolfolk's Va. Battery (Ashland Artillery). 



Washington {La.) Artillery. 

Major B. F. Eshleman. 
Miller's 3d Company. 
Norcom's 4th Company. 
Richardson's 2d Company. 
Squire's 1st Company. 



SECOND CORPS. 
Lieutenant-general Richard S. Ewell. 



Hays's [/J/] Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. Harry T. Hays. 

5th Louisiana. 
6lh Louisiana. 
7th Louisiana. 
8th Louisiana. 
9th Louisiana. 

Cordon's l^t/i'] Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. J. B. Gordon. 
13th Georgia. 
26th Georgia. 
31st Georgia. 
38th Georgia. 
60th Georgia. 
6 1st Georjiia. 



Steuart's \_ist'\ Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. George H. Steuart 

1st Maryland Battalion. 
1st North Carolina. 
3d North Carolina. 
lOth Virginia. 
23d Virginia. 
37th Virginia. 



EARLY'S DIVISION. 
Major-general Jubal A. Early. 

Hoke's \^2d'\ Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. R. F. Hoke. 
Colonel Isaac E. Avery (wd.). 
Colonel A. C. Godwin. 

6th North Carolina. 

2lst North Carolina. 

54th North Carolina. 

571)1 North Carolina. 

1st North Carolina Battalion. 



Smith's {jdl Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. Willi.nm Smith. 
Colonel John S. Hoffman. 

13th Virginia. 
31st Virginia. 
49th Virginia. 
5 2d Virginia. 
58th Virginia. 



Artillery. 
Lieutenant-colonel H. P. Jones. 
Carrington's Virginia Battery (Charlottesville Artillery). 
Garber's Virginia Battery (Staunton Artillery). 
Green's Battery (Louisiana Guard Artillery). 
Tanner's Virginia Battery (Courtney Artillery). 



JOHNSON'S DIVISION. 
Major-general Edward Johnson. 

Nichoir s \^2d'\ Brigade. 

Colonel J. M. Williams. 
Brig.-gen. A. Ivcrson. * 

1st Louisiana. 
2d Louisiana, 
loth Louisiana. 
14th Louisiana. 
15111 Louisiana. 

* Assigned July 19th. 



Walker's \^jd'\Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. James A. Walker. 

2d Virginia. 
4th Virginia. 
5th Virginia. 
27th Virginia. 
33d Virginia. 



APPENDIX. 



609 



Jones's \^4-th'\ Brigade. 
Bvig.-gen. John M. Jones (wd.). 
Lieut-col. R. H. Dungan. 
Colonel B. T. Johnson. 

2ist Virginia. 
25th Virginia. 
42d Virginia. 
44th Virginia. 
48th Virginia, 
50th Virginia. 



DaniePs [/.?/] Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. Junius Daniel. 

32d North Carolina. 

43d North Carolina. 

45th North Carolina. 

530! North Carolina. 

2d North Carolina Battalion. 

Ratnseiir's \j4th'\ Brigade.^ 

Brig.-gen. S. D. Ramseur. 

2d North Carolina. 
4th North Carolina. 
14th North Carolina. 
30th North Carolina. 



Artillery. 
Lieutenant-colonel R. S. Andrews. 

Brown's Maryland Battery (Chesapeake Artillery). 
Carpenter's Virginia Battery (Alleghany Artillery). 
Dement's 1st Maryland Battery. 
Raine's Virginia Battery (Lee Battery). 



RODES'S DIVISION. 

Major-general R. E. Rodes. 

IversotCs \2d\ Brigade.* 

Brig.-gen. Alfred Iverson. 
Brig.-gen. S. D. Ramseur. 

5th North Carolina. 
1 2th North Carolina. 
20th North Carolina. 
23d North Carolina. 



Doles^s [j^] Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. George Doles. 

4th Georgia. 
1 2th Georgia. 
2 1st Georgia. 
44th Georgia. 



O'' NeaFs [j/^] Brigade. 

Brig.-gen, E. A. O'Neal. 
Colonel C. A. Battle. 



Artillery. 
Lieut. -col. Thomas H. Carter. 



3d Alabama. Carter's Virginia Batterj' (King 

5th Alabama. William Artillery). 

6th Alabama. Fry's Va. Bat. (Orange Art.). 

I2th Alabnina. Page's Va. Bat. (Morris Art.). 

1 6th Alabama. Reese's Alabama Batteiy (Jeft. 

Davis Artillery). 



RESERVE ARTILLERY SECOND CORPS. 
Colonel J. Thompson Brown, Chief of Artillery. 



Browtt's Battalion.^ 

Captain W. J. Dance. 
Dance's Va. Batter}' (Powhatan Artillery). 
Hupp's Virginia Battery (Salem Artillery). 
Graham's Va. Bat. (Rockbridge Artillery). 
Smith's Battery (3d Richmond Howitzers). 
Watson's Battery (2d Richmond Howitzers) 



Nelson^ s Battalion. 

Lieutenant-colonel William Nelson. 

Kirkpatrick's Va. Bat. (Amherst Art.}. 

Mas.sie's Va. Battery (Fluvanna Art.). 

Milledge's Georgia Batteiy. 



THIRD CORPS. 
Lieutenant-general Ambrose P. Hill. 

* Anderson's division. 
Major-general R. H. Anderson. 



Wilcox's \_ist'\ Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. C. M. Wilcox. 



Ma/tone's [=■«'] Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. William Mahone. 



8th Alabama. 6th Virginia. 

9th Alabama. 12th Virginia, 

loth Alabama. l6th Virginia. 

I ith Alabama. 41st Virginia. 

14th Alabama. 6ist Virginia. 

* Temporarily consolidated July 10, 1863. 
39 



Wright's [sd'\ Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. A. R. Wright. 
Captain E. H. Wright. 

3d Georgia. 

22d Georgia. 

48th Georgia. 

2d Georgia Battalion. 



■f- 1st Virginia Artillery. 



6io 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Perry's \^4th'\ Brigade. Posey's [j/Z^ Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. Carnot Posey. 

1 2th Mississippi. 
1 6th Mississippi. 
19th Mississippi. 
48th Mississippi. 



Colonel David Lang. 
Brig. -gen. E. A. Perry. 

2d Florida. 
5th Florida. 
8th Florida. 



Artillery [Sw/iter Ball.). 

Major John Lane. 

Patterson's Georgia Bat. 
Ross's Georgia Battery. 
Wingfield's Georgia Bat. (Ir- 
win Artillery). 




First Brigade* 

Brig. -gen. J. J. Pettigrew (wd.). 
Colonel J. K. Marshall. 
Col. T. C. Singeliary. 

nth North Carolina. 
26th North Carolina. 
44th North Carolina. f 
47th North Carolina. 
52d North Carolina. 

Foti7-th Brigade. 
Brig. -gen. Jos. R. Davis. 



2d Mississippi. 
Ilth Mi-ssissippi. 
42d Mississippi. 
55th North Carolina. 



heth's division. 

Major-general Henry Heth. 
Brigadier-general J. J. Pettigrew. 



Second Brigade. 

Brig. -gen. Chas. W. Field. 
Col. J. iSL Brockenbrough. 
Brig.-gen. H. H. VValker.J 

40th Virginia. 
47th Virginia. 
55th Virginia. 
22d Virginia Battalion. 



Third Brigade.* 



Brig.-gen. Jame.'; J. Archer. 
Colonel B. D. Fry. 
Brig.-gen. H. H. Walker. 

13th Alabama. 

5th Alabama Battalion. 

1st Tenn. (Prov. Army). 

7th Tennessee. 

14th Tennessee. 



Artillery. 

Lieutenant-colonel John J. Garnett. 
Major Charles Richardson. 

Grandy's Va. Bat. (Norfolk Light Art. Blues). 
Lewis's Virginia Battery. 
Maurin's La. Battery (Donaldsonville Art.). 
Moore's Virginia Battery. 



PENDER'S DIVISION. 

Major-gen. William D. Pender (wd.). 
Brigadier-general James H. Lane. 



First Brigade. 



Brig.-gen. S. McGowan. 
Colonel A. Perrin. 

1st South Carolina. 
1st South Carolina Rifles. 
1 2th South Carolina. 
13th South Carolina. 
14th South Carolina. 



Second BHgade.^ 
Brig.-gen. James. H. Lane. 

7th North Carolina. 
l8th North Carolina. 
28th North Carolina. 
33d North Carolina. 
37th North Carolina. 



Third Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. E. L. Thomas. 

14th Georgia. 
35th Georgia. 
45th G,eorgia. 
49th Georgia. 



Fourth Brigade. \, 

Brig.-gen. A. M. Scales (wd.). 
Colonel \V. Lee Lowrance. 

13th North Carolina. 
l6lh North Carolina. 
22(1 Noith Carolina. 
34th North Carolina. 
38th North Carolina. 

* Temporarily consolidated July loth, under Pcttigrew's command. 

f Left at Hanover Junction, and not engaged at Gettysburg. 

i Assicncd July loth. Appear-; in return lor July 31st as commanding both 2d and 3d brigades. 

\ Under Trimble's command July 3d. 



• Artillery. 
Major William T. Poague. 

Brooke's V^irginia Battery. 

Graham's North Carolina Battery. 

Ward's Miss. Battery (Madi.son Light Artillery!. 

Wyatt's Virginia Battery (Albemarle Artillery). 



APPENDIX. 



6ll 



RESERVE ARTILLERY THIRD CORPS. 
Colonel R. L. Walker, Chief of Artillery. 



McIntosKs Battalion. 

Major D. G. Mcintosh. 

Hurt's Ala. Bat. (Hardaway Artillery). 

Lusk's Virginia Battery. 

Johnson's Virginia Battery, 

Rice's Va. Battery (Danville Artilleiy). 



Fegrat/t's Battalion. 

Major W. J. Pegram. 
Captain E. B. Brunson. 

Brander's Va. Battery (Letcher Artillei^). 
Branson's S. C. Battery (Pee Dee Art.). 
Crenshaw's Virginia Batteiy. 
McGravv's Va. Battery (Purcell Artillery). 
Marye's Va. Battery (Fredericksburg Art.). 



CAVALRY. 
"••Major-general J. E. B. Stuart. 
Hampton'' s [/j/] Brigade. Kobertsoti's [2d'] Brigade. Fits Lee's [jt/] Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. B. H. Robertson.* 



Brig. -gen. Wade Hampton, 
Colonel L. S. Baker. 

1st North Carolina. 
1st South Carolina. 
2d South Carolina. 
Cobb's Georgia Legion. 
Jeff. Davis Legion. 
Phillips's Georgia Legion. 



4th North Carolina. 
5th North Carolina. 



Colonel Thomas T. Munford. 

1st Maryland Battalion (?). 

1st Virginia. 

2d Virginia. 

3d Virginia, 

4th Virginia. 

5th Virginia, 



Jenkins's [4tli1 Brigade. 

Brig.-gen. A. G. Jenkins. 
14th Virginia. 
1 6th Virginia. 
17th Virginia. 
34th Virginia Battalion. 
36th Virginia Battalion. 



Jones'' s [jt/i] Brigade. 
Brig.-gen. Wm. E.Jones. 
6th Virginia. 
7th Virginia, 
iilh Virginia. 
I2th Virginia. 
35th Virginia Battalion, 



IV. H. F. Lee's [6t/i] Brigade. 
Colonel J. R. Chambliss. 
2d North Carolina, 
9th Virginia, 
loth Virginia. 
13th Virginia, 
15 th Virginia. 



A^ot Brigaded (?), 

Imboden's Command. 

43d Virginia (Mosby's) Battalion. 

Stuart Horsj Artillery. \ 
Major R. F. Beckham (?). 
BreatRed's Maiyland Battery. 
Chew's Virginia Battery. 
Griffin's 2d Maryland Batteiy. 

Hart's South Carolina Battery (Washington Artillery). 
McGregor's Virginia Battery. 
Moorman's Virginia Battery. 

* Relieved at his own request August 4, 1863. 

t Captain Thomas E. Jackson's battery appears on return for July 31, 1863, as ia the cavalry divis- 
ion, but it is not mentioned in reports of the campaign. 



6l2 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Abstract from Return of the Army of Northern Virginia^ Gen- 
eral R. E. L/EE commanding^ for July 20^ 186S — Bunker 
Hill, Va. 





Present for duty. 


1! 

a, 

B 
< 


c 

< 


1 


Command. 


O 


c 


M 1- 

< 




i6 
II 




16 

II 

5.647 
4,696 

5,693 


16 

13 
12,301 

11,644 
11,428 


16 


FIRST CORPS. 

LlEUT.-GEN. LONGSTREET. 
Staff 


n 




5.463 










Hood's division 






5.691 


Total 






16,047 

18 
6,223 

5.553 
4,642 


35.386 

21 
15,001 
13,056 
12,211 




SECOND CORPS. 

LlEUT.-GEN. EWELL. 

Staff 


i8 








5,822 








4.791 


Johnson's division 






4,194 


Total 






16,436 

15 

5,820 
2,388 
3,975 


40,289 

16 
13,069 

12,855 


14,807 


THIRD CORPS. 
LiEUT.-GEN. A. P. Hill. 


15 




II 




5.508 








2,509 


Pender's division 






3,616 


Total 






12,198 

1,967 
1,651 
1,869 


25,940 

2,900 
2,660 
2,724 


11,644 


Artillery. 
Brig. -gen. Pendleton. 






1,325 








1,528 


Third Army corps % 






. . . 


Total 






5.487 


8,284 


, 


Stuart's cavalry division \ 














50,184 


109,915 






- 







• " Present" last return not reported. 
J " Present" last return not reported. 



+ Absent not reported. 
\ Not reported. 



APPENDIX. 613 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
April 27, 1864. 

General: I have the honor to submit a report of the operations of this 
army on the occasion, of the advance of the Federal forces under Major* 
general Meade, in November, 1863. 

After its return from Culpeper, as previously reported, the army occupied the 
line of the Rapidan without interruption until November 26th. The enemy 
was encamped in the vicinity of Culpeper Court-house and between that place 
and the Rappahannock. On the day last mentioned large bodies of troops 
were observed moving toward the lower fords of the Rapidan, and at a later 
hour intelligence was received that the enemy had crossed that river in force 
at Ely's, Culpeper Mine, Germanna, and Jacob's fords. The country in that 
vicinity was unfavorable for observation, being almost an unbroken forest, and 
it could not be discovered whether it was the design of the Federal comman- 
der to advance toward Richmond or move up the Rapidan upon our right 
flank. 

The army was withdrawn from its lines during the night of the 26th, and put 
in motion with the intention of falling upon his flank and rear should he 
attempt the first-mentioned movement, or giving battle should he essay the 
execution of the second. Lieutenant-general Ewell being absent on account 
of sickness, his corps was placed under the command of Major-general Early, 
who was directed to move by the old turnpike and Raccoon Ford roads to 
Locust Grove. Hill's corps marched down the plank road. Hampton's divis- 
ion of cavalry, accompanied by General Stuart, preceded the advance of the 
main body. The defence of our line on the Rapidan was entrusted to Fitz 
Lee's cavalry division. 

During the forenoon of the 27th the cavalry in front reported the enemy 
advancing up the turnpike and plank road, but as it was supposed that it 
might be only a force thrown out to cover the movement of the main body 
toward Fredericksburg, the march of the troops was continued. About a mile 
and a half east of Mine Run, General Hill's leading division, under General 
Heth, met the cavalry slowly retiring before the enemy. A brigade of infantry 
was deployed to support the cavalry, and after a brisk skirmish the progress of 
the enemy was arrested. 

In the mean time, Early's division, under General Hays, advanced on the 
old turnpike to within less than a mile of Locust Grove, and discovered that 
the enemy's infantry already occupied that place. General Rodes, who had 
marched by Zoar Church into the Raccoon Ford road, came up soon afterward 
and took position on the left of Hays. Sharp skirmishing ensued, but as the 
enemy had an advantageous position and the density of the woods rendered it 
impossible to ascertain his strength, it was deemed best to defer the attack until 
the arrival of General Johnson's division. General Johnson marched on the 



6l4 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Raccoon Ford road by Bartlett's mill, and the head of his column had nearly 
reached General Rodes, when, at a point less than two miles from the mill, his 
ambulance-train, moving in advance of the rear brigade under General G. H. 
Steuait, was fired into from the left of the road. General Steuart immediately 
formed his command and took measures to protect the train. Upon advancing 
his skirmishers it was discovered that the attacking party consisted of infantry, 
apparently in considerable force. General Johnson countermarched the other 
brigades of* his division and formed them on the right of General Steuart. 
After skirmishing for some time, about 4 p. M. he ordered a general advance, 
and after a sharp engagement the enemy was driven back through the woods 
and pursued into an open field beyond. The density of the forest rendered it 
impossible for the troops to preserve their line unbroken in the advance, and 
prevented the proper concert of action. General Johnson was therefore unable 
to follow up his success, the numbers of the enemy greatly exceeding his own, 
and re-formed his troops on the edge of the open ground, which position they 
continued to hold until dark. 

The force of the enemy encountered by General Johnson — consisting, as was 
afterward ascertained, of one army corps and part of another — crossed the 
Rapidan at Jacob's Ford, and marched thence by a road which enters the Rac- 
coon Ford road near Payne's farm, where the action took place. The usual 
precaution had been taken by General Johnson to guard against a flank attack, 
but owing to the character of the country the presence of the enemy was not 
discovered until his skirmishers fired upon the ambulance-train. The ground 
was unfavorable for the use of artillery, but sections of Carpenter's and De- 
ment's batteries participated in the engagement and rendered efficient and val- 
uable service. 

Our total loss in killed, wounded, and missing was 545. 

Lieutenant-colonel [S. T.] Walton, commanding Twenty-third Virginia reg- 
iment, was killed, and Colonel Raleigh T. Colston, commanding Second Vir- 
ginia regiment, severely wounded, while leading their respective commands; 
with conspicuous gallantry. Colonel Colston has since died. General John- 
son mentions with well-merited praise the conduct of those brave and lamented 
officers. 

The promptness with which this unexpected attack was met and repulsed 
reflects great credit upon General Johnson and the officers and men of his 
division. 

While these events were transpiring information was received from Briga- 
dier-general Rosser, whose brigade of cavalry was guarding the roads lead- 
ing from Ely's and Germanna fords to Fredericksburg, that the whole Fed- 
eral army after crossing the Rapidan had moved up the river in the direction 
of Orange Court-house. General Rosser had attacked a train of wagons 
near Wilderness Tavern and captured a large number, some of which he 



APPENDIX. 615 

brought off, and destroyed the remainder. He also secured 280 mules and 
150 prisoners. 

Preparations were made to meet the attack which this information led us to 
expect, but as the enemy did not advance, the army was withdrawn during the 
night to the west side of Mine Run, where it took up a more favorable position 
and proceeded to strengthen it with intrenchments. 

The next day the enemy appeared on the opposite side of the creek imme- 
diately in our front, and skirmishing took place along the whole line, but no 
attack was made. 

On the night of the 28th General Stuart was ordered with Hampton's cavalry 
to endeavor to gain the rear of the enemy and ascertain his purpose. He pen- 
etrated as far as Parker's shop on the plank road, where he attacked and de- 
feated a body of Federal cavalry, but the pursuit was arrested by the intelli- 
gence that the movements of the enemy indicated that a general engagement 
was imminent. He resumed his position on our right flank during the ni"-ht, 
having captured more than 100 prisoners and a quantity of military stores. 

On the morning of the 29th a heavy fire of artillery was opened upon our 
lines which was supposed to be preparatory to a general assault, a large force 
having been previously concentrated opposite our right. Our batteries respond- 
ed occasionally, but the artillery fire ceased in about an hour, and nothing but 
the usual skirmishing took place during the remainder of the day. 

Believing that the enemy would not abandon an enterprise undertaken with 
so great a display of force without giving battle, I was unwilling to lose the 
advantage of our position, and awaited the development of his plans until the 
night of December ist, but, finding that he hesitated to bring on an engage- 
ment, I determined to move against him on the following morning. The troops 
were disposed for the purpose before dawn, but as soon as it became light 
enough to distinguish objects his pickets were found to have disappeared, and 
on advancing our skirmishers it was discovered that his whole army had 
retreated under cover of the night. Pursuit was immediately commenced, but 
on arriving near the river it was found that the Federal army had recrossed at 
Germanna, Culpeper Mine, and Ely's fords. The withdrawal had no doubt 
begun the previous afternoon, but was concealed by the dense forest through 
which the roads of retreat lay. The same cause prevented the efficient use of 
our cavalry and rendered it necessary for the infantry to pursue with caution. 
About 500 prisoners fell into our hands. 

Our casualties were slight with the exception of those sustained by Johnson's 
division in the action at Payne's farm. They are stated in the accompanying 
returns. Among them were several valuable ofificers whose names are appro- 
priately mentioned in the reports of their superiors. 

The army returned to its former position on the Rapidan. 

The conduct of both officers and men throughout these operations deserves 



6l6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the highest commendation. The promptness with which they marched to meev 
the enemy, their uncomplaining fortitude while lying in line of battle for five 
days exposed without shelter to a drenching storm, followed by intense cold, 
and their steadiness and cheerful resolution in anticipation of an attack, could 
not have been excelled. 

As has been already stated, the country was very unfavorable for cavalry. 
Hampton's division rendered good service in guarding our right flank. Fitz 
Lee's division repulsed several efforts of the Federal cavalry under General 
Kilpatrick to gain the south side of the Rapidan at Raccoon and Morton's fords 
in rear of our left. 

I cannot conclude without alluding to the wanton destruction of the property 
of citizens by the enemy. Houses were torn down or rendered uninhabitable, 
furniture and farming implements broken or destroyed, and many famihes, 
most of them in humble circumstances, stripped of all they possessed and left 
without shelter and without food. I have never witnessed on any previous 
occasion such entire disregard of the usages of civilized warfare and the dic- 
tates of humanity. 

I forward herewith the reports of corps, division, and other commanders, and 
a map of the scene of operations. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 

General S. Cooper, 

Adjutant- and Inspector-general, Richmond, Va. 



APPENDIX. 617 

CONFIDENTIAL LETTERS OF GENERAL LEE TO THE AUTHORI- 
TIES AT RICHMOND DURING THE YEARS 1863, 1864, and 1865. 

The report just given, covering the campaign of the autumn of 1863. is the 
last detailed account of his battles ever written by General Lee. From that 
time forward fighting was too continuous to permit of his writing out the events 
of the war in detail. Valuable as would have been a report from his hand of 
the great events of the last year of the war, there is none such in existence, 
and he has left it to historians to describe the important battles of the Wil- 
derness, Spottsylvania, and Cold Harbor, though in no other engagements 
of the war did his transcendent military genius more clearly display itself. 
Fortunately, however, a considerable number of his letters in relation to mili- 
tary events are still in existence. These have been placed at the service of the 
authors of this work, who take great pleasure in laying them before the reader 
from the fact that they are full of important information, hitherto unpublished, 
concerning the military history of the Confederate States. 

Many of these letters belong to the period covered by the reports just given, 
those of the Gettysburg and the subsequent campaign ; but, while to some 
extent they repeat the information contained in those reports, a considerable 
number of them relate to other subjects, often of great importance. We give 
the more valuable of these latter, either in full or in the form of extracts 
which include all that they contain of essential significance, while omitting 
details of minor importance. 

These letters serve to clearly indicate that the attention of General Lee was 
by no means confined to the management of the Army of Northern Virginia 
or to the mere planning of campaigns and fighting of battles, but that he had 
constantly in view the duty of providing for the necessities of his soldiers and 
perfecting the organization of the army, while acting as military adviser of the 
President in relation to the affairs of the whole Confederacy, over which he 
exercised a clear-headed military supervision. There is good reason to believe 
that many of the successes of the armies of the Confederate States were due to 
his judicious advice, and that his victories were not confined to Virginia, but 
that he could properly have claimed a silent share in victorious movements 
throughout the entire South. General Lee was by no means a mere army- 
leader. He was a strategist and organizer of the highest grade, and had he 
never led an army in the field, but confined his powers to cabinet duties at 
Richmond, he would still have been of incalculable service to the Confederacy, 



6l8 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and have wielded all the armies of the nation with the unmatched skill which 
he displayed in the handling of the corps under his immediate command. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Feb. 5, 1863. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President C. S., 

Mr. President: Your Excellency's letter of the 4th inst, has just been 
received. I yesterday addressed a communication to the Secretary of War 
giving the reasons which rendered it possible that an attack would be made 
upon Charleston. In addition, I will say that the fall of Savannah will not 
carry with it the advantages to the United States Government which would 
result from the possession of Charleston. It is to be expected, then, that dem- 
onstrations will be made against the former city to attract those reinforcements. 
As soon as the point of attack is ascertained, I would recommend that all the 
troops which can be spared from the city not in danger should be rapidly thrown 
to the other, as it is clear that both cities cannot be attacked at the same time. 
Attempts will be made to deceive by advancing against the point not intended 
for the real attack such gunboats, vessels, and troops as will not be required 
against the other, and discrimination will be required to discover the feint. As 
far as I can learn at this distance, it seems that the iron-clad gunboats of the 
enemy are south of the Cape Fear River, and that General Foster with his 
troops has gone south too. I do not think, therefore, that Wilmington is at 
present in danger of being attacked, though no doubt efforts will be made to 
detain all of our troops there. They can, however, I think, with safety be 
detached to Charleston. Should a sufficient force not be left in North Carolina 
to guard our lines, which cannot under the circumstances be seriously threat- 
ened, some regiments of General Wise's brigade might be temporarily ordered 
to take their place. In case of necessity troops from this army can be sent to 
Richmond, and if you think the exigency of the south more pressing than here, 
I will send them at once. In my letter of yesterday to the Secretary of War I 
stated the reasons why I thought we might expect the advance of General 
Hooker. The weather to-day is unfavorable for his movements, and it may 
prove so for some time. 

It appears to me that if either Charleston or Savannah is attacked, the rest 
of the coast may be stripped pretty bare of troops without imprudence. The 
troops of this army are ready to move at a moment's warning, and all I require 
is notice when they are wanted. I presume but few of the enemy's troops are 
left in North Carolina — perhaps not more than enough to guard his positions. 
I have the honor to be, with great respect, 

Your obdt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



APPENDIX. , 619 

Camp near Fredericksburg, 
21 March, 1863. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President C. S., 

Mr. President: Upon an examination of the Senate bill presented by Gen- 
eral Sparrow for the organization of the staff of the army, I think some changes 
might be made to advantage. These will readily occur to you, and I will there- 
fore allude to them generally. 

I think it important, and indeed necessary, to simplify the mechanism of our 
army as much as possible, yet still to give it sufficient power,to move and reg- 
ulate the whole body. Our armies are necessarily very large in comparison 
with those we have heretofore had to manage. Some of our divisions exceed 
the army General Scott entered the city of Mexico with, and our brigades are 
larger than his divisions. The greatest difficulty I find is in causing orders and 
regulations to be obeyed. This arises not from a spirit of disobedience, but 
from ignorance. We therefore have need of a corps of officers to teach others 
their duty, see to the observance of orders, and to the regularity and precision 
of all movements. This is accomplished in the French service by their staff 
corps, educated, instructed, and practised for the purpose. The same circum- 
stances that produced that corps exist in our own army. Can you not shape 
the staff of our army to produce equally good results ? Although the staff of 
the French army is larger than that proposed by the Senate bill, I am in favor 
of keeping ours down, as it is so much easier to build up than to reduce if expe- 
rience renflers it necessary. I would therefore assign one general officer to a 
general commanding in the field, and give to his inspector-general, quarter- 
master-general, commissary-general, chief of ordnance, and medical director 
the provisional grade of colonel of cavalry. I would reduce his- aides, and give 
to his chief of staff and inspector-general assistants, as they will never be able 
to properly attend to their out-door and in-door work, which from the condition 
of our army, as heretofore stated, is very heavy. I would apply the same prin- 
ciples to the division and brigade staff, placing their chiefs on an equal footing, 
and giving each a complete organization in itself, so that it can manoeuvre inde- 
pendently of the corps or division to which it is habitually attached, and be 
detached with promptness and facility when required. Each, therefore, in addi- 
tion to its general staff, should have a surgeon, quartermaster, and commissary 
and ordnance officers. If you can then fill these positions with proper officers 
— not the relations and social friends of the commanders, who, however agree- 
able their company, are not always the most useful — you might hope to have 
the finest army in the world. I beg you will excuse the liberty of my sug- 
gestion. 

And believe me, with great respect, 

Yr. obt. servt., R. E. Lee, 

General. 



620 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters, May 3, 1863. 
Jackson, General T. J., Commanding Corps, 

General : I have just received your note informing me that you were 
wounded. I cannot express my regret at the occurrence. Could I have 
directed events, I should have chosen for the good of the country to have 
been disabled in your stead. I congratulate you upon the victory which is 
due to your skill and energy. 

Very respectfully, 

Yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
June ID, 1863. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis, Richmond, 

Mr. President : I beg leave to bring to your attention a subject with refer- 
ence to which I have thought that the course pursued by writers and speakers 
among us has had a tendency to interfere with our success. I refer to the 
manner in which the demonstration of a desire for peace at the North has 
been received in our country. 

I think there can be no doubt that journalists and others at the South, to whom 
the Northern people naturally look for a reflection of our opinions, have met these 
indications in such wise as to weaken the hands of the advocates of a pacific 
policy on the part of the Federal Government, and give much encouragement 
to those who urge a continuance of the war. 

Recent political movements in the United States and the comments of influ- 
ential newspapers upon them have attracted my attention particularly to this 
subject, which I deem not unworthy of the consideration of Your Excellency, 
nor inappropriate to be adverted to by me in view of its connection with the 
situation of military affairs. 

Conceding to our enemies the superiority claimed by them in numbers, 
resources, and all the means and appliances for carrying on the war, we have 
no right to look for exemption from the military consequences of a vigorous 
use of these advantages, except by such deliverance as the mercy of Heaven 
may accord to the courage of our soldiers, the justice of our cause, and the 
constancy and prayers of our people. While making the most we can of the 
means of resistance we possess, and gratefully accepting the measure of success 
with which God has blessed our efforts as an earnest of his approval and favor, 
it is nevertheless the part of wisdom to carefully measure and husband our 
strength, and not to expect from it more than in the ordinary course of aflairs 



APPENDIX. 62 1 

it is capable of accomplishing. We should not, therefore, conceal from our- 
selves that our resources in men are constantly diminishing, and the dispropor- 
tion in this respect between us and our enemies, if they continue united in their 
efforts to subjugate, is steadily augmenting. The decrease of the aggregate of 
this army as disclosed by the returns affords an illustration of this fact. Its 
effective strength varies from time to time, but the falling off in its aggreo-ate 
shows that its ranks are growing weaker and that its losses are not supplied 
by recruits. 
r- Under these circumstances we should neglect no honorable means of divid- 
ing and weakening our enemies, that they may feel some of the difficulties 
experienced by ourselves. It seems to me that the most effectual mode of 
accomplishing this object now within our reach is to give all the encourage- 
ment we can, consistently with truth, to the rising peace party of the North. 

Nor do I think we should, in this connection, make nice distinction between 
those who declare for peace unconditionally and those who advocate it as a 
means of restoring the Union, however much we may prefer the former. 

We should bear in mind that the friends of peace at the North must make 
concessions to the earnest desire that exists in the minds of their countrymen 
for a restoration of the Union, and that to hold out such a result as an induce- 
ment is essential to the success of their party. 

■( Should the belief that peace will bring back the Union become general the 
war would no longer be supported ; and that, after all, is what we are interested 
iiv bringing about.";^ i When peace is proposed to us it will be time enough to 
discuss its terms, and it is not the part of prudence to spurn the proposition in 
advance merely because those who wish to make it believe, or affect to believe, 
that it will result in bringing us back to the Union. We entertain no such 
ipprehensions, nor doubt that the desire of our people for a distinct and inde- 
pendent national existence will prove as steadfast under the influence of peace- 
ful measures as it has shown itself in the midst of war. 

If the views I have indicated meet the approval of Your Excellency, you will 
best know how to give effect to them. Should you deem them inexpedient or 
impracticable, I think you will nevertheless agree with me that we should at 
least carefully abstain from measures or expressions that tend to discourage any 
party whose purpose is peace. 

With this statement of my own opinion on the subject, the length of which 
you will excuse, I leave to your better judgment to determine the proper 
course to be pursued. 

I am, with great respect. 

Your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



62 2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Opposite Williamsport, 
June 25, 1863. 

His Excellency President Davis, Richmond, 

Mr. President : I have received to-day your letter of the 19th instant, and 
am much gratified by your views in relation to the peace party at the North. 
It is plain to my understanding that everything that will tend to repress the war 
feeling in the Federal States will inure to our benefit. I do not know that we 
can do anything to promote the pacific feeling, but our course ought to be so 
shaped as not to discourage it. 

I am sorry to hear that any controversy has arisen in relation to the exchange 
of prisoners. That is a matter in which our enemies have an advantage over 
us. Although we may have more prisoners than they, theirs are maintained at 
less expense than ours. Moreover, our citizens are much more accessible to 
them than theirs to us, so that the system of retaliation, if commenced, will 
not be on an equal basis. Besides, I am not in favor of retaliation except in 
very extreme cases, and I think it would be better for us to suffer and be right 
in our own eyes and in the eyes of the world ; we will gain more by it in the 
end. I hope, therefore, some plan may be adopted to prevent a course so 
repugnant to the feelings of humanity and the sense of right, and that the one . 
you propose may be crowned with success. 

You will see that apprehension for the safety of Washington and their own 
territory has aroused the Federal Government and people to great exertions, 
and it is incumbent upon us all to call forth all our energies. In addition to 
the 100,000 troops called for by President Lincoln to defend the frontier of 
Pennsylvania, you will see that he is concentrating other organized forces in 
Maryland. It is stated in the papers that they are all being withdrawn from 
Suffolk, and, according to General Buckner's report, Burnside and his corps 
are recalled from Kentucky. It is reasonable to suppose that this would be the 
case if their apprehensions were once aroused. 

I think this should liberate the troops in the Carolinas, and enable Generals 
Buckner and Bragg to accomplish something in Ohio. It is plain that if all the 
Federal army is concentrated upon this [point], it will result in our accomplishing 
nothing and being compelled to return to Virginia. If the plan that I suggested 
the other day, of organizing an army, even in effigy, under General Beauregard 
at Culpeper Court-house can be carried into effect, much relief will be afforded. 
If even the brigades in Virginia and North Carolina, which Generals Hill and 
Elzey think cannot be spared, were ordered there at once, and General Beaure- 
gard were sent there, if he had to return to South Carolina, it would do more to 
protect both States from marauding expeditions of the enemy than anything 
else. 

I have not sufficient troops to maintain my communications, and therefore 
have to abandon them. I think I can throw General Hooker's army across 



APPENDIX. 623 

the Potomac and draw troops from the south, embarrassing their plan of cam- 
paign in a measure, if I can do nothing more and have to return. 

I still hope that all things will end well for us at Vicksburg. At any rate, 
every effort should be made to bring about that result. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Hf.adquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Near Hagerstown, Md., July 8, 1S63. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President, etc., 

Mr. President: My letter of yesterday will have informed you of the 
position of this army. Though reduced in numbers by the hardships and 
battles through which it has passed since leaving the Rappahannock, its con- 
dition is good and its confidence unimpaired. Upon crossing the Potomac into 
Maryland, I had calculated upon the river remaining fordable during the sum- 
mer, so as to enable me to recross at my pleasure, but a series of storms com- 
mencing the day after our entrance into Maryland has placed the river beyond 
fording stage, and the present storm will keep it so for at least a week. I shall 
therefore have to accept battle if the enemy offers it, whether I wish to or not ; 
and as the result is in the hands of the sovereign Ruler of the universe, and 
known to Him only, I deem it prudent to make every arrangement in our 
power to meet any emergency that may arise. From information gathered 
from the papers, I believe that the troops from North Carolina and the coast of 
Virginia under Generals Foster and Dix have been ordered to the Potomac, and 
that recently additional reinforcements have been sent from the coast of South 
Carolina to General Banks. If I am correct in my opinion, this will liberate 
most of the troops in those regions, and, should Your Excellency have not 
already done so, I earnestly recommend that all that can be spared be concen- 
trated on the upper Rappahannock under General Beauregard, with directions 
to cross that river and make a demonstration upon Washington. This com- 
mand will answer the double purpose of affording protection to the capital at 
Richmond and relieving the pressure upon this army. 

I hope Your Excellency will understand that I am not in the least discour- 
aged, or that my faith in the protection of an all-merciful Providence or in the 
fortitude of this army is at all shaken. But, though conscious that the enemy 
has been much shattered in the recent battle, I am aware that he can be easily 
reinforced, while no addition can be made to our numbers. The measure, 
therefore, that I have recommended is altogether one of a prudential nature. 
I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



624 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Bunker Hill, Va., July i6, 1863. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President : . , . . The army is encamped around this place, where w« 
shall rest to-day. The men are in good health and spirits, but want shoes and 
clothing badly. I have sent back to endeavor to procure a supply of both, 
and also horseshoes, for want of which nearly half our cavalry is unserviceable. 
As soon as these necessary articles are obtained we shall be prepared to resume 

operations 

• • • • I share in Your Excellency's regret for the fall of Vicksburg. It will 
be necessary for us to endeavor to select some point on the Mississippi and 
fortify it strongly, so that it may be held by a small garrison, which could be 
supplied with ammunition and provisions to enable it to stand a siege, thus 
leaving as many troops as possible free to operate against the enemy. I think 
that in this way a land-attack against such position as we may select can be 
prevented. 

I am, with great respect, Your Excellency's obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



From a letter to the President, dated September 6, 1863, we select the follow- 
ing extract, with the President's reply : 

As regards myself, should you think that the service will be benefited by my 
repairing to the Army of Tennessee, I will of course submit to your judgment. 
From your knowledge of all the circumstances of both armies you can come 
to a more correct conclusion than I can from my point of view. In my con- 
versation with you on this subject when the question was proposed I did not 
intend to decline the service if desired that I should undertake it, but merely 
to express the opinion that the duty could be better performed by the officers 
already in that department. 



Richmond, September 8 (1863). 
Gen. R. E. Lee: 

Have considered your letter, believe your presence in the Western army 
would be worth more than the addition of a corps, but fear the effect of youi 
absence from Virginia. Did not doubt your willingness to do whatever was 
best for the country, and suggest your aid to determine that question. Have 
sent you all additional information to aid your further consideration of prob- 
lems discussed with you here. 

Jefferson Davis. 



APPENDIX. 625 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Sept. 9, 1863. 
Seddon, Hon. James A., Secretary of War, Richmond, Va,, 

Sir : The letter of Governor Vance of North CaroHna of Aug. 20th, with 
regard to the causes of dissatisfaction among the North Carolina troops in this 
army, with your endorsement, has been received, I regret exceedingly the 
jealousies, heartburnings, and other evil consequences resulting from the crude 
misstatements of newspaper correspondents, who have necessarily a very lim- 
ited acquaintance with the facts about which they write, and who magnify the 
deeds of troops from their own States at the expense of others. But I can see 
no remedy for this. Men seem to prefer sowing discord to inculcating harmony. 
In the reports of the officers justice is done to the brave soldiers of North Car- 
olina, whose heroism and devotion have rendered illustrious the name of the 
State on every battlefield on which the Army of Northern Virginia has been 
engaged 

I believe it would be better to have no correspondents of the press with the 
army 

1 need not say that I will with pleasure aid Governor Vance in removing 
every reasonable cause of complaint on the part of men who have fought so 
gallantly and done so much for the cause of our country ; and I hope that he 
will also do all in his power to cultivate a spirit of harmony, and to bring to 
punishment the disaffected who use these causes of discontent to further their 
treasonable designs. 

I am, with great respect, yr. obt. servt,, 

R, E, Lee, 
General. 

A letter to President Davis, dated Sept. 11, 1863, furnishes the following 
extract : 

The defences around Richmond should now be completed as soon as pos- 
sible, I did not see any connection or communication between the redoubts 
for the defence of Drewry's Bluff from a land-attack and the defensive line 
around Manchester. This is important, and also that there should be obstruc- 
tions in the river connecting this intermediate line (as it was termed) on both 
sides of the river. Should the enemy's land forces drive us from Drewry's 
Bluff, they would remove the obstructions at that point, and, although we might 
be able to hold the intermediate line, his gunboats could ascend the river and 
destroy Richmond, I think, too, Colonel Gorgas should commence at once to 
enlarge his manufacturing arsenals, etc. in the interior, so that if Richmond 
should fall we would not be destitute. These are only recommended as pru- 
dential measures, and such as, should the necessity for them arise, we will then 
wish had been taken. 
40 



62 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Copy of extract of letter from General Longstreet : 

Headquarters, Richmond, Sept. 12, 1863. 
C.ENERAL R. E. Lee, Commanding, 

General: Henry's artillery' has come down here, to my surprise. I have 
ordered, etc Anderson's brigade was so far on its way toward Charles- 
ton when your telegram got here that it could not be diverted, and fearing that 
if I sent Jenkins on to take h;s place General Beauregard would keep both, 
I concluded that the wisest and safest plan would be to put Jenkins's brigade 
in Anderson's place in Hood's division. It has been so arranged. I intended 
to have suggested before leaving you that our defences around Richmond be 
so arranged that we might (in the event we should be forced to give up Rich- 
mond) hold Drewry's and Chaffin's Bluffs with a garrison of 15,000 or 20,000 
men until we could collect army enough here to retake Richmond. I suppose 
that we might hold our vessels here under the protection of these fortifications 
until we could recover the city. But if we should give up the river to the 
enemy, there will be but little prospect of our getting back the capital during 
the war. As I have never seen the positions of these bluffs, I don't know 
whether this arrangement is a practicable one, I hope to start West on Mon- 
day morning. If I can do anything there, it shall be done promptly. If I 
cannot, I shall advise you to recall me. If I did not think our move a neces- 
sary [one], my regrets at leaving you would be distressing to me, as it seems to 
be with the officers and men of my command. Believing it to be necessary, I 
hope to accept it and my other personal inconveniences cheerfully and hope- 
fully. All that we have to be proud of has been accomplished under your eye 
and under your orders. Our affections for you are stronger, if it is possible for 
them to be stronger, than our admiration for you. 

I remain, general, most respectfully and affectionately, your obedient servant, 

J. Loxgstreet, 

Lietiienattt-general. 



In a letter to President Davis, dated September 14, 1863, General Lee refers 
to aftairs in the Western Department in a tone of some dissatisfaction with the 
depiction of his army : 

Everything looks like a concentration of their [the Federal] forces, and it is 
stated by our scouts that they have learned of the large reduction of this army. 
I begin to fear that we have lost the use of troops here where they are much 
needed, and that they have gone where they will do no good. I learn by the 
papers of to-day that General Rosecrans's army entered Chattanooga on the 
9th, and that General Bragg has retired still farther into the interior. It also 



APPENDIX. 627 

appears that General Burnside did not move to make a junction with Rose- 
crans, but marched to Knoxville. General Bragg must therefore either have 
been misinformed of his movements or he subsequently changed them. Had 
I been aware that Knoxville was the destination of General Burnside, I should 
have recommended that General Longstreet should be sent to oppose him, 
instead of to Atlanta. If General Bragg is unable to bring General Rosecrans 
to battle, I think it would be better to return General Longstreet to this army, 
to enable me to oppose the advance of General Meade with a greater prospect of 
success. And it is a matter worthy of consideration whether General Longstreet's 
corps will reach General Bragg in time and condition to be of any advantage 
to him. If the report sent to me by General Cooper since my return from Rich- 
mond is correct. General Bragg had on the 20th August last 51,101 effective 
men ; General Buckner on the 20th August last, 18,118 effective men; he was 
to receive from General Johnston 9000 effective men ; his total force will there- 
fore be 76,219 — as large a number as, I presume, he can operate with. This ia 
independent of the local troops, which you may recollect he reported as exceed- 
ing his expectations. Should General Longstreet reach General Bragg in time 
to aid him in winning a victory and return to this army, it will be well ; but 
should he be detained there without being able to do any good, it will result in 
evil. I hope you will have the means of judging of this matter and of decid- 
ing correctly. 

To President Davis, September 18, 1863: 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 16th instant. Should Gen. 
erals Rosecrans and Burnside unite at Chattanooga, as now seems to be prob- 
able, and there fortify themselves, they will have, as you say, such vast means 
at their disposal as to render an attack upon that position by us extremely 
hazardous. I can see no other way, at this distance, of causing them to aban- 
don that strong position than that which you suggest of attacking their line of 
communication. For this purpose their position will be favorable, for although 
from Stevenson two routes are open to the enemy, one to Memphis and the 
other to Nashville, from Stevenson to Chattanooga there is but a single route. 
General Bragg by concentrating his cavalry and sending it to cut the lines of 
communication beyond Stevenson will cause General Rosecrans to detach 
largely for its maintenance. Then by moving with his whole force upon a 
vulnerable point, according to the nature of the ground, he will in all human 
probability break up his position. 

Lee to Davis, September 23, 1863: 

I was rejoiced yesterday to learn by a despatch from the War Department 
of the complete victory gained by General Bragg. I hope he will be able to 
follow it up, to concentrate his troops, and to operate on the enemy's rear. I 



628 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

infer from the accounts I have seen that Buckner had not joined him. Unles< 
he is occupying a superior force to his own, he ought at once to unite with 
Bragg, that he may push the advantage gained. If that can be done. Long- 
street can successfully move to East Tennessee, open that country, where Sam 
Jones can unite with him, and thence rejoin me. No time ought now to be 
lost or wasted. Everything should be done that can be done at once, so that 
the troops may be speedily returned to this department; as far as I can judge, 
they will not get here too soon. The enemy is aware of Longstreet's departure. 
They report in their papers the day he passed through Augusta, and give the 
position of Swell's and Hill's corps. General Meade is strengthening himself 
daily. Our last scouts report the return of the troops sent North to enforce the 
draft. Nine trains loaded with troops reached Culpeper on Thursday night. 
Three trains arrived on Monday and three on Tuesday last, in addition to 
between four and five thousand marching. 



Headquarters, Or'ange, 
Sept. 25, 1863. 
Lieutenant-general J. Longstreet, 

General : If it gives you as much pleasure to receive my warmest congrat- 
ulations as it does me to convey them, this letter will not have been written in 
vain. My whole heart and soul have been with you and your brave corps in 
your late battle. It was natural to hear of Longstreet and Hill charging side 
by side, and pleasing to find the armies of the East and West vieing with each 
other in valor and devotion to their country. A complete and glorious victory 
must ensue under such circumstances. I hope the result will equal the beginning, 
and that General Bragg will be able to reoccupy Tennessee. I grieve for the 
gallant dead and mourn for our brave Hood. The names of others have 
reached me, but I hope the report of their fall may not prove true. Finish the 
work before you, my dear general, and return to me. I want you badly, and 
you cannot get back too soon. Your departure was known to the enemy as 
soon as it occurred. General Meade has been actively engaged collecting his 
forces, and is now up to the Rapidan. All his troops that were sent North have 
returned, and reinforcements are daily arriving. His cavalry and engineers 
are constantly reconnoitering, and a vigorous effort was made Monday and 
Tuesday to turn our left. We are endeavoring to maintain a bold front, and 
shall endeavor to delay them all we can till you return. 

Present my sincere compliments and admiration to the officers around you, 
and accept for yourself and command my ardent wishes for the welfare and 
happiness of all. Very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee, 
Ct'ttcrai. 



APPENDIX. 629 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginu, 
19th Oct., 1863. 
Lawton, Brig.-gen. a. R., Quartermaster-general, Richmond, Va., 

General : I have received your letter of the 12th, and am very glad to find 
that your exertions to supply the anny have been so successful. The want of 
the supplies of shoes, clothing, overcoats, and blankets is very great. Nothing- 
but my unwillingness to expose the men to the hardships that would have 
resulted from moving them into Loudoun in their present condition induced 
me to return to the Rappahannock. But I was averse to marching them over 
the rgugh roads of that region, at a season too when frosts are certain and 
snows probable, unless they were better provided to encounter them without 
suffering. 

I should otherwise have endeavored to detain General Meade near the Poto- 
mac, if I could not throw him to the north side. 

The supplies that you now have at your disposal for this army will be 
most welcome, and I trust that your exertions to increase them will meet 
with full success. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
19 October, 1863. 
Seddon, Hon. James A., Sec. of War, Richmond. Va., 

Sir: I have had the honor to receive your letter of the i6th inst. lam 
doubtful as yet Avhether General Meade will remain on the defensive 

If General Meade is disposed to remain quiet where he is, it was my inten- 
tion, provided the army could be supplied with clothing, again to advance and 
threaten his positions. Nothing prevented my continuing in his front but the 
destitute condition of the men, thousands of whom are barefooted, a greater 
number partially shod, and nearly all without overcoats, blankets, or warm 
clothing. I think the sublimest sight of the war was the cheerfulness and alac^ 
rity exhibited by this army in the pursuit of the enemy under all the trials and 
privations to which it was exposed 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
October 30, 1863. 
Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond, 

Sir : Your telegram directing a respite in the cases of Privates Newton and 



630 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Scroggins, Forty-first Virginia infantry, is received, and tlie order has been 
issued accordingly. At the same time, I beg leave to express my serious appre- 
hension of the consequences of a relapse into that lenient policy which our 
past experience has shown to be so ruinous to the army, and in the end so 
much more cruel to the men. Early in the war it was found that stringent 
measures alone would keep the army together. After a few executions a num- 
ber of men were pardoned, and the consequence was a recurrence of desertion 
to a most alarming extent. A return to a sterner discipline was found to be 
absolutely necessary, and by the executions that have taken place since the 
proclamation of the President, and by them only, has a stop been put to a 
spirit that was rapidly growing, that seized eagerly upon the slightest hope of 
escape from the consequences of crime, and that seriously threatened the exist- 
ence of the army. A return to the lenient system that formerly prevailed will 
assuredly be productive of like results in the future, and render still harsher 
measures necessary hereafter if the army is to continue to exist. I fear that 
pardons, unless for the best of reasons, will not only make all the blood that 
has been shed for the maintenance of discipline useless, but vi'ill result in the 
painful necessity of shedding a great deal more. I hope I feel as acutely as 
any one the pain and sorrow that such events occasion, and I am sure that no 
one would more wiUingly dispense with them if they could be avoided ; but 1 
am convinced that the only way to prevent them is to visit the offence when 
committed with the sternest punishment, and leave the offender without hope 
of escape by making the penalty inevitable. It must be remembered that the 
punishment of death for desertion is inflicted almost exclusively for the warn- 
ing of others, and no one without experience can conceive how readily the 
slightest prospect of escape is embraced. 

I have felt it my duty to bring this subject strongly to your attention, as I am 
satisfied that in it, more than in any other, are involved the strength and efficiency 
of the army and its ability to cope with the enemy. 

And I am further convinced that in a strict adherence to a stern discipline 
will be found the only means of avoiding the recurrence of these sad occasions. 
Ver)' respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters, 
6 Nov., 1863. 

Letcher, His Excellency John, Governor of Virginia, 

Governor : At its late called session the Legislature made an appropriation 
for the relief of the families of soldiers. I find that there is great suffering 
among the people in this region for want of the necessaries of life. The farms 
and gardens have been robbed, stock and hogs killed, and these outrages com- 



APPENDIX. 



63 i 



mitted, I am sorry to say, by our own army to some extent, as well as by the 
Federals. I hear of like destitution in Stafford, where the Federal army alone 
has been. Would it not be well to forward such supplies of flour and meat as 
can be obtained to Culpeper Court-house and Fredericksburg, with agents for 
its distribution to those soldiers' families in distress, so as to relieve their wants 
during the coming winter ? 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
29th Nov., 1863. 

Davis, His Excellency Jefferson, President Confed. States. Rich- 
mond, Va., 

Mr. President : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
of the 25th inst., enclosing one from General Bragg. The enemy is in force in 
my front, and I shall necessarily be brief, but will give'you the substance of the 
views which have suggested themselves to me after much previous reflection on 
the subjects referred to by General Bragg. 

I. I think it a matter of the first importance that our armies now in the field 
shall be retained in service and recruited by wise and effectual legislation. This 
cannot be done too soon. The law should not be open to the charge of par- 
tiality, and I do not know how this can be accomplished without embracing the 
whole population capable of bearing arms, with the most limited exemptions, 
avoiding anything that would look like a distinction of classes. The exemp- 
tions of persons of particular and necessary avocations had better be made, as 
far as possible, by authority of the Department, rather than by special enact- 
ment. I think the general exemption of such persons by law is open to much 
abuse, and many escape service under color of it who are only nominally 
within the provisions of the law, and who can be taken into service without 
prejudice to the necessary production of the country. I also am of opinion 
that the skeleton regiments should be consohdated under the authority of the 
Department when necessary, and the provision should extend to all arms of the 
service. If possible, some prospective bounty should be provided for the men 
who have been, and will be again, retained in service. 

As to the imperative necessity for retaining them, and adding sufficiently to 
their numbers to enable them to cope with the enemy, there can be no doubt, 
and all the constitutional power of Congress should be fully e.xerted for this 
purpose. 



6^2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

2. With reference to mounting the cavalry on Government horses, I should 
be glad if it could be accomplished, but do not sec how the horses could be 
procured. It is difficult now to meet the wants of our artillery and transporta- 
tion. But I think the law should invest the Government with complete author- 
ity for the time being over every horse mustered into service, and authorize the 
use of it in such manner as will most promote the public interests, provid- 
ing at the same time proper compensation for the owners should it be found 
necessary to deprive them of the use of their horses. A cavalry soldier cannot 
perform the terms of his enlistment without a horse, and the Government should 
be able to control the horse on this ground ; and to this extent at least I fully 
concur in what General Bragg says with reference to depredations, whether 
committed by cavalry or any other part of the army. Any legislation that can 
repress this evil would be most beneficial. 

3. I am not in favor of increasing the pay of any officer, but think it would 
be well to allow rations and clothing to company officers and their servants 
(such as they may lawfully have), and to other officers of like rank and pay 
with company officers. I see no necessity to extend the law to officers of a 
higher rank. 

4. I think that the evil of officers and men absenting themselves without 
leave should be provided against, as far as practicable, by legislation. The 
ordinary mode of punishing by court-martial does not effectually check it, and 
I do not think General Bragg exaggerates the extent of the practice. In the 
case of officers I think the law should vacate their commissions by its own 
operation and subject them to conscription, 

5. In this connection I would call your attention to the evils that flow from 
the absence of officers permanently disabled. Regiments are frequently com- 
manded by captains from this cause, companies by sergeants, and sometimes 
brigades by majors and lieutenant-colonels. Many officers are borne on the 
rolls who are unfit for service. It would be harsh to drop them, and yet they 
prevent the promotion of other officers and interfere with the efficiency of their 
commands. I would suggest the establishment of an invalid corps to which 
such officers might be transferred, retaining their rank and pay. This corps 
might be made useful in many ways and relieve troops fit for field service. 

6. I concur in the remarks of General Bragg with reference to the rank of 
the chief staff officers of our armies and those of the personal staff of com- 
manding generals. The number and rank of the latter should correspond with 
their duties. These officers have no opportunity of promotion, and their import- 
ance is not over-estimated Isy General Bragg. 

7. If any change in our hospital system can diminish the vice of absence 
without leave, I think it should be made. I do not know the particular features 
of the system to which General Bragg refers. I think it very important in pro- 
viding for the personal staff, which should be adequate to the wants of the 



APPENDIX. 633 

officer with whom they serve, that he should be strictly confined to the staff 
allowed by law. 

Respectfully, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
December 3, 1S63. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 
Richmond, 
Mr. President : I have considered with some anxiety the condition of 
affairs in Georgia and Tennessee. My knowledge of events has been prin- 
cipally derived from the public papers, and the impressions I have received 
may be erroneous, but there appears to me to be grounds to apprehend that 
the enemy may penetrate Georgia and get possession of our depots of provis- 
ions and important manufactories. I see it stated that General Bragg has been 
relieved from command, and that General Hardee is only acting until another 
commander shall be assigned to that army. I know the difficulties that sur- 
round this subject, but if General Beauregard is considered suitable for the 
position, I think he can be replaced at Charleston by General Gilmer. More 
force, in my opinion, is required in Georgia, and it can only be had, so far as 
I know, from Mississippi, Mobile, and the department of South Carolina, 
Georgia, and Florida. The occupation of Cleveland by the enemy cuts off 
General Longstreet from his base, and unless he succeeds quickly in defeating 
General Burnside he will have to retire either into Virginia or North Carolina. 
I see no reason why General Sam Jones should not be ordered to advance to 
his support, or at least to divert the attention of the column that is said to be 
moving on Charleston, Tennessee. 

I have ventured to trouble Your Excellency with these suggestions, as I know 
how much your attention is occupied with the general affairs of the country, 
especially as the session of Congress approaches. I think that every effort 
should be made to concentrate as large a force as possible under the best com- 
mander to ensure the discomfiture of Grant's army. To do this and gain the 
great advantage that would accrue from it the safety of points practically less 
important than those endangered by his army must be hazarded. Upon the 
defence of the country threatened by General Grant depends the safety of the 
points now held by us on the Atlantic, and they are in as great danger from 
his successful advance as by the attacks to which they are at present directly 
subjected. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



634 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Richmond, Dec. 5, 1S63 
General R. E. Lee, Orange Court-house : 

Could you consistently go to Dalton, as heretofore explained ? 

Jefferson Davis. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Rapidan, December 7, 1S63. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States. 
Richmond, 
Mr. President: I have had the honor to receive your despatch inquiring 
whether I could go to Dalton. I can, if desired, but of the expediency of the 
measure you can judge better than I can. Unless it is intended that I should 
take permanent command, I can see no good that will result, even if in that 
event any could be accomplished. I also fear that I would not receive cordial 
co-operation, and I think it necessary if I am withdrawn from here that a com- 
mander for this army be sent to it. General Ewell's condition, I fear, is too 
feeble to undergo the fatigue and labor incident to the position. I hope Your 
Excellency will not suppose that I am offering any obstacles to any measure 
you may think necessary. I only seek to give you the opportunity to form 
your opinion after a full consideration of the subject. I have not that confi- 
dence either in my strength or ability that would lead me of my own opinion to 
undertake the command in question, 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
8 Dec, 1863. 
Walton, Hon. Moses, and others, 

Gentlemen : I have earnestly considered the petitions addressed to the Sec- 
retary of War and myself, and, deeply sympathizing in the sufferings of the 
citizens of Shenandoah, I wish I could see any way of securing them against 
the ravages of the enemy, the insults to their families, and the loss of their 
property. We cannot oppose an equal force to the enemy at all points. The 
safety of some must be hazarded that others considered more vital be defended. 
It would give me great pleasure to increase the force in the Valley, but unless 
this can be done by the citizens of that region I know not whence at this time 
it can be attained. 

I have forwarded to the Secretary of War your petition, and have written to 
General Imbodcn to inc|uire whether he cannot make such a disposition of his 



APPENDIX. 635 

forces as to give greater protection to the lower Valley. I hope this may be 

done 

I remain, with great respect, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
December 22, 1S63. 
Major-general J. A. Early, commanding, etc.. 

General : I telegraphed you to-day with reference to obtaining supplies for 
the army while the troops are in the Valley, and now write to explain my views 
more fully. I wish you to avail yourself of the present opportunity to collect 
and bring away everything that can be made useful to the army from those 
regions that are open to the enemy, using for this purpose both the cavalry and 
infantry under your command. I hear that in the lower Valley, and particu- 
larly in the country on the south branch of the Potomac, there are a good many 
cattle, sheep, horses, and hogs. Besides these, there is said to be a quantity of 
bacon, cloth, and leather, and all these supplies are accessible to and can be 
used by the enemy. I desire to secure all of them that it is in our power to 
get, and you will use your command for the purpose of keeping back the 
enemy while the work is being done. You will buy from all who are willing 
to sell, and where you cannot buy you must impress and give certificates to 
the owners. Of course you will not take what is necessary for the subsistence 
of the people, but leave enough for that, and secure all the rest of the articles 
named, and any others, such as shoes, horseshoes, and horseshoe nails, that 
you can get. While so engaged I wish you to subsist the troops on those sup- 
plies that are most difficult of transportation, such as bacon, potatoes, and 
other vegetables, which I hear can be had, sending back those that are easy 
to transport, such as cattle, particularly sheep and hogs. If you cannot get 
enough bacon and vegetables, you might use some of the sheep and hogs. 
Ycu will understand that these instructions have no application to those parts 
of the country that are accessible to our ordinary agents engaged in procuring 
suppHes. You will make requisition on Major Bell for such transportation as 
he can furnish, and also try to get additional facilities from the people. The 
cloth, leather, and other quartermaster stores should be collected as fully as 
possible, leaving of course enough for the wants of our people. Horses and 
cattle can be driven back at once. I write to Major Bell by this mail to assist 
you as far as he is able. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
Gc7ieraL 

P. S. You will give out that your movement is intended as a mihtary one 



636 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

against the enemy, and of course will do them all the harm you can. You 
will use all the troops, including those of Imboden and Gilmer, that you 
may require. R. E. L. 



Headquarters, January 2, 1S64. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 
Richmond, 

Mr. President : The time is at hand when, if an attempt can be made to 
capture the enemy's forces at New Berne, it should be done. I can now spare 
troops for the purpose, which will not be the case as spring approaches. If I 
have been correctly informed, a brigade from this army with Barton's brigade, 
Pickett's division, now near Kinston, will be sufficient if the attack can be 
secretly and suddenly made. New Berne is defended on the land side by a 
line of intrenchments from the Neuse to the Trent. A redoubt near the Trent 
protects that flank, while three or four gunboats are relied upon to defend the 
flank on the Neuse. The garrison has been so long unmolested and experi- 
ences such a feeling of security that it is represented as careless. The gun- 
boats are small and indifferent, and do not keep up a head of steam. A bold 
party could descend the Neuse in boats at night, capture the gunboats, and 
drive the enemy by their aid from the works on that side of the river, while a 
force should attack them in front. A large amount of provisions and other 
supplies are said to be at New Berne, which are much wanted for this army, 
besides much that is reported in the country that will thus be made accessible 
to us. The gunboats, aided by the ironclads building on the Neuse and Roan- 
oke, would clear the waters of the enemy and capture their transports, which 
could be used for transportation. I have not heard what progress is making 
in the completion of the ironclads or when they will be ready for service. A 
bold naval officer will be required for the boat-expedition, with suitable men 
and officers to man the boats and serve the gunboats when captured. Can they 
be had ? 

I have sent General Early with two brigades of infantry and two of cavalry 
under Fitz Lee to Hardy and Hampshire counties, to endeavor to get out some 
cattle that are reported within the enemy's lines. But the weather has been so 
unfavorable that I fear he will not meet with much success. The heavy rain- 
storm will swell all the streams beyond fording, and the cold weather and snow 
in the mountains will present other obstacles. Many of the infantry are with- 
out shoes and the cavalry worn down by their pursuit of Averell. We are now 
issuing to the troops a fourth of a pound of salt meat, and have only three 
. days' supply at that rate. Two droves of cattle from the West that were 
reported to be for this army have, I am told, been directed to Richmond. I 



APPENDIX. 62,7 

can learn of no supply of meat on the road to the army, and fear I shall be 
unable to retain it in the field. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
5 Jan., 1864. 
Northrop, Colonel L. B., Com.missary-gen., Richmond, Va., 
Colonel: Your letter of the 7th ult. reached here during my absence in 

Richmond 

I regret very much to learn that the supply of beef for the army is so nearly 

exhausted No beef has been issued to the cavalry corps by the chief 

commissary, that I am aware of, for eighteen months. During that time it has 
supplied itself, and has now, I understand, sufficient to last until the middle of 

February 

I cannot adopt your suggestion to employ the organization of your bureau to 
impress provisions. Neither the law nor regulations of the War Department, 

in my opinion, give me that power 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



[Confidential.] Camp Orange Court-house, 

January 16, 1864. 

Lieutenant-general J. Longstreet, 

General: Your letters of the loth and nth instants were handed to me by 
Captain Gorse last night. I am glad that you are casting about for some way 
to reach the enemy. If he could be defeated at some point before he is pre- 
pared to open the campaign, it would be attended with the greatest advantages. 
Either of the points mentioned by you would answer. I believe, however, that 
if Grant could be driven back and Mississippi and Tennessee recovered, it 
would do more to relieve the country and inspirit our people than the mere 
capture of Washington. You know how exhausted the country is between 
here and the Potomac ; there is nothing for man or horse. Everything must 
be carried. How is that to be done with weak transportation on roads in the 
condition we may expect in March ? You know better than I how you will be 
off in that respect in the West. After you get into Kentucky I suppose pro- 
visions can be obtained. But if saddles, etc. could be procured in time, where 
can the horses be ? They cannot be obtained in this section of country, and. 



638 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

as far as my information extends, not in the Confederacy. But let us both 
quietly and ardently set to work ; some good may result, and I will institute 
inquiries. 

There is a part of your letter that gives me uneasiness. That is in relation 
to your position. Your cavalry, I hope, will keep you informed of any move- 
ment against you. After the completion of the Virginia and Tennessee Rail- 
road you wiir be able to retire with ease, and you had better be prepared in 
case of necessity. If the enemy follow, with the assistance of General S. Jones 
you may be able to hit him a hard blow. I would suggest that you have the 
country examined, routes explored, and strong positions ascertained and 
improved. There is some report of a projected movement of the enemy next 
spring by the route from Knoxville, and the abandonment of this to Richmond. 
It is believed that such a movement will be as successful as that by Grant on 
Vicksburg. As they have not been able yet to overcome the eighty miles 
between Washington and Richmond by the shortest road, I hope they will not 
be able to accomplish the more circuitous route. Not knowing what they 
intend to do, and what General Johnston can do, has prevented my recom- 
mending your return to this army. After heainng that you were in comfortable 
quarters and had plenty of provisions and forage, I thought it was best you 
should remain where you are until spring or until it was determined what could 
be done. I hope you will be able to recruit your corps. In reference to that, 
how would General Buckner answer for the command of Hood's division, at 
least until it is seen whether he ever can return to it ? ... . 
With kind regards to yourself and all with you, 

I am, very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army, 
iSth Jan., 1864. 
Lawton, Brigadier-general A. R., Quartermaster-general, Richmond, 

General: The want of shoes and blankets in this army continues to cause 
much suffering and to impair its efficiency. In one regiment I am informed 
that there are only fifty men with serviceable shoes, and a brigade that recently 
went on picket was compelled to leave several hundred men in camp who were 
unable to bear the exposure of duty, being destitute of shoes and blankets 

The supply by running the blockade has become so precarious that I think 
we should turn our attention chiefly to our own resources, and I should like to 
be informed how far the latter can be counted upon 

I trust that no efforts will be spared to develop our own resources of supply. 



APPENDIX. 



639 



as a further dependence upon those from abroad can result in nothing- but 
increased suffering and want. 

I am, with great respect, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
Cetie-ral. 



[Confidential.] Headquarters, January 20, 1S64, 

Major-general Geo. E. Pickett, commanding, etc., Petersburg, Va., 

General : From all the information I have received, I think the garrison at 
New Berne can be captured, and I wish it tried, unless upon close examination 
you find it impracticable. You can use for that purpose Barton's, Kemper's, 
Corse's, and as much of Ransom's brigades as you can draw to that point. I 
shall send in addition Hoke's brigade from this army. General Hoke is famil- 
iar with the vicinity of New Berne, has recently returned from a visit to that 
country, and it is mainly upon his information that my opinion has been 
formed. He will hand you this letter and explain to you the general plan 
which at this distance appears to me the best. You can modify it according to 
circumstances developed by investigation and your good judgment. It is pro- 
posed that General Barton shall pass south of Trent River and attack the forces 
said to be stationed behind Brice's Creek, get possession of the railroad to 
Beaufort, cut off reinforcements from that quarter, and take the town in reverse. 
General Hoke will move down between the Trent and the Neuse, endeavor to 
surprise the troops on Bachelor's Creek, silence the guns in the star fort and 
batteries near the Neuse, and penetrate the town in that direction ; Whitford's 
battalion, or such other force as may be designated, to move down north of the 
Neuse, occupy if they cannot capture Fort Anderson at Barrington Ferry, and 
endeavor to take in flank with the batteries the line south of the Neuse, so as 
to lighten Hoke's work. The night previous to the land-attack Colonel Wood 
of the navy with 200 men in boats will descend the Neuse and endeavor to 
surprise and capture the gunboats in that river, and by their aid drive the 
enemy from their guns. General Whiting will be requested on the day 
appointed for the attack to threaten Swansborough with the troops he has 
north of the Cape Fear, so as to fix the attention of the enemy at Morehead 
City, etc., and to co-operate otherwise in the general plan. Everything will 
depend upon the secrecy, expedition, and boldness of your movements. Gen- 
eral Barton should move first, and be strong enough to resist any combination 
of the forces from New Berne and Beaufort. The cavalry had better accom- 
pany him to cut the telegraph and railroad, gain information, etc. General 
Hoke with his own brigade should move next, the force north of the Neuse to 
keep pace with him. Colonel Wood will attend to his part. If successful, 
everything in New Berne should be sent back to a place of security. In that 



640 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

event, too, it is hoped that by the aid of the gunboats water-transportation can 
be secured, the enemy driven from Washington, Plymouth, etc., and much sub- 
sistence for the army obtained. I wish you therefore to follow up your success. 
It will also have the happiest effect in North Carolina and inspirit the people. 
I propose Major Bearing for the command of the artillery of the expedition. 
With the two battalions of Longstreet's corps near Petersburg there should be 
twelve lo-pounder Parrotts and two 20-pounder Parrotts ; two 20-pounder Par- 
rotts will be sent from Richmond. At Kinston I understand there are four 
Napoleons and one 3-inch rifle. From Branch's battalion I hope you will get 
more rifle guns, of which, if possible, you should have about twenty and as 
many Napoleons as you desire. The guns and ammunition must be sent by 
railroad and the horses by the common route. See that you have a sufficiency 
of ammunition and subsistence. I wish you also not to interrupt the general 
travel of the railroad, but to use the empty trains going south for the trans- 
portation of troops, etc. When the day of attack is fixed notify General 

Whiting. If you have to use the telegraph, merely say, "The day is ;" 

name the day of the month — he will comprehend. Commit nothing to the 
telegraph that will disclose your purpose. You must deceive the enemy as to 
your purpose, and conceal it from the citizens. As regards the concentration 
of troops, you may put it on the ground of apprehension of an attack from New 
Berne. General Hoke will give out that he is going to arrest deserters and 
recruit his diminished regiments. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 



[Confidential.] Headquarters, 20th January, 1864. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President: I have delayed replying to your letter of the 4th until the 
time arrived for the execution of the attempt on New Berne. I regret very 
much that the boats on the Neuse and Roanoke are not completed. With their 
aid, I think, success would be certain. Without them, though the place may 
be captured, the fruits of the expedition will be lessened and our maintenance 
of the command of the waters in North Carolina uncertain. I think every 
effort should be made now to get them into service as soon as possible. You 
will see by the enclosed letters to Generals Pickett and Whiting the arrange- 
ments made for the land-operations. The water-expedition I am willing to 
trust to Colonel Wood. If he can succeed in capturing the gunboats, I think 
success will be certain, as it was by aid from the water that I expected Hoke to 
be mainly assisted. 

In view of the opinion expressed in your letter, I would go to North Carolina 



APPENDIX. 641 

myself; but I consider my presence here always necessary, especially now when 
there is such a struggle to keep the army fed and clothed. General Early is 
still in the Valley. The enemy there has been reinforced by troops from 
Meade's army and [by] calling down General Averell with his cavalry. I do 
not know what their intentions are. Report from General Early yesterday 
stated that Averell with his cavalry had started for Moorefield. I will, how- 
ever, go to North Carolina if you think it necessary. General Fitz Lee brought 
out of Hardy no prisoners, 250 horses and mules, 27 wagons, and 460 head 
of cattle. He captured 40 wagons, but 13 turned over on the mountains and 
had to be abandoned. He had also to leave behind between 100 and 200 head 
of cattle. The difficulties he encountered were very great, owing to the extreme 
cold, ice, storms, etc. Nearly all his men were frost-bitten, some badly ; many 
injured by the falling of their horses. He got within six miles of Paddytown, 
but could not cross the mountains, owing to the icy roads and the smoothness 
of his horses. He could take with him neither artillery nor wagons. 
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
' General. 



[Confidential.] ' Headquarters, Orange Co., 

Feb. 3, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President : The approach of spring causes me to consider with anx- 
iety the probable action of the enemy and the possible operations of ours in 
the ensuing campaign. If we could take the initiative and fall upon them 
unexpectedly, we might derange their plans and embarrass them the whole 
summer. There are only two points east of the Mississippi where it now ap- 
pears this could be done. If Longstreet could be strengthened or given greater 
mobility than he now possesses, he might penetrate into Kentucky, where he 
could support himself, cut Grant's communications so as to compel him at 
least to detach from Johnston's front, and enable him to take the offensive and 
regain the ground we have lost. I need not dwell upon the advantages of success 
in that quarter. The whole is apparent to you. Longstreet can be given greater 
mobility by supplying him with horses and mules to mount his infantry. He 
can only be strengthened by detaching from Beauregard's, Johnston's, or this 
army. If I could draw Longstreet secretly and rapidly to me, I might succeed 
in forcing General Meade back to Washington, and exciting sufficient appre- 
hension at least for their position to weaken any moverfient against ours. All 
the cavalry would have to be left in Longstreet's present front, and Jones would 
have to be strengthened. If the first plan is adopted, supplies will have at 
once to be accumulated at Bristol or along the Virginia and Tennessee Rail- 
road, ostensibly for Longstreet's present use. If the latter, provision must be 
41 



642 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

made at Gordonsville and Richmond for this army. We are not in a condition, 
and never have been, in my opinion, to invade the enemy's country with a 
prospect of permanent benefit. But we can alarm and embarrass him to some 
extent, and thus prevent his undertaking anything of magnitude against us. I 
have ventured to suggest these ideas to Your Excellency for consideration, that, 
viewing the whole subject with your knowledge of the state of things East and 
West, you may know whether either is feasible or what else can better be done. 
Time is an important element to our success. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, February 18, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 
Richmond, 
Mr. President : I have received the despatch forwarded to me to-day from 
General Longstreet requesting 10,000 men to ensure the capture of Knoxville. 
I have no information of the practicability of the plan. I think it may be 
assumed that its defences are stronger now than when it was last attacked, and 
an attempt to capture it by assault would not only be hazardous, but attended 
with great loss of life. To reduce it by approaches would require time, and, it 
seems to me at this distance, render necessary an army sufficient to defeat a 
relieving force that, now the railroad to Chattanooga has been opened, could 
be quickly sent from Grant's troops. If a movement could be made to cut off 
supplies from Knoxville, it would draw out the garrison ; and this appears to 
me the wiser course. Could supplies be sent if troops were ? For without the 
former the latter would be unavailing. I wrote to-day to the Secretary of War 
suggesting that Pickett's division be sent to him in the spring, and that a bri- 
gade of Buckner's now at Dalton be returned to its division at once 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
Generai. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
March 6, 1864. 
Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond, 

Sir : I have just received your letter of the 5th instant enclosing a slip from 
one of the Richmond journals giving an account of the recent attack upon that 
city, and a copy of some papers found on the dead body of Colonel Dahlgren 
disclosing the plan and purpose of the enterprise. I concur with you in think- 
ing that a formal publication of these papers should be made under official 



APPENDIX. 643 

authority, that our people and the world may know the character of the war 
our enemies wage against us, and the unchristian and atrocious acts they plot 
and perpetrate. But I cannot recommend the execution of the prisoners who 
have fallen into our hands. Assuming that the address and secret orders of 
Colonel Dahlgren correctly state his designs and intentions, they were not 
executed, and I believe in a legal point of view acts in addition to intentions 
are necessary to constitute crime. These papers can only be considered as 
evidence of his intentions. It does not appear how far his men were cognizant 
of them, or that his course was sanctioned by his Government. It is only 
known that his plans were frustrated by a merciful Providence, his forces scat- 
tered, and himself killed. I do not think it is right, therefore, to visit upon the 
captives the guilt of his intentions. I do not pretend to speak the sentiments 
of the army, which you seem to desire. I presume that the blood boils with 
indignation in the veins of every officer and man as he reads the account of 
the barbarous and inhuman plot, and under the impulse of the moment many 
would counsel extreme measures. But I do not think that reason and reflec- 
tion would justify such a course. I think it better to do right, even if we suf- 
fer in so doing, than to incur the reproach of our consciences and posterity. 
Nor do I think that under present circumstances poUcy dictates the execution 
of these men. It would produce retaliation. How many and better men have 
we in the enemy's hands than they have in ours ! But this consideration should 
have no weight, provided the course was in itself right. Yet history records 
instances where such considerations have prevented the execution of marauders 
and devastators of provinces. It may be pertinent to this subject to refer to 
the conduct of some of our men in the Valley. I have heard that a party of 1 
Gilmer's battalion, after arresting the progress of a train of cars on the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railroad, took from the passengers their purses and watches.' 
As far as I know, no military object was accomplished after gaining possession 
of the cars, and the act appears to have been one of plunder. Such conduct 
is unauthorized and discreditable. Should any of that battalion be captured, 
the enemy might claim to treat them as highway robbers ; what would be our 
course ? I have ordered an investigation of the matter, and hope the report 
may be untrue. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 



[Confidential.] Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

March 8, 1864. 
Lieutenant-general James Longstreet, commanding, etc., Greenville, 
Tenn., 
General: I was in Richmond when your letter arrived, and have been so 
much occupied by the recent movements of the enemy that it is only to-day 



644 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

that I can reply. I think the enemy's great effort will be in the West, and we 
must concentrate our strength there to meet them. 1 see no possibility of 
mounting your command without stripping all others of animals and rendering 
them immovable. If horses could be obtained for you, where are the forage 
and equipments to be procured ? The former is not to be had nearer than 
Georgia. It could not be furnished by the railroad, and I do not think equip- 
ments could be impressed through the country. If you and Johnston could 
unite and move into Middle Tennessee, where I am told provisions and forage 
can be had, it would cut the armies at Chattanooga and Knoxville in two, and 
draw them from those points, where either portion could be struck at in suc- 
cession as opportunity offered. This appears to me at this distance the most 
feasible plan ; can it be accomplished ? By covering your front well with your 
cavalry, Johnston could move quietly and rapidly through Benton, across the 
Hiwassee, and then push forward in the direction of Kingston, while you, tak- 
ing such a route as to be safe from a flank attack, would join him at or after 
his crossing the Tennessee River. The two commands upon reaching Sparta 
would be in position to select their future course, would necessitate the evacu- 
ation of Chattanooga and Knoxville, and by rapidity and skill unite on either 
army. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the country to do more than indi- 
cate the general plan. The particular routes, passage of rivers, etc. you and 
Johnston must ascertain and choose. The condition of roads, etc. may oblige 
you to pass through the western portion of North Carolina, but this you can 
ascertain, if you do not already know, as well as the distances each column 
would have to traverse before uniting, their point of junction, time of march- 
ing, etc. The agents of the commissary department tell me there is an abun- 
dance of provisions and forage in Middle Tennessee, which is corroborated by 
individuals professing to know that country. But this should be investigated 
too. It is also believed by those acquainted with the people that upon the 
entrance of the army into that country its ranks will be recruited by the men 
from Tennessee and Kentucky who have left it. A victory gained there will 
open the country to you to the Ohio. 

Study the subject, communicate with Johnston, and endeavor to accomplish 
it or something better. We cannot now pause. I will endeavor to do some^ 
thing here to occupy them if I cannot do more. I hope Alexander has joined 
you with his new commission. The promotion of the other officers of artillery 
was ordered as proposed during my last visit to Richmond. Walton retains 
his former position in the Washington battalion. 

Wishing you all success and happiness, I am, ver)' truly, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



APPENDIX. 645 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE OF GENERAL LEE DURING THE 
GRANT CAMPAIGN. 

The letters which follow cover the momentous period from the date of Gen- 
eral Grant's taking command of the Army of the Potomac to the surrender 
of the Army of Northern Virginia in 1865. During this period General Lee 
returned no formal report of his operations, as in the case of his earlier cam- 
paigns. In this final campaign he was in the habit of sending brief despatches 
to Richmond relating any occurrences of importance. These very imperfectly 
replace official reports, and have the singular feature of understating, as a rule, 
the extent of the Confederate successes — a fact which detracts considerably 
from their historical value. Some few of them are here appended, but the 
letters which we deem it more important to give are those that relate to the 
general military interests of the Confederate States. In addition to their sug- 
gestions concerning military movements elsewhere than in Virginia, they yield 
many valuable side-glimpses into the difficulties under which General Lee 
labored, such as the dearth of provisions, clothing, and arms, the increasing 
desertions, the lack of recruits, the disaffection in certain sections of the coun. 
try, and the rapid exhaustion of means of resistance to the North. In none 
of them does he show a symptom of despair or breathe a thought of giving up 
the contest. To the last he remained full of resources, energetic, and defiant, 
and ready to bear upon his shoulders the whole burden of the conduct of the 
war. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
March 30, 1864. 

His Excellency J. Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President : Since my former letter on the subject the indications that 
operations in Virginia will be vigorously prosecuted by the enemy are stronger 
than they then were. General Grant has returned from the Army in the West. 
He is at present with the Army of the Potomac, which is being organized and 
recruited. From the reports of our scouts the impression prevails in that army 
that he will operate it in the coming campaign. Every train brings it recruits, 
and it is stated that every available regiment at the North is added to it. It is 
also reported that General Burnside is organizing a large army at Annapolis, 
and it seems probable that additional troops are being sent to the Valley. It 
is stated that preparations are making to rebuild the railroad from Harper's 
Ferry to Winchester, which would indicate a reoccupation of the latter place. 
The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad is very closely guarded along its whole 



646 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

extent ; no ingress or egress from their lines is permitted to citizens as hereto- 
fore ; and everything shows secrecy and preparation. Their plans are not suf- 
ficiently developed to discover them, but I think we can assume that if General 
Grant is to direct operations on this frontier, he will concentrate a large force 
on one or more lines, and prudence dictates that we should make such prep- 
arations as are in our power. If an aggressive movement can be made in the 
West, it will disconcert their plans and oblige them to conform to ours. But 
if it cannot, Longstreet should be held in readiness to be thrown rapidly into 
the Valley if necessary, to counteract any movement in that quarter, in accom- 
plishing which I could unite with him or he unite with me, should circumstances 
require it, on the Rapidan. The time is also near at hand when I shall require 
all the troops belonging to this army. I have delayed caUing for General Hoke, 
who besides his own brigade has two regiments of another of this army, under 
the expectation that the object of his visit to North Carolina may yet be accom- 
phshed. I have heard nothing on the subject recently, and if our papers be 
correct in their information the enemy has thrown reinforcements into that 
State and the Neuse is barricaded just above New Berne. There is another 
brigade of this army, General R. Johnston's, at Hanover ^Junction. I should 
like as soon as possible to get them back. 

I am, with great respect, your most obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Orange Court-house, 
April 2, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President: I had a conversation with General Pendleton last evening, 
who gave me the result of his observations during his late visit to the Army of 
Tennessee. His report of the condition of that army, the buoyant spirit of the 
men, and above all the confidence reposed in their leader, gave me unalloyed 
pleasure. I regret the difficulties in the projected combination and movement 
of Generals Johnston and Longstreet. Those arising from the scarcity of sup- 
plies I can realize. Those arising from the features of the country, the strength 
or position of the enemy, I cannot properly estimate. They should be exam- 
ined and judged by the commanders who are to execute the movement. As 
far as I can judge, the contemplated expedition offers the fairest prospects of 
valuable results within the limits of the Confederacy, and its success would be 
attended with the greatest relief. I hope the obstacles to its execution on being 
closely scanned may not prove insurmountable or may be removed by a mod- 
ification of the plan. In the mean time, provisions might be accumulated at 
some suitable point, and if drawn from the country south or west of that point 



APPENDIX. 647 

they would always be convenient for the armies north of it. Other prepara- 
tions might also be made, but if after a full consideration of the subject by 
General Johnston there should not be, in his opinion, reasonable grounds for 
expecting success, I would not recommend its execution. He can better com- 
pare the difficulties existing to a forward movement with the disadvantages of 
remaining quiet, and decide between them. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General, 



Headquarters, April 5, 1864. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President: All the information I receive tends to show that the great 
effort of the enemy in this campaign will be made in Virginia. Nothing as yet 
has been discovered to develop his plan. Reinforcements are certainly daily 
arriving to the Army of the Potomac. I cannot ascertain whence they come. 
Information was received on the 3d from two scouts, derived from citizens along 
the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, that the troops on the cars said they 
belonged to Grant's Army of Tennessee. A resident of Culpeper stated that 
the Eleventh and Twelfth army corps had returned there. I telegraphed to 
Generals Johnston and Longstreet to know if they were still in the West. I 
enclose their answers. Both seem to think they are in their front, but prepar- 
ing to leave. The tone of the Northern papers, as well as the impression pre- 
vailing in their armi^es, go to show that Grant with a large force is to move 
against Richmond. One of their correspondents at Harrisburg states upon 
the occasion of the visit of Generals Burnside and Hancock that it was certain 
that the former would go to North Carolina. They cannot collect the large 
force they mention for their operations against Richmond without reducing 
their other armies. This ought to be discovered and taken advantage of by 
our respective commanders. I infer from the information I receive that Long- 
street's corps is in the vicinity of Abingdon and Bristol. It is therefore in posi- 
tion to be thrown West or East. 

Unless it is certain that it can be advantageously employed West for a speedy 
blow, I would recommend that it be returned to this army. The movements 
and reports of the enemy may be intended to mislead us, and should there- 
fore be carefully observed. But all the information that reaches me goes to 
strengthen the belief that General Grant is preparing to move against Rich- 
mond. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 



648 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters, April 12, 1864. 
Mr. President : My anxiety on the subject of provisions for the army is so 
great thai I cannot refrain from expressing it to Your Excellency. I cannot see 
how we can operate with our present supplies. Any derangement in their 
arrival or disaster to the railroad would render it impossible for me to keep the 
army together, and might force a retreat into North Carolina. There is noth- 
ing to be had in this section for men or animals. We have rations for the 
troops to-day and to-morrow. I hope a new supply arrived last night, but I 
have not yet had a report. Every exertion should be made to supply the 
depots at Richmond and at other points. All pleasure travel should cease and 
everything be devoted to necessary wants. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 



Headquarters, April 15, 1864. 
Mr. President : The reports of the scouts are still conflicting as to the cha- 
racter of the reinforcements to the Army of the Potomac and the composition 
of that of Annapolis under General Burnside. I think it probable that the 
Eighth corps, which embraces the troops who have heretofore guarded the line 
of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the intrenchments around Washington, 
Alexandria, etc., has been moved up to the Rappahannock, and that an equiv- 
alent has been sent to Annapolis from General Meade. Lieutenant-colonel 
Mosby states that the Eleventh and Twelfth corps, consolidated, have also 
been sent to General Burnside. But, whatever doubt there may be on these 
points, I think it certain that the enemy is organizing a large army on the Rap- 
pahannock and another at Annapolis, and that the former is intended to move 
directly on Richmond, while the latter is intended to take it in flank or rear. I 
think we may also reasonably suppose that the Federal troops that have so long 
besieged Charleston will, with a portion of their ironclad steamers, be trans- 
ferred to the James River. I consider that the suspension of the attack on that 
city was virtually declared when General Gillmore transferred his operations to 
the St. John's River. It can only be continued during the summer months by 
the fleet. The expedition of the enemy up Red River has so diminished his 
forces about New Orleans and Mobile that I think no attack upon the latter 
city need be apprehended soon, especially as we have reason to hope that he 
will return from his expedition in a shattered condition. I have thought, there- 
fore, that General Johnston might draw something from Mobile during the 
summer to strengthen his hands, and that General Beauregard with a portion 
of his troops might move into North Carolina to oppose General Burnside 
Khould he resume his old position in that State, or be ready to advance to the 



APPENDIX. 649 

James River should that route be taken. I do not know what benefit General 
Buckner can accomplish in his present position. If he is able to advance into 
Tennessee, reoccupy Knoxville, or unite with General Johnston, great good 
may be accomplished, but if he can only hold Bristol, I think he had better be 
called for a season to Richmond. We shall have to glean troops from every 
quarter to oppose the apparent combination of the enemy. If Richmond could 
be held secure against the attack from the east, I would propose that I draw 
Longstreet to me and move right against the enemy on the Rappahannock. 
Should God give us a crowning victory there, all their plans would be dissi- 
pated, and their troops now collecting on the waters of the Chesapeake would 
be recalled to the defence of Washington. But to make this move I must have 
provisions and forage. I am not yet able to call to me the cavalry or artillery. 
If I am obliged to retire from this line, either by a flank movement of the 
enemy or the want of supplies, great injury will befall us. I have ventured to 
throw out these suggestions to Your Excellency in order that in surveying the 
whole field of operations you may consider all the circumstances bearing on 
the question. Should you determine it is better to divide this army and fall 
back toward Richmond, I am ready to do so. I, however, see no better plan 
for the defence of Richmond than that I have proposed, 
I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E, Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, April 16, 1864, 
General Braxton Bragg, commanding Armies C, States, 

General: I have received your letter of the 13th enclosing a copy of ^ 
communication from Colonel Gorgas in reference to the large proportion of 
artillery with this army, I have never found it too large in battle, and it has 
generally been opposed by about 300 pieces of the enemy of larger calibre, 
longer range, and with more effective ammunition. If, however, its equipment 
overtaxes the means of the Ordnance Department, or, as you suggest, its sup- 
ply of horses cannot be kept up, that decides the question, and no argument on 
the subject is necessary. Taking the European standard of 3 guns for every 
1000 men, based upon the experience of their wars, not ours, the number of 
guns in this army will fall short, provided the regiments are filled to the mini- 
mum allowed by law. I think Colonel Gorgas is correct in not adhering to 
this standard when the organizations recede from their maximum of strength. 
Taking his own standard and allowing 5 guns to each brigade, we ought to 
have 230 guns, Longstreet has 12 brigades, Ewell 13, Hill 14, and the cavalry 
(including 'the Carolina brigade being organized) 7 = 46 brigades. Taking 
Colonel Gorgas's statement as correct, which I have not time to verify, there 



650 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

are in this army 197 guns ; with General Longstreet, 27 ; and in the Washington 
Artillery (if full), 16=240. The excess is not large, but going back tonhe 
European standard we have 206 regiments. Taking the minimum and not the 
maximum of strength (206x640= 131,840), and allowing 3 guns for every 
1000 men (131,840-5-3) = 439 guns. Our aggregate present and absent would 
give us more. I differ from Colonel Gorgas in thinking that 20 guns are too 
much for the cavalry. In my opinion they are not enough. We should have 
a battery for each brigade, and a reserve battery for each division ; the 7 
brigades would require 7 batteries, and the 3 divisions 3 reserve batteries, 
making 10. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
Genera!. 



Headquarters, April 16, 1864. 
General Braxton Bragg, commanding Armies C. States, 

General: I received last evening your letter of the 14th instant by the 
hands of Major Parker. I trust that the expedition in North Carolina will be 
attended with success, and that the troops in the department of South Caro- 
lina, Georgia, and Florida may be made available to oppose the combined 
operations of the enemy in Virginia. No attack of moment can be made upon 
Charleston or the southern coast during the summer months, and I think Gen- 
eral Johnston can draw with impunity some troops from Mobile to him. Buck- 
ner's force, too, might be made available in some way ; I fear, as he stands 
now, it will be lost to us. At present my hands are tied. If I were able to move 
with, the aid of Longstreet and Pickett, the enemy might be driven from the 
Rappahannock and be obliged to look to the safety of his own capital instead 
of the assault upon ours. I cannot even draw to me the cavalry or artillery of 
the army, and the season has arrived when I may be attacked any day. The 
scarcity of our supplies gives me the greatest uneasiness. All travel should be 
suspended on the railroad until a sufficiency is secured. I can have a portion 
of the corn ground into meal for the army if it is sent to me. I do not know 
whether all can be furnished. The mills are mostly on the Rapidan, and con- 
sequently exposed if any movement takes place. It will also increase the 
hauling, which at this time I should like to avoid if possible. If the meal can 
be prepared in Richmond, it will be more convenient at this time. If it can- 
not, we can at least grind part of the corn if sent to us. If we are forced back 
from our present line, the Central Railroad, Charlottesville, and all the upper 
country will be exposed, and I fear great mjury inflicted on us. 
Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



APPENDIX. 



651 



STRENGTH OF THE ARMY PREVIOUS TO WILDERNESS CAMPAIGN. 
Abstract from Return of the Army of Northern Virginia^ GEN- 
ERAL R. E. Lee conwianding^ for April ^^, I864.; Ora^ige 
Court-house^ Va. 





Present for duty. 


s 

b. 

a. 
u 

CiS 
60 
< 


c 

re rt 
^ c 
tug 
< 


1 


Command. 


i 

u 



c 


M 3 

ti " 
bo 
< 


General staflF 


12 
16 


• • • 


12 
16 

5,578 
6,383 

8,733 


12 

19 

9,067 
10,405 
13,292 


12 


Staff 


17 

5,529 
6,294 
8,729 


SECOND ARMY CORPS. 

LlEUT.-GEN. EWELL. 








Rodes's division \ 






Total 






20,710 

16 
7,910 
8,502 
8,963 


32,783 

16 

11,991 

14,349 
12,646 


20,569 
15 


THIRD ARMY CORPS. 

Lieut. -GEN. A. P. Hill. 

Staff 












7,809 








7,951 


Wilcox's division 






8,946 


Total 






25,391 

13 

3,815 

5.872 


39,002 

15 
8,192 

8,715 


24,721 


Cavalry Corps. 

Maj.-gen. J. E. B. Stuart. 

Staff 






13 








3,358 


Fitz Lee's division 






5.599 








9,700 

465 
1,977 
2,632 

473 


16,922 

592 
2,603 
3.368 

674 


8,970 


Artillcrv Bris^ade. 
Bng.-gen. W. N. Pendleton. 






463 








1,904 








2.568 


Cavalry 






467 


Total 






5.547 


7.237 


5,402 


Unattached Co77i7nands, 














913 

387 
265 


1,351 

584 

355 


887 








387 


Battn. Scouts and Couriers 






274 


Total 






1,565 


2,290 


1,548 








62,925 


98,246 


61,222 



• Hoke's brigade detached ; not reported, f 1'wo regiments detached ; not reported. % Not reported. 



652 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Hkadquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
June 26, 1864. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
of the 25th instant. General Hunter has escaped Early, and will make good 
his retreat, as far as I can understand, to Lewisburg. Although his expedition 
has been partially interrupted, I fear he has not been much punished except 
by the demoralization of his troops and the loss of some artillery. From his 
present position he can easily be reorganized and re-equipped, and, unless we 
have sufficient force to resist him, will repeat his expedition. This would neces- 
sitate the return of Early to Staunton. I think it better that he should move 
down the Valley if he can obtain provisions, which would draw Hunter after 
him, and may enable him to strike Pope (?) before he can effect a junction with 
Hunter. If circumstances favor, I should also recommend his crossing the 
Potomac. I think I can maintain our lines here against General Grant. He 
does not seem disposed to attack, and has thrown himself strictly on the defen- 
sive. I am less uneasy about holding our position than about our ability to 
procure supplies for the army. I fear the latter difficulty will obhge me to 
attack General Grant in his intrenchments, which I should not hesitate to do 
but for the loss it will inevitably entail. A want of success would, in my opin- 
ion, be almost fatal, and this causes me to hesitate, in the hope that some relief 
may be procured without running such great hazard. 

I should like much to have the benefit of Your Excellency's good judgment 
and views upon this subject. 

Great benefit might be drawn from the release of our prisoners at Point 
Lookout if it can be accomplished. The number of men employed for this 
purpose would necessarily be small, as the whole would have to be transported 
secretly across the Potomac where it is very broad, the means of doing which 
must first be procured. I can devote to this purpose the whole of the Mary- 
landers of this army, which would aiTord a sufificient number of men of excel- 
lent material and much experience, but I am at a loss where to find a proper 
leader. As he would command Maryland troops and operate upon the Mary- 
land soil, it would be well that he should be a Marylander. Of those connected 
with this army, I consider Colonel Bradley Johnson the most suitable. He is 
bold and intelligent, ardent and true, and yet I am unable to say whether he 
possesses all the requisite quahties. Everything in an expedition of this kind 
would depend upon the leader. I have understood that most of the garrison at 
Point Lookout is composed of negroes. I should suppose that the commander 
of such troops would be poor and feeble. A stubborn resistance, therefore, 
may not reasonably be expected. By taking a company of the Maryland 
artillery armed as infantry, the dismounted cavalry, and their infantry organi- 
sation, as many men would be supplied as transportation could be procured 



APPENDIX. 553 

for. By throwing them suddenly on the beach with some concert of action 
among the prisoners, I think the guard might be overpowered, the prisoners 
liberated and organized, and marched immediately on the route to Washington. 

The artillery company could operate the guns captured at the Point. The 
dismounted cavalry with the released prisoners of that arm could mount them- 
selves on the march, and the infantry would form a respectable force. Such a 
body of men, under an able leader, though they might not be able without assist- 
ance to capture Washington, could march around it and cross the upper Poto- 
mac where fordable. I do not think they could cross the river in a body at 
any point below Washington, unless possibly at Alexandria. Provisions, etc. 
would have to be collected in the country through which they pass. The 
operations on the river must be confided to an able naval officer, who I know 
will be found in Colonel Wood. The subject is one worthy of consideration, 
and can only be matured by reflection. 

The sooner it is put in execution the better if it be deemed practicable. 

At this time, as far as I can learn, all the troops in the control of the United 
States are being sent to Grant, and little or no opposition could be made by 
those at Washington. 

With relation to the project of Marshal Kane, if the matter can be kept 
secret, which I fear is impossible, should General Early cross the Potomac he 
\night be sent to join him. 

Very respectfully, your Excellency's obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



654 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Abstract from Return of the Army of Northern l^irginia^ GEN- 
ERAL R. E. Lee conmianding^ for July 10^ 1S6J^ ; Station 
near Petersburg^ Va. 





Present for duty. 


c 

a 

n 

bO 

bo 

<; 


c 

« c 
a " 

u n 
bs 
bfl 
< 


J 


Command. 


i 
o 




m2 
< 


DEPARTMENT OF NORTH CARO- 
LINA, SOUTH CAROLINA, AND 
VIRGINIA* 
Gen. p. T. Beauregard commanding. 

General staff 


12 




12 

8,403 
6,387 


12 

13,681 

12,668 


12 




8,478 
6,628 


Hoke's division 














Total 






14,790 

17 
5,862 

5,952 

5,791 


26,349 

24 
11,628 

12,943 
11,646 


15,106 

17 
5,924 
5,846 
5,712 


FIRST ARMY CORPS. 

LiEUT.-GEN. R. H. Anderson com'd'g. 

Staff 






Pickett's division 






Field's division 






Kershaw's division 












Total 






17,622 

17 

7,569 
6,288 

5,581 


36,241 

17 
14,380 
14,001 
12,190 


'7,499 

17 
6,643 
6,121 


THIRD ARMY CORPS. 
LiEUT.-GEN. A. P. Hill commanding. 
.Staff 






Anderson's division 






Helh's division 






Wilcox's division 






5,445 








Total 






19,455 
3.570 

1,994 
4,929 


40,588 

8,067 
5,889 
8,324 


18,226 


CAVALRY. 
Hampton's division 






Fit/. Lee's division 






1,928 
3.379 


W. H. F. Lee's division 












Total • • 






'0,493 
i,iSo 

1,019 

818 

2.555 


23,180 
1,622 

2,637 
1,701 

3,475 


5.307 
',247 

1,838 

817 

2,5 « 9 


Of Gen. Beauregard's command 






ARTILLERY. 

Brig.-gen. Pendleton. 

First army corps 






Second army coqis f 


















Total 






6,472 


9.435 


6,421 




• • • 




Grand total 






68,844 


135,805 


62,571 



* The Second .irmy carp's, Lieutenant gcnend Farly, detached ; not reported, 
■f Part of artillery of Second corps with General liarly ; not reported. 



APPENDIX. 655 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
July II, 1864. 

Lieutenant-general J. A. Early, commanding, etc., 

General : Your letter of the 7th was received this morning. Your move- 
ments and arrangements appear to me to have been judicious, and I am glad 
you did not delay to storm the works at Maryland Heights. It was better to 
turn them and endeavor to draw from them. I hope you get the Northern 
papers, as they will keep you advised of their preparations to oppose you. 
They rely greatly upon General Hunter's force coming in your rear. About 
the 4th instant, as far as I can judge, he was in the vicinity of Charleston on 
the Kanawha, with his own, Averell's, and Crooks's commands. To encounter 
you in your present position he must either ascend the Ohio to Parkersburg and 
take the railroad to Grafton, thence by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, if that 
is left practicable, or go up to Pittsburg, and thence by the Central Pennsylva- 
nia. You will be able to judge of the time that either of these routes will 
require to bring him in position, and I think that even his whole force, 
aided by such troops as might join him, would be unable to oppoac you 
successfully. 

I ascertained some days ago that on the 6th instant General Grant sent off a 
portion of his troops, and, as far as I am able to judge, they consisted of Rick- 
etts's division of the Sixth corps, and their destination was Washington City. 
I think it probable that about a brigade of cavalry without their horses were 
sent on the night of the 6th to the same point. I learn this morning from our 
scouts on the James River that about the same number of troops, judging from 
the transports, descended the river yesterday, and I presume they are bound 
for Washington City. Whether these belong to the Sixth corps or have been 
taken from other corps of his army, which I think more probable, I have not 
yet ascertained. We may, however, assume that a corps or its equivalent has 
been sent by General Grant to Washington, and I send a special messenger to 
apprise you of this fact, that you may be on your guard and take this force into 
consideration with others that may be brought to oppose you. In your further 
operations you must of course be guided by the circumstances by which you 
are surrounded and the information you may be able to collect, and must not 
consider yourself committed to any particular line of conduct, but be governed 
by your good judgment. Should you find yourself obliged, in consequence 
of the forces opposed to you, to return to the south side of the Potomac, you 
can take advantage of the fords east of the Blue Ridge, keeping your cavalry 
well to your front and causing them to retire by fords between you and Wash- 
ington. In the event of your recrossing the Potomac, your route through Lou- 
doun will facilitate the procurement of provisions, forage, etc. for your com- 
mand, and will be otherwise most advantageous, giving you a strong country 
through which to pass, and enabling you, if pressed, to retire into the Valley 



656 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

and threaten and hang upon the enemy's flank should he push on toward 
Richmond. 

I recommend that you have the fords of the Potomac examined by a com- 
petent officer, and held by a small force of cavalry or infantry as you may 
deem most advisable. 

I can tell nothing further of the expedition mentioned to you in my letter of 
the 3d instant than was stated in that letter, having heard nothing from it 
since, except that the subject was a matter of general conversation in Rich- 
mond, which may tend to frustrate it. 

You can retain the special messenger until you may wish to send him back 
for any purpose. I need not state to you the advantage of striking at the 
bodies of troops that may be collected to oppose you in detail before they are 
enabled to unite. None of the forces that I have mentioned, nor any reported 
in the Northern papers as being likely to oppose you, will be able, in my opin- 
ion, to resist you, provided you can strike them before they are strengthened 
by others. Should you hear of the near approach of General Hunter, and can 
strike at him before he is reinforced by troops from the East, you can easily 
remove that obstacle from your path, in my opinion. 

Trusting you and our cause to the care of a merciful Providence, I remain, 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Petersburg, Va., August 4, 1864. 

Mr. President: .... A scout reported that on Sunday, the 31st ultimo, 
a body of cavalry estimated at two brigades moved toward the James River in 
the direction of City Point, and this may be the force of cavalry which has been 
shipped North. I fear that this force is intended to operate against General 
Early, and when added to that already opposed to him may be more than he 
can manage. Their object may be to drive him out of the Valley and com- 
plete the devastation they commenced when they were ejected from it. Gen- 
eral Grant's plan of operations here appears to be to mine and bombard our 
lines with a view of driving us from them, and as he is very strongly fortified 
he can operate with fewer troops and enable him to detach a sufficient force 
for the purpose indicated. The largest force which I can detach would be 
Kershaw's and Field's divisions, and that would leave not a man out of the 
trenches for any emergency which might arise. If it is their intention to 
endeavor to overwhelm Early, I think it better to detach these troops than to 



APPENDIX. 657 

fiazard his destruction and that of our railroads, etc. north of Richmond, and 

therefore submit the question to the better judgment of Your Excellency 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
August 26, 1864. 
JjEneral Early, 

General: Your letter of the 23d has been received, and I am much pleased 
at your having forced the enemy back to Harper's Ferry. This will give pro- 
tection to the Valley and arrest the travel on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. 
It will, however, have little or no effect upon Grant's operations or prevent 
reinforcements being sent to him. If Sheridan's force is as large as you sup- 
pose, I do not know that you could operate to advantage north of the Potomac. 
Either Anderson's troops or a portion of yours might, however, be detf^ched to 
destroy the railroad west of Charlestown, and Fitz Lee might send a nortion 
of his cavalry to cross the Potomac east of the Blue Ridge, as yoi' propose. I 
cannot detach at present more cavalry from this army ; the enemy is too strong 
in that arm. I am aware that Anderson is the ranking officer, but I apprehend; 
no difficulty on that score. I first intended him to threaten the enemy ea&t of 
the Blue Ridge, so as to retain near Washington a portion of the enemy's 
forces. He crossed the mountains at your suggestion, and I think properly. 
If his troops are not wanted there, he could cross into Loudoun or Fauquier 
and return to Culpeper. It would add force to the movement of cavalry east 
of the Blue Ridge. I am in great need of his troops, and if they can be spared 
from the Valley or cannot operate to advantage there, I will order them back 
to Richmond. Let me know. 

Very respectfully, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 
42 



658 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
September 2, 1864. 

His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President Confederate States, 

Mr. President: I beg leave to call your attention to the importance of 
immediate and vigorous measures to increase the strength of our armies, and 
to some suggestions as to the mode of doing it. The necessity is now great, and 
will soon be augmented by the results of the coming draft in the United States. 
As matters now stand, we have no troops disposable to meet movements of the 
enemy or strike when opportunity presents, without taking them from the 
trenches and exposing some important point. The enemy's position enables 
him to move his troops to the right or left without our knowledge until he has 
ireached the point at which he aims, and we are then compelled to hurry our 
men to meet him, incurring the risk of being too late to check his progress, and 
:the additional risk of the advantage he may derive from their absence. This 
•was fully illustrated in the late demonstration north of the James River, which 
called troops from our lines here who, if present, might have prevented the 
'Occupation of the Weldon Railroad. These rapid and distant movements also 
.fatigoae and exhaust our men, greatly impairing their efficiency in battle. It is 
■not necessary, however, to enumerate all the reasons for recruiting our ranks. 
The necessity is as well known to Your Excellency as to myself, and as much 
the object of your solicitude. 1 The means of obtaining men for field duty, as 
far as I can see, are only three : A considerable number could be placed in the 
ranks by relieving all able-bodied white men employed as teamsters, cooks, 
mechanics, and laborers, and supplying their places with negroes. I think 
measures should be taken at once to substitute negroes for whites in every 
place in the army or connected with it where the former can be used. It seems 
to me that we must choose between employing negroes ourselves and having 
them employed against us. A thorough and vigorous inspection of the rolls 
of exempted and detailed men is in my opinion of immediate importance. I 
think you will agree with me that no man should be excused from service for 
any reason not deemed sufficient to entitle one already in service to his dis- 
charge. I do not think that the decision of such questions can be made so 
well by any as by those whose experience with troops has made them acquainted 
with the urgent claims to relief which are constantly brought to the attention 
of commanding officers, but which they are forced to deny. For this reason I 
would recommend that the rolls of exempts and details in each State be in- 
spected by officers of character and influence who have had experience in the 
field and have had nothing to do with the exemptions and details. If all that 
I have heard be true, I think it will be found that very different rules of action 
have been pursued toward men in service and those liable to it in the matter 
of exemptions and details, and I respectfully recommend that Your Excellency 
cause reports to be made by the enrolling bureau of the number of men enrolled 



APPENDIX. 659 

in each State, the number sent to the field, and the number exempted or 
detailed. I regard this matter as of the utmost moment. Our ranks are con- 
stantly diminishing by battle and disease, and few recruits are received. The 
consequences are inevitable, and I feel confident that the time has come when 
no man capable of bearing arms should be excused unless it be for some con- 
troUing reason of public necessity. The safety of the country requires this, in 
my judgment, and hardship to individuals must be disregarded in view of the 
calamity that would follow to the whole people if our armies meet with disas- 
ter. No detail of an arms-bearing man should be continued or granted except 
for the performance of duty that is indispensable to the army, and that cannot 
be performed by one not liable to or fit for service. Agricultural details take 
numbers from the army without any corresponding advantage. I think that 
the interests of land-owners and cultivators may be relied upon to induce them 
to provide means for saving their crops if they be sent to the field. If they 
remain at home, their produce will only benefit the enemy, as our armies will 
be insufficient to defend them. If the officers and men detailed in the conscript 
bureau have performed their duties faithfully, they must have already brought 
out the chief part of those liable to duty, and have nothing to do now except 
to get such as from time to time reach military age. If this be true, many of 
these officers and men can be spared to the army. If not, they have been 
derelict, and should be sent back to the ranks, and their places supplied by 
others who will be more active. Such a policy will stimulate the energy of 
this class of men. The last resource is the reserve force. Men of this class 
can render great service in connection with regular troops by taking their places 
in trenches, forts, etc., and leaving them free for active operations. I think no 
time should be lost in bringing out the entire strength of this class, particularly 
in Virginia and North Carolina. If I had the reserves of Virginia to hold the 
trenches here, or even to man those below Richmond on the north side of the 
river, they would render greater service than they can in any other way. They 
would give me a force to act with on the offensive or defensive, as might be 
necessary, without weakening any part of our lines. Their mere presence in 
the works below Richmond would prevent the enemy from making feints in 
that quarter to draw troops from here, except in such force as to endanger his 
own lines around Petersburg. But I feel confident that with vigorous effort, 
and an understanding on the part of the people of the necessity of the case, 
we could get more of this class than enough for the purpose last indicated. 
We could make our regular troops here available in the field. The same 
remarks are applicable to the reserves of North Carolina, who could render 
similar services at Wilmington, and allow the regular troops to take the field 
against any force that might land there. I need not remind Your Excellency 
that the reserves are of great value in connection with our regular troops to 
prevent disaster, but would be of little avail to retrieve it. For this reason they 



66o MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

should be put in service before the numerical superiority of the enemy enables 
him to inflict a damaging blow upon the regular forces opposed to him. In my 
opinion the necessity for them will never be more urgent or their services of 
greater value than now. And I entertain the same views as to the importance 
of immediately bringing into the regular service every man liable to militaiy 
duty. It will be too late to do so after our armies meet with disaster, should 
such, unfortunately, be the case. 

I trust Your Excellency will excuse the length and earnestness of this letter 
in view of the vital importance of its subject, and am confident that you will do 
all in your power to accomplish the objects I have in view. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, Petersburg, 
September 27, 1864. 
General J. A. Early, commanding Valley, 

General: Your letter of the 25th instant is received. I very much regret 
the reverses that have occurred to the army in the Valley, but trust they can 
be remedied. The arrival of Kershaw will add greatly to your strength, and I 
have such confidence in the men and officers that I am sure all will unite in 
the defence of the country. It will require that every one should exert all his 
energies and strength to meet the emergency. One victory will put all things to 
rights. You must do all in your power to invigorate your army. Get back all 
absentees — manceuvre so, if you can, as to keep the enemy in check until you 
can strike him with all your strength. As far as I can judge at this distance, 
you have operated more with divisions than with your concentrated strength. 
Circumstances may have rendered it necessary, but such a course is to be 
avoided if possible. It will require the greatest watchfulness, the greatest 
promptness, and the most untiring energy on your part to arrest the progress 
of the enemy in his present tide of success. All the reserves in the Valley 
have been ordered to you. Breckenridge will join you or co-operate as circum- 
stances will permit with all his force. Rosser left this morning for Burkeville 
(intersection of Danville and Southside Railroads), whence he will shape his 
course as you direct. I have given you all I can. You must use the resources 
you have so as to gain success. The enemy must be defeated, and I rely upon 
you to do it. I will endeavor to have shoes, arms, and ammunition supplied 
you. Set all your officers to work bravely and hopefully, and all will go well. 
As regards the Western cavalry, I think for the present the best thing you can 
do is to separate it. Perhaps there is a lack of confidence between officers and 
men. If you will attach one brigade to Rosser, making him a division, and 
one to Fitz Lee's division under Wickham, Lomax will be able, I hope, to 



APPENDIX. 66 1 

bring out the rest. The men are all good, and only require instruction and 
discipline. The enemy's force cannot be so greatly superior to yours. His 
effective infantry I do not think exceeds 12,000 men. We are obliged to fight 
against great odds. A kind Providence will yet overrule everything for our 
good. If Colonel Carter's wound incapacitates him for duty, you must select 
a good chief of artillery for the present. 

Wishing you every prosperity and success, 

I am very truly yours, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Oct, 21, 1864. 
Hon. Sec, of War, Richmond, 

Sir : I consider it very important to supply the garrisons in the forts below 
Wilmington with thirty days' provisions, in case the enemy should succeed in 
cutting them off from the city. I directed General Whiting to endeavor to 
obtain provisions for the purpose in North CaroUna, but he has not succeeded 
in doing so, nor do I know that it is in his power. The amount of subsistence 
issued to the army in Virginia and North Carolina is not sufficient to enable us 
to retain what is required for these garrisons for the time indicated. W^e now 
get bacon for the troops only once in four days, and the commissary depart- 
ment informed Colonel Cole, chief C. S. of the army, that we must rely on 
cattle. As the collection of supplies is in the hands of the officers of the C. S. 
department, Colonel Cole does not know what number of cattle or what amount 
of provisions he can count upon, so as to make any arrangements to provide 
for those garrisons from stores that may come into their hands. I think that it 
would be better that the C, S. department should provide the desired supplies 
if practicable, and I respectfully ask that you will direct that it be done if it be 
in the power of that department to accomplish it. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Heaquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Oct. 24, 1864. 
Captain J. K. Mitchell, Flag-officer commanding James River Squadron, 

Captain : Your letter of the 23d instant is received, and in compliance with 
your request I will give you my views as to the service I deem important to be 
»!endered by the navy in the present posture of affairs. 



662 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

In my opinion, the enemy is already as near Richmond as he can be allowed 
to come with safety, and it is certain that the defence of the city would be 
easier did our lines extend lower down the river, and becomes more difficult 
the farther we are compelled to retire. 

If the enemy succeeds in throwing a force to the south bank in rear of Gen- 
eral Pickett's lines, it will necessitate not only the withdrawal of General P.'s 
forces, but also the abandonment of Petersburg and its railroad connections, 
throwing the whole army back to the defences of Richmond. 

I should regard this as a great disaster and as seriously endangering the 
safety of the city. We should not only lose a large section of country from 
which our position around Petersburg enables us to draw supplies, but the 
enemy would be brought nearer to the only remaining hne of railway com- 
munication between Richmond and the South, upon which the whole army, as 
well as the population of the city, would have to depend mainly for support. 
It would make the tenure of the city depend upon our ability to hold this long 
line of communication against the largely superior forces of the enemy, and, 
I think, would greatly diminish our prospects of successful defence. It is there- 
fore, in my judgment, a matter of the first moment to prevent such a move- 
ment on the part of the enemy ; and I do not know what emergency can arise 
in the future defence of the city which will more require all the efforts of the 
army and navy than that which now exists. 

I fully appreciate the importance of preserving our fleet, and deprecate any 
unnecessary exposure of it. But you will perceive the magnitude of the ser- 
vice which it is thought you can render, and determine whether it is sufficient 
to justify the risk. It is true that the enemy might place torpedoes in your 
rear while the vessels are on guard down the river at night ; but if you retire 
it is much easier for him to place them in the river below you, so as to prevent 
your going down altogether, no matter how great the necessity for your presence 
below might become. It is therefore very desirable to guard the river as effect- 
ually as we can, and I think it can be done so as greatly to diminish the chance 
of the enemy laying torpedoes if our ironclads can go down as far as Bishop's 
every night and picket in their rear with small boats and some of the light gun- 
boats. 

Our pickets on the north bank extend about half a mile below the lowest 
battery, and will be able to afford some assistance, as will also those on the 
south bank. A system of signals should be agreed upon between them and 
the fleet to give timely notice of any attempt of the enemy to approach the river 
or launch boats. 

We have not sufficient force to picket the banks more effectually. Our bat- 
teries on the south side would also tend to deter the enemy from making the 
attempt you apprehend, and could afford assistance to the fleet. 

You of course can best judge of your ability to render the service required. 



APPENDIX. 663 

I can only express my views of its importance, and I trust that if the Depart- 
ment can increase your force of men, or in any other way contribute to render 
you able to perform this important duty, it will be done. As I said before, I 
can foresee no state of circumstances in which the fleet can render more import- 
ant aid in the defence of Richmond that at present by guarding the river below 
Chaffin's Bluff. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Organization of the Army of Northern Virginia^ commanded by 
General R. E. Lee; November 30^ I864..* 

FIRST ARMY CORPS. 
Lieutenant-general J. Longstreet commanding. 

pickktt's divison. 
Major-general George E. Pickett. 
Stettarfs Brigade. Corse's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general George H. Steuart. Brigadier-general M. D. Corse. 

9th Virginia, Colonel J. J. Phillips. 15th Virginia, Lieut.-col. E. M. Morrison. 

14th Virginia, Colonel William White. 17th Virginia, Colonel Arthur Herbert. 

38th Virginia, Colonel George K. Griggs. 29th Virginia, Colonel James Giles. 

53d Virginia, Colonel W. R. Aylett. 30th Virginia, Colonel R. S. Chew. 

57th Virginia, Colonel C. R. Fontaine. 32d Virginia, Colonel E. B. Montaguts. 

Runton's Brigade. Terry's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general Eppa Hunton. Brigadier-general William R. Terry. 

8th Virginia, Colonel E. Berkeley. 1st Virginia, Lieut.-col. F. H. Langley. 

l8th Virginia, Colonel H. A. Carrington. 3cl Virginia, Colonel Joseph Mayo, Jr. 

19th Virginia, Colonel Henry Gantt. 7th Virginia, Colonel C. C. Flowerree. 

28th Virginia, Lt.-col. W. L. Wingfield. llth Virginia, Captain J. H. Smith. 

?6th Virginia, Colonel Wm, E. Green. 24th Virginia, Captain W. W. Bentley. 

field's division. 
Major-general C. W. Field. 
Anderson's Brigade. Law's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general G. T. Anderson. Colonel W. F. Perry. 

7th Georgia, Major John F. Riser. 4th Alabama, Captain A. D. Mclnnis. 

8th Georgia, Colonel John R. Towers. 15th Alabama, Captain F. K. Schaaf. 

9th Georgia, Captain S. A. Jameson. 44th Alabama, Lieut.-col. John A. Jones. 

Ilth Georgia, Colonel F. H. Little. 47fh Alabama, Captain H. C. Lindsey. 

59th Georgia, Lieut.-col. B. H. Gee. 48th Alabama, Major J. W. Wiggonton. 

* Compiled from inspection reports when not otherwise indicated. 



664 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Grfg^^s Brigade. 

Colonel F. S. Bass. 
3d Arkansas, Lieut. -col. R. S. Taylor. 
1st Texas, Captain Wm. A. Bedell. 
4th Texas, Lieut. -col. C. M. Winkler. 
5th Texas, Captain W. T, Hill. 



Benning's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general H. L. Bcnning. 
2d Georgia, Captain Thos. Chaffin. 
15th Georgia, Captain G. A. Pace. 
17th Georgia, Lieut.-col. W. A. Barden. 
20th Georgia, Lieut.-col. E. M. Seago. 



Bratton^s Brigade. 
Brigadier-general John Bratton. 
1st South Carolina, Colonel J. R. Hagood. 
2d South Carolina [Rifles], Colonel R. E. Bowen. 
5th South Carolina, Colonel A. Coward. 
6th South Carolina, Colonel J. ^L Steedman. 
Palmetto Sharpshooters, Colonel Joseph Walker. 

Kershaw's division. 
Major-general J. B. Kershaw. 



Wofford^s Brigade. 
Colonel C. C. Sanders. 
16th Georgia, Major J. H. Skelton.* 
18th Georgia, Colonel Joseph Armstrong. 
24th Georgia, Colonel C. C. Sanders. 
3d Georgia Battalion (Sharpshooters), Lt.- 

col. N. L. Hutchins. 
Cobb's Legion, Lieut.-col. L. J. Glenn.* 
Phillips's Legion, Lieut.-col. J. Hamilton.* 

Bryan's Brigade. 
Colonel James P. Simms. 
loth Georgia, Colonel W. C. Holt.* 
50th Georgia, Colonel P. McGlashan.* 
51st Georgia, Lieut.-col. James Dickey. 
53d Georgia, Lieut.-col. W. F. Hartsfield. 



Humphreys's Brigade. 
Major G. B. Gerald. 
13th Mississippi, Major G. L. Donald. 
17th Mississippi, Captain J. C. Cochran. 
l8th Mississippi, Lieut. Wm. Baskin. 
2ist Mississippi, Captain W. H. Dudley. 



Conner's Brigade. 
Colonel John D. Kennedy. 
2d South Carolina, Captain J. D. Graham. 
3d South Carolina, Capt. J. K. G. Nance. 
7th South Carolina, Captain E. J. Goggans. 
8th South Carolina, Captain \. T. Harllee. 
I5lh .South Carolina, Major F. S. Lewie. 
20ih South Carolina, Major J. M. Partlow. 
3d S. C. Batt., Captain P. F. Spoffbrd. 



SECOND ARMY CORPS.f 

THIRD ARMY CORPS. 

Lieutenant-general A. P. Hill commanding 

mahone's division. 

Major-general William Mahone. 



Sanders's Brigade. 
Colonel Wm. H. Forney. 
8th Alabama, Lieut.-col. John P. Emrich. 
9th Alabama, Colonel J. H. King, 
loth Alabama, Captain C. W. Brcwton. 
lith Alabama, Colonel G. E. Tayloe. 
14th Alabama, Captain S. G. Perry. 



IVeisiger's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general D. A. Weisiger. 
6lh Virginia, Colonel (ieorge T. Rogers. 
I2th Virginia, Major J. R. Lewellen. 
l6lh Virginia, Captain S. B. Eley. 
41st Virginia, Major W. H. Eiheredge. 
6ist Virginia, Lieut.-col. W. H. Stewart. 



* Reported absent on inspection reports, and actual commanders of their regiments not indicated, 
t Sec Army Valley District, following. 



APPENDIX, 



665 



Harris's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general Nathaniel H. Harris. 
12th Mississippi, Lt.-col. T. B. Manlove. 
l6th Mississippi, Lieut.-col. J. H. Duncan. 
19th Mississippi, Colonel R. W. Phipps. 
48th Mississippi, Colonel Jas. M. Jayne. 



SorreVs Brigade. 
Brigadier-general G. M. Sorrel. 
3d Georgia, Captain J. A. Mason. 
22d Georgia, Captain Georj^e W. Thomas. 
48th Georgia, Lieut.-col. M. R. Hall. 
64th Georgia, Major W. H. Weems. 
2d Georgia Batt., Captain W. F. Walker. 
loth Georgia Batt., Captain Wm. A. Greer. 



Finegan's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general Joseph Finegan. 
2d Florida, Captain John B. O'Neill. 
5th Florida, Captain J. F. Livingston. 
8th Florida, Colonel David Lang. 
9th Florida, Colonel J. M. Martin, 
loth Florida, Lieut.-col. W. W. Scott, 
nth Florida, Colonel T. W. Brevard. 

heth's division. 
Major-general H. Heth. 



Davis's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general J. R. Davis. 
2d Mississippi, Colonel J. M. Stone, 
nth Mississippi, Major R. O. Reynolds. 
26th Mississippi, Major T. F. Parker. 



Cooke's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general J. R. Cooke. 
iSth N. C, Lieut.-col. W. H. Yarborough. 
27th North Carolina, Major J. C. Webb. 
46th N. C, Lieut.-col. A. C. McAlister. 
42d Mississippi, Lieut.-col. A. M. Nelson. 48th North Carolina, Col. S. H. Walkup. 
55th North Carolina, Capt. R. W. Thomas. 
1st Confederate Batt., Maj. F. B. McClung. 



McRae's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general W. McRae. 

nth North Carolina, Capt. J. M. Young. 

26th North Carolina, Maj. Jas. T. Adams. 

44th North Carolina, Maj. C. M. Stedman. 



Archer'' s Brigade.* 
Colonel R. IM. Mayo. 

13th Alabama, Colonel James Aiken. 

1st Tennessee, Major Felix G. Buchanan. 

7th Tennessee, Lieut.-col. S. G. Shepard. 



47th North Carolina, Capt. S. W. Mitchell. 14th Tennessee, Colonel W. McComb. 
52d N. C, Captain W. W. Carmichael. 

Walker's Brigade.^ 

40th Virginia, Captain Hiram E. Coles. 

47th Virginia, Captain Charles J. Green. 

55th Virginia, Colonel Wm. S. Christian. 

2d Maryland Battalion, Captain Joseph L. McAleer. 

WILCOX'S DIVISION. 

• Major-general C. M, Wilcox. 



Tliomas's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general E. L. Thomas. 
14th Georgia, Colonel R. P. Lester. 
35th Georgia, Lieut.-col. W. H. McCullohs. 
45th Georgia, Colonel T. J. Simmons. 
49th Georgia, Colonel John T. Jordan. 



Lane's Brigade. 
Colonel R. V. Cowan. 
7th North Carolina, Captain N. A. Pool. 
I8t1i North Carolina, Lt.-col. J. W. McGill. 
28th North Carolina, Capt. T. V. Apperson. 
33d North Carolina, Capt. Riddick Gatling. 
37th North Carolina, Major J. L. Bost. 



* Appears from return to have commanded also Walker's brigade. 

f On return for this date the 22d Virginia Battalion appears as in this brigade. 



666 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



McGowan's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general Samuel McGowan. 

ist South Carolina, Col. C. W. McCieary. 
1 2th South Carolina, Captain R. M. Kerr. 
13th South Carolina, Col. Isaac F. Hunt. 
14th South Carolina, Col. J. N. Brown. 
Ort^s Rifles, Colonel G. McD. Miller. 



Scales' s Brigade. 

Colonel W. L. J. Lowrance. 

13th North Carolina, Maj. E. B. Withers. 
l6th North Carolina, Col. W. A. Stowe. 
22cl North Carolina, Col. T. S. Gallaway. 
34th North Carolina, Capt. G. M. Norment 
38th North Carolina, Col. John Asbford. 



ANDERSON'S CORPS. 
Lieutenant-general R. H. Anderson. 

hoke's division.* 
Major-general R. F. Hoke. 

Hagood^s Brigade. Colquitt's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general J. Hagood. Brigadier-general A, H. Colquitt. 

nth South Carolina, Colonel F. H. Gantt. 6th Georgia, Lieut.-col. S. W. Harris. 
2lst South Carolina, Col. R. F. Graham. 19th Georgia, Colonel James H. Neal. 
25th South Carolina, Col. C. A. Simonton.f 23d Georgia, Colonel M. R. Ballenger. 
27th South Carolina, Col. P. C. Gaillard.f 27th Georijia, Captain E. D. Graham. 
7th South Carolina Batt., Maj. J. H. Rion. 28th Georgia, Captain J. A. Johnson. 



Clingman^s Brigade. 
Colonel H. McKethan. 



Kirkland^ s Brigade. 
Brigadier-general W. W. Kirkland. 



8th North Carolina, Lt.-col. R. A. Barrier. 17th N. C, Lieut.-col. Thos. H. Sharpe. 
31st North Carolina, Lt.-col. C. W. Knight. 42d North Carolina, Col. John E. Brown. 
51st N. C, Captain James W. .Lippitt. 66th N. C, Colonel John H. Nethercutt 

6ist N. C, Lieut.-col. Wm. S. Devane. 



JOHNSON'S DIVISION. 

Major-general B. R. Johnson. 

Grade's Bri-rade. Ransom's Brigade. 



Brigadier-general A. Gracie, Jr. 

41st Alabama, Colonel M. L. Stansel. 
43d Alabama, Lieut.-col. J. J. Jolly. 
59th Alabama, Lt.-col. G. W. Huguley. 
60th Alabama, Lieut.-col. D. S. Troy. 
23d Batt. Ala. S. S., Major N. Stallworth. 

(Vise's Brigade. 

Colonel J. T. Goode. 

26th Virginia, Captain W. R. Perrin. 
34th Virginia, Lieut.-col. R. Harrison. 
46th Virginia, Captain J. H. White. 
59th Virginia, Major R. G. Mosby. 



Brigadier-general M. VV. Ransom. 

24th North Carolina, Major T. D. Love. 
25th North Carolina, Col. H. M.Rutledge. 
35th North Carolina, Lt.-col. S. B. Taylor. 
49th North Carolina, Captain C. H. Dixon. 
56th North Carolina, Col. P. F. Faison. 

EUiotfs Brigade. 

Brigadier-general W. H. W.nllace. 

17th South Carolina, Col. F. W. McMaster. 
l8th South Carolina, M.ijor R. J. Betsill. 
22d S. C, Lieut.-col. W. G. Burt. 
23d .S. C. Colonel H. L. Benbow. 
26th S. C, Colonel A. D. Smith. 
Holcombe Legion, Capt. A. B. Woodruff. 



• Serving with ist Army Corps. 

f These officers reported as detached in inspection report, etc. 



APPENDIX. 667 

FIRST MILITARY DISTRICT. 

Brigadier-general Henry A. Wise. 

Walker's Brigade. Carnelt's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general J. A. Walker. Lieutenant-colonel J. J. Garnett. 

Batt. Va. Reserves, Col. B. L. Farinholt. Battalion C. S. Zouaves, Major [P.] De 

Bait. Va. Reserves, Col. P. M. Henry. Bordenave. 

Batt. Va. Reserves, Col. R. A. Booker. Batt. Va. Reserves. Major D. J. Godwin. 
Batt. Va. Reserves, Col. R. E. Witheis, Co. " H," 8th Georgia Cavalry, Lieutenant 
Section of artillery. Major V. Maurin. A. M. G. Wiggins. 

Section of Bradford's Battery, Lieutenant 
A. J. Cochran. 

Post Lynchburg and Detailed Men. Petersburo. 

Brigadier-general R. E. Colston. Major W. H. Ker. 

44th Virginia Batt. (Co. "D"), Captain 

W. E. Hinton. 
2d-class Militia, Captain O. H. Hobson. 
Indpt. Signal Corps, Major J. F. Milligan. 

Unattached. 

Provost-guard Army of Northern Virginia, 1st Va. Batt., Major D. B. Bridgford. 
39th Virginia Cavalry Battalion, Major John H. Richardson. 



CAVALRY CORPS. 
Major-general Wade Hampton commanding. 

HAMPTON'S (old) DIVISION. 
Brigadier-general M. C. Butler. 

Butler's Brigade. Young's Brigade. 

Colonel H. K. Aiken. Colonel J. F. Waring. 

4th South Carolina, Lt.-col. Wm. Stokes. loth Georgia, Captain L. F. Smith. 
5th South Carolina, Captain Z. Davis. Cobb's Georgia Legion, Lt.-col. B. S. King. 

6th South Carolina, Lt.-col. L. P. Miller. Phillips's Ga. Legion, Lt.col. W. W. Rich. 

Jeff. Davis Legion, Major J. F. Lewis. 

lee's DIVISION. 

Major-general W. H. F. Lee. 

Chambliss's Brigade. Barringer's Brigade. 

Colonel R. L. T. Beale. Brigadier-general Rufus Barringer. 

9th Virginia, Major Samuel A. Swann. 1st North Carolina, Colonel W. H. Cheek. 

lOth Virginia, Lieut.-col. R. A. Caskie. 2d North Carolina, Colonel W. P. Roberts. 

13th Virginia, Colonel J. C. Phillips. 3d North Carolina, Lt.-col. Roger Moore. 



5th North Carolina, Major J. H. McNeill. 



Dearing's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general J. Bearing. 
8th Georgia, Colonel J. R. Griffm. 
4th North Carolina, Colonel D. D. Ferebee. 
16th North Carolina Battalion, Captain J. R, Lane. 



668 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



HORSE ARTILLERY.* 

Major R. F. Chew. 

Graham's Battery, Captain Edward Graham. 
Hart's Battery, Lieutenant E. L. Halsey. 
McGregor's Battery, Captain Wm. M. McGregor. 



ARTILLERY RESERVE, Ercf 
Brigadier-general W. N. Pendleton commanding. 

FIRST CORPS ARTILLERY. 

Brigadier-general E. P. Alexander. 

CabeWs Battalion. auger's Battalion. 

1st Company Richmond Howitzers, Capt. Fickling's Battery, Captain W. W. Fickling. 

R. M. Anderson. Moody's Battery, Lieut. J. C. Parkinson, 

Manly's Battery, Captain B. C. Manly. Parker's Batiery, Captain W. W. Parker. 

Pulaski Artillery, First Lieut. M. Callaway. Smith's Battery, Captain John D. Smith. 
Troup Artillery, Captain H. H. Carlton. Tayloi's Batteiy, Captain O. B. Taylor. 

Woolfolk's Battery, Lieut. J. Woolfolk. 



Hardawafs Battalion. 

3d Howitzers, Captain B. H. Smith [Jr.]. 
Dance's Battery, Captain W. J. Dance. 
Griffin's Battery, Captain C. B. Ciriffin. 
Rockbridge Artillery, Captain A. Graham. 

Starke's Battalion. 



HaskelPs Battalion. 

Flanner's Batteiy, Captain H. G. Planner. 
Garden's Battery, Captain H. R. Garden. 
Lamkin's Battery, Captain J. N. Lamkin. 
Ramsay's Battery, Captain J. A. Ramsay. 



yohnson'' s Battalion. 

Giles Artillery, Captain D. A. French. Crutter's Battery, Lieut. L. Mcintosh. 

La. Guard Artillery, Captain C. A. Green. Fredericksburg Art., Lt. J. [G.] Pollock. 
Matthews Art., Captain A. D. Armistead. 



THIRD CORPS ARTILLERY. 
Colonel R. L. 'Walker, Chief of Artillery. 



Mcintosh'' s Battalion. 

1st Md. Battery, Captain W. F. Dement. 
4th Md. Battery, Captain W. S. Chew. 
2d Rockbridge Art., Capt. W. K. Donald. 
Crenshaw's Battery, Captain T. Ellett. 
Rice's Battery, Captain B. Z. Price. 

Poagtie's Battalion. 

Graham's Battery, Captain A. B. Williams. 
Utterback's Battery, Capt. A. W. Utterback. 
Wyatf s Battery, Capt. Chas. F. Johnston. 



Pegram''s Battalion. 

Gregg's Battery, Captain Thos. E. Gregg. 
Letcher Artillery, Captain T. A. Brander. 
Purcell Artillery, Captain Geo. M. Cayce. 
Richards's Battery, Captain T. J. Richards. 



Esklcman^s Battalion. 

1st Co. Washington Art., Capt. E. Owen. 
2d Co. Wash. Art., Capt. J. B. Richardson. 
3d Co. Washington Art., Capt. A. Hero, Jr. 
4th Co. Wash. Art., Capt. Joe Norcom. 

Lane's Battalion. 

Irwin Artillery, Captain J. T. Wingfield. 
Patterson's Battery, Capt. G. M. P.itterson. 
Ross's Battery, Captain H. M. Ross. 



Richardson^ s Battalion. 

Donaldsonville Art., Capt. R. P. Landry. 
Huger Artillery, Captain J. D. Moore. 
Norfolk Light Art., C.ipt. C. R. Grandy, 
Penick's Battery, Captain N. Penick. 

* Johnston's, Thompson's, .ind Shoemaker's batteries, under Major James Breathed, attached t« 
Rosser's command, Army of the Valley District. 
t From returns, and actual commanders not indicated. 



APPENDIX. 669 

Owen's Battalion. 

Davidson's Batteiy, Captain J. H. Chamberlayne. 
Dickenson's Batteiy, Captain [C] Dickenson. 
Otey's Battery, Captain D. N. Walker. 

ARTILLERY ANDERSON'S CORPS. 

Colonel H. P. Jones. 

Moseley's Battalion. Coitus Battalion. 

Cumming's Batt., Capt. [J. D.] Cumming. Bradford's Batt., Capt. [W. D.] Bradford. 

Miller's Battery, Captain [John] Miller. Pegram's Battery, Captain [R. G.] Pegram. 

Slaten's Battery, Captain [C. W.] Slaten. Wright's Battery, Captain [S. T.] Wright. 
Young's Battery, Captain [E. R.] Young. 

Blount's Battalion. Martin's Battalion, 

Dickerson's Batt., Capt. J. W. Dickerson. Martin's Battery, Lieut. [S. H.] PulHam. 
Fauquier Artillery, Capt. W. C. Marshall. Sturdivant's Batt., Lieut. [W. H.] Weisiger. 
Fayette Artillery, Captain M. C. Macon. 
Hampden Artillery, Capt. [J. E.] Sullivan, 

ARMY VALLEY DISTRICT.* 
Lieutenant-general Jubal A. Early commanding. 

EARLY'S DIVISION (SECOND CORPS). 
Brigadier-general John Pegram. 

Pegram's Brigade. Johnston's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general R. D. Johnston. 

13th Virginia, Lieut.-col. G. A. Goodman. 5th North Carolina, Colonel John W. Lea. 

31st Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. S. Hoffman. 12th North Carolina, Col. H. E. Coleman. 

49th Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. C. Gibson. 20th North Carolina, Colonel T. F. Toon. 

52d Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. H. Skinner. 23d North Carolina, Col. C. C. Blacknall. 

58th Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. G. Kasey. 1st Batt. N. C. S. S., Capt. R. E. Wilson. 

Leivis's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general W. G. Lewis. 

6th North Carolina, Colonel R. F. Webb. 
2 1st North Carolina, Lieut.-col. W. S. Rankin. 
54th North Carolina, Col. K. M. Murchison. 
57th North Carolina, Lieut.-col. H. C. Jones, Jr. 

RODES'S division! (SECOND CORPS). 

Battle's Brigade. Grimes's Brigade. 

3d Alabama, Colonel C. Forsyth. 32d North Carolina, Col. D. G. Coward. 

5th Alabama, Colonel J. M. Hall. 43^ North Carolina, Col. T. S. Kenan. 

6th Alabama, Colonel J. N. Li2;htfoot. 45th North Carohna, Col. Jno. R. Winstoa 

12th Alabama, Colonel S. B. Pickens. 53d N. C, Lieut.-col. J. T. Morehead. 

6ist Alabama, Colonel W. G. Swanson. 2d N. C. Batt., Major J. M. Hancock. 

* From returns of the Army of Northern Virginia. . v j- ■ • 

t Only two general officers (brigadier-generals) reported present for duty m the division. 



670 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



Cox's Brigade. 

1st North Carolina, Lt.col. H. A. Brown. 
2d North Carolina, Capt. John P. Cobb. 
3d North Carolina, Col. S. D. Thruston. 
4th North Carolina, Col. E. A. Osborne. 
14th North Carolina, Col. R. T. Bennett. 
30th North Carolina, Col. F. M. Parker. 



Cook^s Brigade. 

4th Georgia, Colonel W. H. Willis. 
1 2th Georgia, Lieut. -col. Isaac Hardeman. 
2ist Georgia, Colonel T. W. Hooper. 
44th Georgia, Colonel W. H. Peebles. 



GORDON'S DIVISION * (SECOND CORPS). 
Major-general John B. Gordon. 



Evans's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general C. A. Evans. 

13th Georgia, Colonel J. H. Baker. 
26th Georgia, Colonel E. N. Atkinson. 
31st Georgia, Colonel J. H. Lowe. 
38th Georgia, Lieut. -col. P. E. Davant. 
60th Georgia, Lieut.^-col. T. J. Berry, 
6ist Georgia (no field-officer). 
1 2th Ga. Batt., Lieut.-col. H. D. Capers. 



Terry's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general William Terry. 

2d Virginia, Major C. H. Stewart. 
4th Virginia, Major M. D. Bennett. 
5th Virginia, Lieut.-col. H. J. Williams, 
loth Virginia, Lt.-col. D. H. Lee Martz. 
2ist Virginia, Colonel W. A. Witcher. 
23d Virginia, Colonel A. G. Taliaferro. 
25th Virginia, Major Wilson Harper. 
27th Virginia, Lieut.-col. C. L. Haynes. 
33d Virginia, Colonel A. Spengler. 
37th Virginia, Colonel T. V. Williams. 
42d Virginia, Colonel R. W. Withers. 
il4th Virginia, Colonel N. Cobb. 
48th Virginia, Colonel R. H. Dungan. 



York's Brigade. 
Brigadier-general Zebulon York. 



1st Louisiana, Lieut.-col. J. Nelligan. 
2d Louisiana, Lieut.-col. R. E. Burke. 
5th Louisiana, Major A. Hart. 
6th Louisiana, Lieut.-col. J. Hanlon. 
7th Louisiana, Lieut. -col. D. B. Penn. 



8th Louisiana (no field-officer). 
9th Louisiana, Colonel Wm. R. Peck. 
lOth Louisiana, Colonel E. Waggaman. 
14th Louisiana, Colonel D. Zable. 
15th Louisiana, Colonel E. Pendleton. 



WHARTON'S DIVISION f (SECOND CORPS). 

Brigadier-general G. C. Wharton. 



Pattoti's Brigade. 



Smith'' s Brigade. 



22d Virginia, Lieut.-col. G. C. McDonald. 36th Virginia, Colonel Thos. Smith. 

23d Va. Batt., Lieut.-col. C. Derrick. 45th Va. Batt., Lieut.-col. H. M. Beckley. 

26th Virginia Batt., Lt.-col. G. M. Edgar. 60th Virginia, Colonel B. H. Jones. 

Forsberg's Brigade. 

45th Virginia, Major A. M. Davis. 

50th Virginia, Colonel A. S. Vanderventer. 

51st Virginia, Colonel Aug. Foisherg. 

30lh Virginia Batt., Lieut.-col. J. Lyle Clarke. 



• One m.ijor-gencral .ind two brig.idicr-gencrals reported present for duty, 
t Two general officers reported present for duty. 



APPENDIX. 67 1 

CAVALRY CORPS* 

LOMAX'S DIVISION. 

Major-general L. L. Lomax. 
Imboden's Brigade. McCausland's Brigade. 

Brigadier-general J. D. Imboden. Brigadier-general J. M. McCausland. 

tSth Virginia, Colonel G. W. Imboden. 14th Virginia, Colonel J. Cochran. 
23CI Virginia, Colonel Robert White. i6th Virginia, Colonel M. J. Ferguson. 

25th Virginia, Colonel W. M. Hopkins. 17th Virginia, Captain J. S. A. Crawford. 
62d Virginia, Colonel G. H. Smith. 21st Virginia, Colonel W. E. Peters. 

22d Virginia, Colonel H. S. Bowen. 

Jackson^ s Brigade. 
Colonel William L. Jackson. 
19th Virginia, Colonel Wm. L. Jackson. 
20th Virginia, Colonel W. W. Arnett. 
26th Virginia, Lieut.-col. J. K. Kesler. 
37th Virginia Battalion, Lieut.-col. A. C. Dunn. 
1st Maryland Batt., Major H. W. Gilmor. 

rosser's [fitz lee's] division.! 
Wickhant's Brigade. JR asserts Brigade. 

1st Virginia, Lieut.-col. W. A. Morgan. 7th Virginia, Colonel R. H. Dulany. 

2d Virginia, Colonel T. T. Munford. nth Virginia, Colonel O. R. Funsten. 

3d Virginia, Colonel T. H. Owen. 12th Virginia, Colonel A. W. Harman. 

4th Virginia, Lt.-col. W. B. Wooldridge. 35th Va. Batt., Lieut.-col. E. V. White. 

Payne's Brigade. 

5th Virginia, Colonel R. B. Boston, 
6th Virginia, Colonel Julian Harrison. 
8lh Virginia, Colonel J. M. Corns. 

15th Virginia, . 

36th Virginia Battalion, Major J. W. Sweeney. 

ARTILLERY. 
Colonel Thomas H. Carter, Chief of Artillery. 
Nelson's Battalion. Braxton's Battalion. 

Kirkpatrick's Battery. Carpenter's Battery. ' 

Milledge's Batteiy. Cooper's Battery. 

Snead's Battery. Hardwicke's Battery. 

Cutshaw's Battalion. King's Battalion. 

Fury's Battery. Bryan's Battery. 

Garber's Battery. Chapman's Battery. 

Jones's Battery. Lowry's Battery. 

With Lomax. With Rosser. 

Griffin's Battery. Johnston's Battery. 

Jackson's Battery. Shoemaker's Battery. 

Lurty's Battery. Thompson's Battery. 
McClanahan's Battery. 

* One major-gener.-\l and three brigadier-generals reported present for duty, 
t No general officers reported present for duty. 



6/2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
27th Oct., 1864. 
Hon". Sec. of War, Richmond, 

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the signal message sent 
me by your order yesterday. I had supposed that General Grant would make 
some movement simultaneously with any attack on Wilmington to prevent 
reinforcements being sent from here, and in that view I consider it important 
that in such an event General Hardee should reinforce General Bragg with all 
his available troops, or, on the other hand, should Charleston and not Wilming- 
ton be the real point of attack, a demonstration will be made against the others 
to detain the troops at either from the real point. The officers in command 
'must judge which is the true movement and act accordingly. 

I think it would be well that the policy which they are to pursue should be 
made the subject of an order from the Department directing the one not 
attacked to reinforce the one who is with all the troops he can spare. 
Very resp'lly, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, Turnbull's, 
Dec. 5, 1864. 
His Ex. Jefferson Davis, President C. States, Richmond, 

Mr. President : I have received the despatch from General Bragg of the 
4th inst, forwarded to me by Mr. B. N. Harrison, stating that there is still time 
for him to receive any assistance that can be spared. On the 27th ult. General 
Whiting informed me that General Bragg had carried with him 2700 of the 
best troops from Wilmington. Since that he has ordered to Charleston a regi- 
ment of the North Carolina reserves, and I do not think, so far as I can judge, 
that more troops can be taken with propriety unless we were certain that all 
danger of an attack was removed from that point. In addition, I sent General 
Young with about 400 cavalrymen (without horses), and ordered all those pre- 
viously sent to Georgia and South Carolina to report to him at Augusta ; which 
Hampton thinks will give him about 800 mounted men, which I thought would 
strengthen the cavalry very much in that department. General Baker has also 
gone to General Bragg, so that he will have another good cavalry commander. 

I fear I can do nothing more under present circumstances. General Early 
reports that his scouts stated the Sixth corps had broken camp on the 2d, and 
taken the cars at Stevenson's Depot — said to be going to City Point. From 
reports received from Longstreet and Ewell last night, I think this corps or a 
part of it may have reached the north side of James River last night. My last 
report from scouts on the James was to the 2d. There had been great activity 
on the river in transportation of supplies, but no troops had passed in any 



APPENDIX. 673 

numbers since the 17th ult. Reports of Early and Longstreet have not yet 
been corroborated, but the whole preparations of the enemy indicate some 
movement against us. All we want to resist them is men. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of N®rthern Virginia, 
Dec. II, 1S64. 
Hon. James A. Seddon, Secretary of War, Richmond, 

Sir : I have been informed by General Stevens that you have consented to 
the retention of our present negro force until Christmas. This will prove to be 
some relief, but not sufficient for our wants. My original request was for 5000 
laborers: 2200 is the greatest number which ever reported, and those in small 
bodies at different intervals. The period for which they were first called was 
thirty days, and subsequently extended to sixty days. A large number of them 
have deserted, many not serving the first thirty days. Since the expiration of 
this period the desertions have greatly increased. I cannot state the present 
strength of the force, but think it cannot exceed 1200. I consequently have 
not been able to accomplish half I desired. In our present extended line, 
requiring the troops to be always on duty and prepared for any movements of 
the enemy, I cannot use them, as formerly, for any work requiring them to 
leave their trenches. This is the reason why a laboring force is necessary, and 
unless I can get it for the completion of interior lines of defence, construction 
of roads, and other work necessary to the existence of an army, I shall be 
unable to hold my position. Of the negroes called for under the act of Feb. 
17, 1864, I have not yet received enough to replace the white teamsters in the 
army. In fact, we have not received more than sufficient to supply teamsters 
for the Third corps and a portion of one division. Not one has yet been 
received for laboring purposes, and to any inquiries on the subject I get no 
satisfactory reply. I beg, therefore, to call your attention to this matter, which 
I deem of the greatest importance, and request that prompt measures may be 
taken to supply this demand. 

I am, with great respect, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Near Petersburg, Dec. 14, 1864. 
Mr. President : After sending my despatch to you yesterday, knowing that 
the snow in the Valley was six inches deep and the weather very cold, and 
43 



674 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

presuming that active operations would necessarily be suspended, I directed 
Rodes's division to march for Staunton, and requested the quartermaster-gen- 
eral to send cars to convey it to Richmond, It is now on the road, and should 
reach Staunion to-morrow evening. If the quartermaster's department is act- 
ive, it should arrive in Richmond Friday morning. A despatch received from 
General Early last night stated that the scouts just in report that the Nineteenth 
corps of the enemy had left the Valley, and that the Eighth was under march- 
in"- orders. The latter might be preparing to move nearer the Baltimore and 
Ohio Railroad, for I do not think they will strip it of all defence, or both corps 
may be coming to General Grant. Colonel Withers's scouts report that a New 
York regiment of infantry and part of the Seventh regiment of cavalry had 
left the Kanawha for the Valley ; but I suppose they might have been intended 
to replace the garrison at New Creek. I do not know what may be General 
Grant's next move : his last against the Weldon Railroad and our right flank 
failed. The expeditions from Plymouth and New Berne against Fort Branch 
on the Roanoke and Kinston, N. C-, have both retreated, before the forces 
moved against them, back to their former positions. Everything at this time 
is quiet in the departments of Virginia and North Carolina. If the reports of 
the prisoners and the statements of Federal officers to the citizens of the coun- 
try are true, the object of the last expedition was to make a permanent lodg- 
ment at Weldon, draw supplies by the Roanoke and Seaboard Railroad, and 
thence operate against the railroads in North Carolina. General Grant may 
not now be prepared to break through our centre, as the canal at Dutch Gap 
is reported nearly completed. As long as he holds so large an army around 
Richmond, I think it very hazardous to diminish our force. We now can 
oppose about a division to one of his corps. I fear Savannah is in great dan- 
ger, and unless our operations there are bold and energetic I am apprehensive 
of its fall. I hope, though, if all our troops are united Sherman may be 
repulsed. But there is no time to lose. If the Nineteenth corps does not 
come to Grant we might spare a division ; but if the Nineteenth and Eighth 
are both drawn to him, we shall require more than we have. I ordered Gen- 
eral J. A. Walker with the Virginia reserves from Weldon to Kinston to oppose 
the movement against that place. He is now on his return to his position on 
the Danville and Southside roads. 

With a firm reliance on our merciful God that He will cause all things to 
work together for our good, 

I remain, with great respect, yr. obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 



APPENDIX, 675 

[Telegram from Headquarters A. N. Va.] 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Jan. II, 1865. 
Hon. J. A. Seddon : 

There is nothing within reach of this army to be impressed. The country 
is swept clear ; our only reliance is upon the railroads. We have but two 
days' supplies. 

R. E. Lee. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
. , January 16, 1865. 

Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond, 

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12th 
inst, with its enclosures. I thank you for your prompt and energetic measures 
for the rehef of the army. As soon as I was informed of the break in our rail- 
road connections I issued the enclosed appeal to the farmers and others in the 
country accessible by our remaining communications, and sent Major Tanna- 
hill to them to obtain all the supplies that could be procured. I am glad to 
say that, so far as I know, the crisis in relation to this matter is now past. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 
[Indoi-senient.] 

Noted with pleasure. It was the most effectual mode of obtaining supplies 
—more effective, I doubt not, than coercive action of the Department. 

J. A. S. ' 
. Jan. 19, 1865. 

[Enclosure.] 
Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
Jan. 12, 1865. 
To THE Farmers East of the Blue Ridge and South of James River : 
The recent heavy freshet having destroyed a portion of the railroad from 
Danville to Goldsboro', and thereby cut off temporarily necessary supplies for 
the Army of Northern Virginia, an appeal is respectfully made to the farmers, 
millers, and other citizens to furnish with all possible promptness whatever 
breadstuffs, meats (fresh or salt), and molasses they can spare. Such citizens 
as Major Robert Tannahill may select are asked to act as agents in purchasing 
and collecting supplies through the various officers connected with the com- 
missary department on the lines of railroad. 

Arrangements have been made to pay promptly for all supplies delivered 
under this appeal, or to return the same in kind as soon as practicable. 

R. E. Lee. 



676 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
January 19, 1865. 

Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond, 

Sir : There is great suffering in the army for want of soap. TTie neglect of 
personal cleanliness has occasioned cutaneous diseases to a great extent in 
many commands. The commissary department has been applied to, but the 
supply received from it is entirely inadequate. Soap is an article of home 
manufacture in every family almost. The materials for making it are found in 
every household, and the art is familiar to all well-trained domestics. I cannot 
but think that by proper efforts a plan might be devised to meet this want of 
our soldiers. All that is necessary, I think, is to employ or contract with some 
intelligent and practical business-men in the different States to ensure a supply. 
I do not suppose that agents or officers of the C. S. department can succeed as 
well as private individuals, if it be made to the interest of the latter to procure 
what we need. I beg that you will endeavor to make some arrangement by 
which the suffering of the men in this particular can be relieved. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General, 



[Circular.] HEADQUARTERS Army OF Northern Virginia, 

January 25, 1865. 

To arm and equip an additional force of cavalry there is need of carbines, 
revolvers, pistols, saddles, and other accoutrements of mounted men. Arms 
and equipments of the kind desired are believed to be held by citizens in suffi- 
cient numbers to supply our wants. Many keep them as trophies, and some 
with the expectation of using them in their own defence. But it should be 
remembered that arms are now required for use, and that they cannot be made 
so effectual for the defence of the country in any way as in the hands of organ- 
ized troops. They are needed to enable our cavalry to cope with the well-armed 
and equipped cavalry of the enemy, not only in the general service, but in 
resisting those predatory expeditions which have inflicted so much loss upon 
the people of the interior. To the patriotic 1 need make no other appeal than 
the wants of the service ; but I beg to remind those who are reluctant to part 
with the arms and equipments in their possession that by keeping them they 
diminish the ability of the army to defend their property, without themselves 
receivinglxny benefit from them. I therefore urge all persons not in the service 
to deliver promptly to some of the officers designated below such arms and 
equipments (especially those suitable for cavalry) as they may have, and to 
report to those officers the names of such persons as neglect to surrender those 
in their possession. Every citizen who prevents.a carbine or pistol from remain- 



APPENDIX. 677 

ing unused will render a service to his country. Those who think to retain 
arms for their own defence should remember that if the army cannot protect 
them, the arms will be of little use. 

While no valid title can be acquired to public arms and equipments except 
from the Government, it is reported that many persons have ignorantly pur- 
chased them from private parties. A fair compensation will therefore be made 
to all who deliver such arms and equipments to any ordnance officers, officer 
commanding at a post, officers and agents of the quartermaster and commis- 
sary departments at any station, or officers in the enrolling service or connected 
with the nitre and mining bureau. All these officers are requested, and those 
connected with this army are directed, to receive and receipt for all arms and 
equipments, whatever their condition, and forward the same, with a duplicate 
receipt, to the ordnance department at Richmond, and report their proceedings 
to these headquarters. The person holding the receipt will be compensated 
upon presenting it to the ordnance bureau. 

While it is hoped that no one will disregard this appeal, all officers connected 
with the army are required, and all others are requested, to take possession of 
any public arms and equipments they may find in the hands of persons unwill- 
ing to surrender them to the service of the country, and to give receipts there- 
for. A reasonable allowance for their expenses and trouble will be made to 
such patriotic citizens as will collect and deliver to any of the officers above 
designated such arms and equipments as they may find in the hands of per- 
sons not in the service, or who will report the same to those officers. A prompt 
comphance with this call will greatly promote the efficiency and strength of the 
army, particularly of the cavalry, and render it better able to protect the homes 
and property of the people from outrage. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, Petersburg, 
February 4, 1865. 

General S. Cooper, A.- and I.-general, Richmond, Va., 

General: I received your telegram of the ist inst. announcing my con- 
firmation by the Senate as general-in-chief of the armies of the Confederate 
States. I am indebted alone to the kindness of His Excellency the President 
for my nomination to this high and arduous office, and wish I had the ability 
to fill it to advantage. As I have received no instructions as to my duties, I do 
not know what he desires me to undertake. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



678 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

[Telegram.] Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 

February 6, 1865. 

Gen. S. Cooper : The enemy moved in strong force yesterday to Hatcher's. 
JRun. Part of his infantry, with Gregg's cavalry, crossed and proceeded on the 
Vaughan road — the infantry to Cattail Creek, the cavalry to Dinwiddie Court- 
house, where its advance encountered a portion of our cavalry and retired. In 
the afternoon parts of Hill's and Gordon's troops demonstrated against the 
enemy on the left of Hatcher's Run, near Armstrong's mill. Finding him 
intrenched, they were withdrawn after dark. During the night the force that 
had advanced beyond the creek returned to it, and were reported to be recross- 
ing. This morning Pegram's division moved down the right bank of the creek 
to reconnoitre, when it was vigorously attacked. The battle was obstinately 
contested for several hours, but. General Pegram being killed while bravely 
encouraging his men, and Colonel Hoffman wounded, some confusion occurred 
and the division was pressed back to its original position. Evans's division, 
ordered by General Gordon to support Pegram, charged the enemy, forced him 
back, but was in turn compelled to retire. Mahone's division arriving, the 
enemy was driven rapidly to his defences on Hatcher's Run. 

Our loss is reported to be small, that of the enemy not supposed great. 

R. E. Lee. 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
February 8, 1865. 

Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, Sec. of W^ar, Richmond, Va., 

Sir : All the disposable force of the right wing of the army has been ope- 
rating against the enemy beyond Hatcher's Run since Sunday. Yesterday, the 
most inclement day of the winter, they had to be retained in line of battle, 
having been in the same condition the two previous days and nights. I regret 
to be obliged to state that under these circumstances, heightened by assaults 
and fire of the enemy, some of the men had been without meat for three days, 
and all were suffering from reduced rations and scant clothing, exposed to bat- 
tle, cold, hail, and sleet. I have directed Colonel Cole, chief commissary, who 
reports that he has not a pound of meat at his disposal, to visit Richmond and 
see if nothing can be done. If some change is not made and the commissary 
department reorganized, I apprehend dire results. The physical strength of 
the men, if their courage survives, must fail under this treatment. Our cavalry 
has to be dispersed for want of forage. Fitz Lee's and Lomax's divisions are 
scattered because supplies cannot be transported where their services are 
required. I had to bring Wm. F. Lee's division forty miles Sunday night to 
get him in position. 



APPENDIX. 679 

•Taking these facts in connection with the paucity of our numbers, you must 
not be surprised if calamity befalls us. According to reports of prisoners, v/e 
were opposed on Hatcher's Run by the Second and Fifth corps, part of the 
Ninth, one division of the Sixth, Gregg's division (Third brigade) of cavalry. 
It was also reported that the Twenty-third corps (Schofield's) reached City 
Point on the 5th, and that it was present. But this is not confirmed by other 
reports. At last accounts it was stated to be on the Potomac, delayed by ice. 
A scout near Alexandria reports it is to march on Gordonsville, General Baker 
on Kinston. I think it more probable it will join Grant here. 
With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Respectfully sent to the President for perusal. Please return it. 

John C. Breckenridge, 

Secretary of War. 

[Indorsement.] 
This is too sad to be patiently considered, and cannot have occurred without 
criminivl neglect or gross incapacity. Let supplies be had by purchase or bor- 
rowing or other possible mode. 

J. D. 



Headquarters Confederate Armv, 
February 9, 1865. 

General Orders, ") 
No. I. I 

In obedience to General Order No. 3, Adjutant- and Inspector-general's 
Office, 6th February, 1865, I assume command of the military forces of the 
Confederate States. 

Deeply impressed with the difficulties and responsibilities of the position, and 
humbly invoking the guidance of Almighty God, I rely for success upon the 
courage and fortitude of the army, sustained by the patriotism and firmness of 
the people, confident that their united efforts, under the blessing of Heaven, 
will secure peace and independence. 

The headquarters of the army, to which all special reports and communica- 
tions will be addressed, will be for the present with the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia. The stated and regular returns and reports of each army and depart- 
ment will be forwarded, as heretofore, to the office of the Adjutant- and Inspec- 
tor-general. 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



68o MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

Headquarters Armies of the Confederate States, 
14 February, 1865. 

General Orders, ) 
No. 2. j 

In entering upon the campaign about to open the general-in-chief feels 
assured that the soldiers who have so long and so nobly borne the hardships 
and dangers of the war require no exhortation to respond to the calls of honor 
and duty. 

With the liberty transmitted by their forefathers they have inherited the spirit 
to defend it. 

The choice between war and abject submission is before them. 

To such a proposal brave men with arms in their hands can have but one 
answer. They cannot barter manhood for peace nor the right of self-govern- 
ment for life or property. 

But justice to them requires a sterner admonition to those who have aban- 
doned their comrades in the hour of peril. 

A last opportunity is afforded them to wipe out the disgrace and escape the 
punishment of their crimes. 

By authority of the President of the Confederate States a pardon is announced 
to such deserters and men improperly absent as shall return to the commands 
to which they belong within the shortest possible time, not exceeding twenty 
days from the publication of this order, at the headquarters of the department 
in which they may be. 

Those who may be prevented by interruption of communication may report 
within the time specified to the nearest enrolling officer or other officer on duty, 
to be forwarded as soon as practicable, and upon presenting a certificate from 
such officer showing comphance with the requirement will receive the pardon 
hereby offered. 

Those who have deserted to the service of the enemy, or who have deserted 
after having been once pardoned for the same offence, and those who shall 
desert or absent themselves without authority after the publication of this order, 
are excluded from its benefits. Nor does the offer of pardon extend to other 
offences than desertion and absence without permission. 

By the same authority it is also declared that no general amnesty will again 
be granted, and those who refuse to accept the pardon now offered, or who 
shall hereafter desert or absent themselves without leave, shall suffer such pun- 
ishment as the courts may impose, and no application for clemency will be 
entertained. 

Taking new resolution from the fate which our enemies intend for us, let 
every man devote all his energies to the common defence. 

Our resources, wisely and vigorously employed, are ample, and with a brave 
army, sustained by a determined and united people, success with God's assist- 
ance cannot be doubtful. 



APPENDIX. 68 1 

The advantages of the enemy will have but little value if we do not permit ^ 
them to impair our resolution. Let us then oppose constancy to adversity, for- 
titude to suffering, and courage to danger, with the firm assurance that He who 
gave freedom to our fathers will bless the efforts of their children to preserve it.'! 

R. E. Lee, 

Ccjicral. 

Headquarti:rs, Petersburg, 
Feb. 19, 1865. 
His Excellency J. C. Breckenridge, Secretary of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir : The accounts received to-day from South and North Carolina are 
unfavorable. General Beauregard reports from Winnsborough that four corps 
of the enemy are advancing on that place, tearing up the Charlotte Railroad, 
and that they will probably reach Charlotte by the 24th and before he can con- 
centrate his troops there. He states that General Sherman will doubtless move 
thence on Greensborough, Danville, and Petersburg, or unite with General 
Schofield at Raleigh or Weldon. 

General Bragg reports that General Schofield is now preparing to advance 
from New Berne to Goldsborough, and that a strong expedition is moving 
against the Weldon Railroad at Rocky Mount. He says that little or no 
assistance can be received from the State of North Carolina — that exemptions 
and reorganizations under late laws have disbanded the State forces, and that 
they will not be ready for the field for some time. 

I do not see how Sherman can make the march anticipated by General 
Beauregard, but he seems to have everything his own way ; which is calculated 
to cause apprehension. General Beauregard does not say what he proposes or 
what he can do. I do not know where his troops are or on what lines they are 
moving. His despatches only give movements of the enemy. He has a diffi- 
cult task to perform under present circumstances, and one of his best officers. 
General Hardee, is incapacitated by sickness. I have also heard that his own 
health is indifferent, though he has never so stated. Should his strength give 
way, there is no one on duty in the department that could replace him, nor have 
I any one to send there. General J. E. Johnston is the only officer whom I 
know who has the confidence of the army and people, and if he was ordered 
to report to me I would place him there on duty. It is necessary to bring out 
all our strength, and, I fear, to unite our armies, as separately they do not seem 
able to make head against the enemy. Everything should be destroyed that 
cannot be removed out of the reach of Generals Sherman and Schofield. 
Provisions must be accumulated in Virginia, and every man in all the States 
must be brought off". I fear it may be necessary to abandon all our cities, and 
preparation should be made for this contingency. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

R, E. Lee, General. 



682 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



LAST REPORT OF STRENGTH OF THE ARMY EVER MADE BY GENERAL 
LEE, PETERSBURG AND APPOMATTOX CAMPAIGN. 

Abstract from Return of the Army of Northern Virginia^ GEN- 
ERAL R. E. Lee covimanding^ for Feb. "0^ 1865 ; Station^ 
Petersburg^ P'a. 



Command. 



LlKUT.-GKN. J. LONGSTREET COMMANDING. 

General staff 

Staff 



Pickett's division 
P'ield's division . 
Kershaw's division 
Total , . • 



Maj.-gen. John B. Gordon commanding. 



Staff, 
Gordon's division 
Rodes's division . 
Early's division . 
Total . . . 



LiEUT.-GEN. A. P. Hill commanding. 



Staff, 



Mahone's division 

Heth's division . 

Wilcox's division 

Total . . . 



LiEUT.-GEN. R. H. Anderson commanding. 
Johnson's division 

LiEUT.-GEN. J. A. Early commanding. 

Staff 

Wharton's division 

(General A. L. Long's artillery 

Lomax's cavalry division 

Total 



Maj.-gen. W. H. F. Lep.. 
W. IL F. Lee's division 

Maj.-gen. Fitzhugh Lee. 
Fitzhugh Lee's division 

Brig.-gen. J. A. Walker. 
Defences Richmond and Danville Railroad 
Unattached commands 



Brig.-gen. W. N. Pendleton com.manding. 



Staff 

First corps artillery . 
Third coqw artillery 
Anderson's artillery . 

Total .... 

Grand total • . 



Aggregate 




3.334 
4,596 
3.196 



11,126 



20 

5.538 
5,562 
6,769 



17,889 

7,846 

16 

1,584 

457 

1,790 



3,847 



5,148 



2,499 



1,749 
696 

16 

2,398 

2,237 

1.462 

'6,113 



31,147 



13.520 

12,176 

8,010 

"33,706" 



73,349 



20 
12,854 
11,852 
11,411 



36,137 

13,642 

20 
1,735 
1,432 
7,150 



15.337 

9.299 

9.446 

3.269 
1,042 

16 
3,262 
3.344 

2,752 



9.374 



3.372 

4,445 
2,991 



10,808 

18 

5.489 

5.543 
6,822 



17,872 



18 

1,528 

743 
1,988 

4.277~ 

5.107 

2,519 



160,411 



57.104 



APPENDIX. 



683 



Streitgth of the Army of Northern Virginia^ GENERAL Robt. 
E. Lee, C. S. Army^ coinmanding., Feb. 28, 1S65, as shown 
by Inspection Reports. 



Troops. 


0. 
II 

< 


u 

0. 

bi 
til) 
< 


ac 

V " 

^ 
< 


> 

^ 

c-S 


FIRST CORPS. ^ 
Staff 


13 

6,391 
4,799 
1,922 


13 

8,073 
5.650 

2,447 


16 

11.745 
11,426 

6,771 




Pickett's division 


6,539 
4.638 
1,925 


Field's division 


Kershaw's division 




Total First coi-ps 

SECOND CORPS. 
Rodes's division* 


13.125 

2,491 
2,326 
2,458 


16,183 

3.135 
3.001 
3.203 


29.958 

8,443 

7,873 

13,228 


13,102 

2,730 
2,642 

2,445 


Early's division 

Gordon's division 


Total Second corps 

THIRD CORPS. 
Heth's division 


7,275 

4,429 
5,222 

4,057 


9,339 

5.245 
6,107 

5.413 


29,544 

11,392 
11,239 
12,801 


7,817 

4,401 


Wilcox's division 

Mahone's division 


5,242 
4,074 


Total Third corps 

Johnson's division 


13.708 
6,813 


16,765 
7.592 


35.432 
12,142 


13,717 

6,762 


Fitz Lee's cavalry division 

W. H. F. Lee's cavalry division .... 


2,021 
2,691 


2,624 
3.257 


9,300 
6,191 


2,015 
1,984 


Total cavalry 

Artillery (not rejx)rted). 


4.712 


5,881 


15,491 


3,999 




45.633 


55.760 


122,487 


45,397 







* Cox's brigade on picket ; not included. 



684 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

[Confidential.] Headquarters, Petersburg, 

February 21, 1865. 
Hon. J. C. Breckenridge, Sec. of War, Richmond : 

I have had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday's date. I have 
repeated the orders to the commanding officeis to remove and destroy every- 
thing in enemy's route. In the event of the necessity of abandoning our 
position on the James River, I shall endeavor to unite the corps of the army 
about Burkeville (junction of Southside and Danville Railroad), so as to retain 
communication with the North and South as long as practicable, and also with 
the West. 

I should think Lynchburg or some point west the most advantageous place 
to which to remove stores from Richmond. This, however, is a most difficult 
point at this time to decide, and the place may have to be changed by circum- 
stances. 

It was my intention in my former letter to apply for General J. E. Johnston, 
that I might assign him to duty should circumstances permit. I have had no 
official report of the condition of General Beauregard's health ; it is stated from 
many sources to be bad : if he should break entirely down, it might be fatal. 
In that event I should have no one with whom to supply his place. I therefore 
respectfully request General Johnston may be ordered to report to me, and that 
I may be informed where he is. 

With great respect, your obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Headquarters, Petersburg, 
Feb. 22, 1865. 
Hon. J. C. Breckenridge, Sec. of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir: I have just received your letter of the 21st. I concur fully as to the 
necessity of defeating Sherman, I hope 'that General Beauregard will get his 
troops in hand at least before he can cross the Roanoke, If any additions can 
be given him, it cannot be south of that stream. The troops in the Valley are 
scattered for subsistence, nor can they be concentrated for the want of it. The 
infantry force is very small. At the commencement of winter I think it was 
reported under 1800. That in Western Virginia you know more about than I 
do, and there are only two regiments in Western North Carolina. These united 
would be of some assistance. At the rate that Beauregard supposes Sherman 
will iflarch, they could not be collected at Greensboro' in time ; stfll, I hope to 
make some use of them. But you may expect Sheridan to move up the Valley 
and Stoneman from Knoxville as Sherman draws near Roanoke. What, then, 
will become of those sections of country ? I know of no other troops that 
could be given to Beauregard. Bragg will be forced back by Schofield, I fear, 
and until I abandon James River nothing can be sent from this army. 



APPENDIX. 685 

Grant, I think, is now preparing to draw out by his left with the intent of 
enveloping me. He may wait till his other columns approach nearer, or he 
may be preparing to anticipate my withdrawal. I cannot tell yet. I am 
endeavoring to collect supplies convenient to Burkeville. Everything of value 
should be removed from Richmond. It is of the first importance to save all 
powder. The cavalry and artillery of the army are still scattered for want of 
provender, and our supply- and ammunition-trains, which ought to be with the 
army in case of a sudden movement, are absent collecting provisions and for- 
age, some in Western Virginia and some in North Carolina. You will see to 
what straits we are reduced. But I trust to work out. 
With great respect, your obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General, 



[Circular.] 

Headquarters Armies of the Confederate States, 
22cl February, 1865. 

General : The spirit which animates our soldiers and the natural courage 
with which they are so liberally endowed have led to a reliance upon these good 
qualities to the neglect of those measures which would increase their efficiency 
and contribute to their safety. Many opportunities have been lost and hun- 
dreds of valuable lives uselessly sacrificed for want of a strict observance of 
discipline. 

Its object is to enable an army to bring promptly into action the largest pos- 
sible number of its men, in good order and under the control of their officers. 
Its effects are visible in all military history, which records the triumphs of dis- 
cipline and courage far more frequently than those of numbers and resources. 

At no time in the war has the necessity of close attention to this import- 
ant subject been greater than at present, and at no time has its cultivation 
promised more valuable results. The proportion of experienced troops is larger 
in our army than in that of the enemy, while his numbers exceed our own. 
These are the circumstances most favorable for the display of the advantages 
of discipline, and in which the power it imparts will be most clearly perceived. 

I desire therefore that you will direct every effort to improve the discipline of 
your troops. This will not only require your own unremitting attention, but 
also the zealous co-operation of your officers, commissioned and non-commis- 
sioned. 

The recent law abolishing the system of elections and opening the way to 
promotion to all who distinguish themselves by the faithful discharge of duty 
affords a new incentive to officers and men. In addition to the usual and stated 
instructions, which must be given at all times as fully as circumstances will 



686 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

permit, the importance and utility of thorough discipline should be impressed 
on officers and men on all occasions by illustrations taken from the experience 
of the instructor or from other sources of information. They should be made 
to understand that discipline contributes no less to their safety than to their 
efificiency. Disastrous surprises and those sudden panics which lead to defeat 
and the greatest loss of life are of rare occurrence among disciplined troops. It 
is well known that the greatest number of casualties occur when men become 
scattered, and especially when they retreat in confusion, as the fire of the enemy 
is then more deliberate and fatal. The experience of every officer shows that 
those troops suffer least who attack most vigorously, and that a few men retain- 
ing their organization and acting in concert accomplish far more with smaller 
loss than a larger number scattered and disorganized. 

The appearance of a steady, unbroken line is more formidable to the enemy, 
and renders his aim less accurate and his fire less effective. Orders can be 
readily transmitted, advantage can be promptly taken of every opportunity, 
and, all efforts being directed to a common end, the contest will be briefer and 
success more certain. 

Let officers and men be made to feel that they will most effectually secure 
their safety by remaining steadily at their posts, preserving order, and fighting 
with coolness and vigor. 

Fully impressed with the truth of these views, I call your attention particu- 
larly to the accompanying order with reference to the duties of file-closers, 
which you will immediately carry into execution. 

Impress upon your officers that discipline cannot be attained without constant 
watchfulness on their part. They must attend to the smallest particulars of 
detail. Men must be habituated to obey or they cannot be controlled in battle, 
and the neglect of the least important order impairs the proper influence of the 
officer. 

In recommending officers or men for promotion you will always, where other 
qualifications are equal, give preference to those who show the highest appre- 
ciation of the importance of discipline and evince the greatest attention to its 
requirements. 

Very respectfully, your obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Confederate States Armies, 
Feb. 24, 1865, 
His Excellency Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, 
Governor : The state of despondency that now prevails among our people 
is producing a bad effect upon the troops. Desertions are becoming very fre- 



APPENDIX. 687 

quent, and there is good reason to believe that they are occasioned to a con- 
siderable extent by letters written to the soldiers by their friends at home. In 
the last two weeks several hundred have deserted from Hill's corps, and as the 
divisions from v,'hich the greatest number of desertions have taken place are 
composed chiefly of troops from North Carolina, they furnish a corresponding 
proportion of deserters. I think some good can be accomplished by the efforts 
of influential citizens to change public sentiment and cheer the spirits of the 
people. It has been discovered that despondent persons represent to their 
friends in the army that our cause is hopeless, and that they had better provide 
for themselves. They state that the number of deserters is so large in the sev- 
eral counties that there is no danger to be apprehended from the home-guards. 
The deserters generally take their arms with them. The greater number are 
from regiments from the western part of the State. So far as the despondency 
of the people occasions this sad condition of affairs, I know of no other means 
of removing it than by the counsel and exhortation of prominent citizens. If 
they would explain to the people that the cause is not hopeless, that the situation 
of affairs, though critical, is so to the enemy as well as ourselves, that he has 
drawn his troops from every other quarter to accomplish his designs against 
Richmond, and that his defeat now would result in leaving nearly our whole 
territory open to us ; that this great result can be accomplished if all will work 
diligently, and that his successes are far less valuable in fact than in appear- 
ance, — I think our sorely-tried people would be induced to make one more 
effort to bear their sufferings a little longer, and regain some of the spirit that 
marked the first two years of the war. If they will, I feel confident that with 
the blessing of God what seems to be our greatest danger will prove the means 
of deliverance and safety. 

Trusting that you will do all in your power to help us in this great emer- 
gency, 

I remain, very respectfully, your obt. servt., 

R. E. Lee, 
General, 



Headquarters Confederate States Armes, 
March 9, 1865. 
His Excellency Z. B. Vance, Governor of North Carolina, Raleigh, 

Governor : I received your letter of the 2d inst. and return you my sincere 
thanks for your zealous efforts in behalf of the army and the cause. I have 
read with pleasure and attention your proclamation and appeal to the people, 
as also extracts from your addresses. I trust you will infuse into your fellow- 
citizens the spirit of resolution and patriotism which inspires your own action. 
I have now no cavalry to spare for the purpose you mention, and regret that I 



688 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

did not receive the suggestion at an earlier period. I think it a very good one, 
and would have been glad to adopt it. I have sent a force of infantry undei 
Brigadier-general Johnson [N. D.] to guard the line of the Roanoke and 
operate as far as practicable in the adjacent counties to arrest deserters. 
Another detachment of 500 men under Colonel McAllister has been sent to 
Chatham and Moore counties, in which the bands of deserters were repre- 
sented to be very numerous. /They will, however, operate in other quarters as 
occasion may require. They are instnacted to take no prisoners among those 
deserters who resist with arms the civil or military authorities. I hope you will 
raise as large a force of local troops to co-operate with them as you can, and 
think that the sternest course is the best with the class I have referred to. The 
immunity which these lawless organizations afford is a great cause of desertion, 
and they cannot be too sternly dealt with. I hope you will be able to aid Gen- 
eral Johnson, who needs all the reinforcements you can give him. If he can 
check the progress of General Sherman, the effect would be of the greatest 
value. I hope the late success of General Bragg near Kinston will revive the 
spirits of the people and render your labors less arduous. The conduct of the 
widow lady whom you mention deserves the highest commendation. If all our 
people possessed her spirit, our success I should feel to be assured. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters, Petersburg, Va., 
March 17, 1865. 
Hon. John C. Breckenridge, Sec. of War, Richmond, Va., 

Sir: A despatch from Lieutenant-general Taylor at Meridian on the 12th 
inst. states that he had returned that morning from West Point; that Thomas 
was reported to be moving with the Fourth army corps and about 12,000 cav- 
alry ; that General Maury reports enemy, some 30,000 strong, moving with 
fleet and by land from Pensacola on Mobile ; that about 30,000 bales of cotton 
in Mobile will be burned as soon as the city is invested ; that he has provided 
for these movements as fully as his resources permitted, but that he had received 
no aid from Mississippi or Alabama, yet hoped to embarrass the enemy in his 
efforts to take those States. If the estimate of the enemy's strength is correct, 
I see little prospect of preserving Mobile, and had previously informed him 
that he could not rely upon the return of the Army of Tennessee to relieve 
that city, and suggested the propriety of withdrawing from it, and endeavor to 
beat the enemy in the field. I hope this course will meet with the approbation 
of the Department. 

General Johnston on the i6th, from Smilhfield, reports the Federal army 



APPENDIX. ' 689 

south of the Cape Fear, but near Fayetteville. He had ordered 1000 wagons 
of the Tennessee army to be used in filUng gaps in railroad and 100 wagons to 
collect supplies in South Carolina for this army. I hope this will furnish some 
relief. 

General Echols at Wytheville, on the 12th, reports that a portion of the 
troops in East Tennessee had been removed south of Knoxville, destination 
not known, and that the engineer troops which had commenced to repair the 
Tennessee Railroad from Knoxville east had been withdrawn and sent to Chat- 
tanooga for the purpose, it was thought, of repairing the road toward Atlanta. 
He also states that an intelligent scout just from Kentucky reports Burbridge's 
force had been taken to Nashville, and that considerable bodies of troops were 
passing up the Ohio on their way to Grant, He believed all these reports may 
be relied on. 

The enemy seems still to be collecting a force in the Shenandoah Valley, 
which indicates another movement as soon as the weather will permit. Rosser's 
scouts report that there is some cavalry and infantry now at Winchester, and 
that Hancock has a portion of his new corps at Hall Town. I think these 
troops are intended to supply the place of those under General Sheridan, which 
it is plain General Grant has brought to his army. The addition of these three 
mounted divisions will give such strength to his cavalry, already numerically 
superior to ours, that it will enable him, I fear, to keep our communiciitions to 
Richmond broken. Had we been able to use the supplies which Sheridan has 
destroyed in his late expedition in maintaining our troops in the Valley in a 
body, if his march could not have been arrested it would at least have been 
rendered comparatively harmless, and we should have been spared the morti- 
fication that has attended it. Now, I do not see how we can sustain even our 
small force of cavalry around Richmond. I have had this morning to send 
General William H. F. Lee's division back to Stony Creek, whence I had called if 
in the last few days, because I cannot provide it with forage. I regret to have 
to report these difficulties, but think you ought to be apprised of them, in order 
if there is any remedy it should be applied. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 

General. 



Headquarters Confederate States Armies, 
March 27, 1865. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond, \ 

Sir : I have been awaiting the receipt of the order from the Department foi \ 
raising and organizing the colored troops before taking any action in the matter. 
I understand that orders have been published in the newspapers, but have not y 
44 ^ 



690 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

seen them. In the mean time, I have been informed that a number of recruits 
may be obtained in Petersburg if suitable persons be employed to get them to 

enlist 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
April I, 1865. 
Hon. Sec. of War, Richmond, 

Sir : After my despatch of last night I received a report from General Pick- 
ett, who vi'ith three of his own brigades and two of General Johnson's supported 
the cavalry under General Fitz Lee near Five Forks on the road from Dinwid- 
die Court-house to the Southside road. After considerable difficulty, and 
meeting resistance from the enemy at all points. General Pickett forced his way 
to within less than a mile of Dinwiddle Court-house. By this time it was too 
dark for further operations, and General Pickett resolved to return to Five 
Forks to protect his communication with the railroad. He inflicted consider- 
able damage upon the enemy, and took some prisoners. His own loss was 
severe, including a good many officers. General Terry had his horse killed by 
a shell, and was disabled himself. General Fitz Lee's and Rosser's divisions 
were heavily engaged, but their loss was slight. General W. H. F. Lee lost some 
valuable officers. General Pickett did not retire from the vicinity of Dinwiddie 
Court-house until early this morning, when, his left flank being threatened by a 
heavy force, he withdrew to Five Forks, where he took position with General 
W. H. F. Lee on his right, Fitz Lee and Rosser on his left, with Roberts's brig- 
ade on the White Oak road, connecting with General Anderson. The enemy 
attacked General Roberts with a large force of cavalry, and after being once 
repulsed drove him back across Hatcher's Run. A large force of infantry, 
believed to be the Fifteenth corps with other troops, turned General Pickett's 
left, and drove him back on the White Oak road, separating him from General 
Fitz Lee, who was compelled to fall back across Hatcher's Rem. General Pick- 
ett's present position is not known. General Fitz Lee reports that the enemy 
is massing his infantry heavily behind the cavalry in his front. The infantry 
that engaged General Anderson yesterday has moved from his front toward our 
right, and is supposed to participate in the operations above described. Prison- 
ers have been taken to-day from the Twenty-fourth corps, and it is believed 
that most of the corps is now south of the James. Our loss to-day is not known. 
A report from Staunton represents that the Eighth corps passed over the Balti- 
more and Ohio Railroad from the 20th to the 25th ult. General Hancock is at 
Harper's Ferry with 2000 men. One division of the Tenth corps is at Win- 



APPENDIX. 6^1 

Chester with about looo cavalry. The infantry at Winchester have marching 
orders, and all these troops are said to be destined for General Grant's 
army. 

The enemy is also reported to have withdrawn all his troops from Wolf Run 
Shoals and Fairfax Station, and to have concentrated them at Winchester. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 

Petersburg, April 2, 1865. 
Gen. J. C. Breckenridge, Sec. of War : 

It is absolutely necessary that we should abandon our position to-night or run 
the risk of being cut off in the morning. I have given all the orders to officers 
on both sides of the river, and have taken every precaution that I can to make 
the movement successful. It will be a difficult operation, but I hope not imprac- 
ticable. Please give all orders that you find necessary in and about Richmond. 
1 he troops will all be directed to Amelia Court-house. 

R. E. Lee. 



Headquarters, via Petersburg, 
April 2, 1865. 
General J. C. Breckenridge : 

I see no prospect of doing more than holding our position here till night. I 
am not certain that I can do that; if I can, I shall withdraw to-night north of 
the Appomattox, and if possible it will be better to withdraw the whole line 
to-night from Jones River : the brigades on Hatcher's Run are cut off from us. 
Enemy have broken through our lines and interposed between us and them, 
and there is no bridge over which they can cross the Appomattox this side of 
Goode or Bevel, which are not very far from the Danville Railroad. Our only 
chance, then, of concentrating our forces is to do so near Danville Railroad, 
which I shall endeavor to do at once. I advise that all preparations be made 
for leaving Richmond to-night. I will advise you later according to circum- 
stances. 

R. E. Lee. 



Headquarters Army of Northern ViRGiNiy\, 
April 2, 1865. 
Generals Longstreet's and Hill's corps will cross the pontoon bridge at Bat- 
tersea Factory and take the river road, north side of Appomattox, to Bevel's 
Bridge to-night. General Gordon's corps will cross at Pocahontas and railroad 
bridge, his troops taking Hickory road, following General Longstreet to Bevel's 
Bridge, and his wagons taking the Woodpecker road to Old Colville, endeavoring 
not to interfere with Mahone's troops from Chesterfield Court-house, who will take 



692 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

the same road. General I^Iahone's division will take the road to Chesterfield 
Court-house, thence by Old Colville to Goode's Bridge. Mahone's wagons will 
precede him on the same road or take some road to his right. General Ewell's 
command will cross the James Riv^er at and below Richmond, taking the road to 
Branch Church, via Gregory's, to Genito road, via Genito Bridge, to Amelia Court- 
house. The wagons from Richmond will take the Manchester pike and Buck- 
ingham road, via Meadville, to Amelia Court-house. The movement of all 
the troops will commence at eight o'clock, the artillery moving out quietly 
first, infantry following, except the pickets, who will be withdrawn at three 
o'clock. The artillery not required with the troops will be moved by the roads 
prescribed for the wagons or such other as may be most convenient. Every 
officer is expected to give his unremitting attention to cause the movement to 
be made successfully. By order of General Lee. 

W. H. Taylor, 
Assistant Adjutafit-general. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
April 3, 1865, 6.30 p. M. 
Hebron Church, 6 miles from Goode's Ford. 
Lieutenant-general Ewell : 

When you were directed to cross the Appomattox at Genito Bridge, it was 
supposed that a pontoon bridge had been laid at that point, as ordered. But I 
learn to-day from Mr. Hascall that such is not the case. Should you not be 
able to cross at that point or at some bridge higher up, you must take the best 
road to Rudd's Store on the Goode's Bridge road, and cross the Appomattox on 
the bridge at that point, and then conform to your original instructions. 

This portion of the army is now on its way to Goode's Bridge, the flats at 
Bevel's Bridge being flooded by high water. Notify me of your approach to 
the bridge and passage of the Appomattox by courier to Amelia Court-house or 
wherever I may be. 

I am, very respectfully, your obt. servt, R. E. Lee, 

General. 
P. S. 7.30 A. M., April 4TH. The courier has returned with this note, having 
been able to learn nothing of you. I am about to cross the river. Get to 
Amelia Court-house as soon as possible, and let me hear from you. 

R. E. Lee. 



GENERAL LEE'S FAREWELL ADDRESS TO HIS ARMY. 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, 
April 10, 1865. 
After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and for- 
titude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield to over- 



APPENDIX. 693 

whelming numbers and resources. I need not tell the survivors of so many 
hard-fought battles, who have remained steadfast to the last, that I have con- 
sented to this result from no distrust of them, but, feeling that valor and devotion 
could accomplish nothing that could compensate for the loss that would have 
attended the continuation of the contest, I have determined to avoid the useless 
sacrifice of those whose past services have endeared them to their countrymen. 

By the terms of the agreement officers and men can return to their homes, 
and remam there until exchanged. You will take with you the satisfaction that 
proceeds from the consciousness of duty faithfully performed ; and I earnestly 
pray that a merciful God will extend to you his blessing and protection. 

With an increasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to your coun- 
try, and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous consideration of 
myself, I bid you an affectionate farewell. 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



REPORT OF THE SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX. 

Near Appomattox Court-house, Va., 
April 12, 1865. 
His Excellency Jefferson Davis, 

Mr. President : It is with pain that I announce to Your Excellency the sur- 
render of the Army of Northern Virginia. The operations which preceded 
this result will be reported in full. I will therefore only now state that upon 
arriving at Amelia Court-house on the morning of the 4th with the advance of 
the army, on the retreat from the lines in front of Richmond and Petersburg, 
and not finding the supplies ordered to be placed there, nearly twenty-four 
hours were lost in endeavoring to collect in the country subsistence for men 
and horses. This delay was fatal, and could not be retrieved. The troops, 
wearied by continual fighting and marching for several days and nights, 
obtained neither rest nor refreshment, and on moving on the 5th on the Rich- 
mond and Danville Railroad, I found at Jetersville the enemy's cavalry, and 
learned the approach of his infantry and the general advance of his army 
toward Burkeville. This deprived us of the use of the railroad, and rendered 
it impracticable to procure from Danville the supplies ordered to meet us at 
points of our march. Nothing could be obtained from the adjacent country. 
Our route to the Roanoke was therefore changed, and the march directed upon 
Farmville, where supplies were ordered from Lynchburg. The change of route 
threw the troops over the roads pursued by the artillery and wagon-trains west 
of the railroad, which impeded our advance and embarrassed our movements. 
On the morning of the 6th, General Longstreet's corps reached Rice's Station 
on the Lynchburg Railroad. It was followed by the commands of Generals 



694 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 

R. H. Anderson, Ewell, and Gordon, with orders to dose upon it as fast as the 
progress of the trains would permit or as they could be directed on roads 
farther west. General Anderson, commanding Pickett's and B. R. Johnson's 
divisions, became disconnected with Mahone's division, forming the rear of 
Longstreet. The enemy's cavalry penetrated the line of march tlirough the 
interval thus left, and attacked the wagon-train moving toward Farmville. This 
caused serious delay in the march of the centre and rear of the column, and 
enabled the enemy to mass upon their flank. After successive attacks Ander- 
son's and EwcU's corps were captured or driven from their position. The latter 
general, with both of his division commanders, Kershaw and Custis Lee, and 
his brigadiers, were taken prisoners. Gordon, who all the morning, aided by 
General W. F. Lee's cavalry, had checked the advance of the enemy on the 
road from Amelia Springs and protected the trains, became exposed to his com- 
bined assaults, which he bravely resisted and twice repulsed ; but the cavalry 
having been withdrawn to another part of the line of march, and the enemy, 
massing heavily on his front and both flanks, renewed the attack about 6 P. M. 
and drove him from the field in much confusion. The army continued its 
inarch during the night, and every effort was made to reorganize the divisions 
which had been shattered by the day's operations ; but, the men being depressed 
by fatigue and hunger, many threw away their arms, while others followed the 
wagon-trains and embarrassed their progi'ess. On the morning of the 7th 
rations were issued to the troops as they passed Farmville, but the safety of the 
trains requiring their removal upon the approach of the enemy, all could not be 
supplied. The army, reduced to two corps under Longstreet and Gordon, 
moved steadily on the road to Appomattox Court-house ; thence its march was 
ordered by Campbell Court-house, through Pittsylvania, toward DanVille. The 
roads were wretched and the progress slow. By great efibrts the head of the 
column reached Appomattox Court-house on the evening of the 8th, and the 
troops were halted for rest. The march was ordered to be resumed at i a. m. 
on the 9th. Fitz Lee with the cavalry, supported by Gordon, was ordered to 
drive the enemy from his front, wheel to the left, and cover the passage of the 
trains, while Longstreet, who from Rice's Station had formed the rear-guard, 
should close up and hold the position. Two battalions of artillery and the 
ammunition-wagons were directed to accompany the army, the rest of the artil- 
lery and wagons to move toward Lynchburg. In the early part of the night 
the enemy attacked Walker's artillery-train near Appomattox Station on the 
Lynchburg Railroad, and were repelled. Shortly afterward their cavalry dashed 
toward the court-house, till halted by our line. During the night there were 
indications of a large force massing on our left and front. Fitz Lee was directed 
to ascertain its strength, and to suspend his advance till daylight if necessary. 
About 5 A. M. on the 9th, with Gordon on his left, he moved forward and opened 
the way. A heavy force of the enemy was discovered opposite Gordon's right, 



APPENDIX. 695 

which, moving in the direction of Appomattox Court-house, drove back the left 
of the cavalry and threatened to cut off Gordon from Longstreet, his cavalry 
at the same time threatening to envelop his left flank. Gordon withdrevi^ across 
the Appomattox River, and the cavalry advanced on the Lynchburg road and 
became separated from the army. Learning the condition of affairs on the 
lines, where I had gone under the expectation of meeting General Grant to 
learn definitely the terms he proposed in a communication received from him 
on the 8th, in the event of the surrender of the army, I requested a suspension 
of hostilities until these terms could be arranged. In the interview which 
occurred with General Grant in compliance with my request, terms having been 
agreed on, I surrendered that portion of the Army of Northern Virginia which 
was on the field, with its arms, artillery, and wagon-trains, the officers and men 
to be paroled, retaining their side-arms and private effects. I deemed this 
course the best under all the circumstances by which we were surrounded. On 
the morning of the 9th, according to the reports of the ordnance officers, there 
were 7892 organized infantry with arms, with an average of seventy-five rounds 
of ammunition per man. The artillery, though reduced to 63 pieces with 93 
rounds of ammunition, was sufficient. These comprised all the supplies of 
ordnance that could be relied on in the State of Virginia. I have no accurate 
report of the cavalry, but believe it did not exceed 2100 effective men. The 
enemy was more than five times our numbers. If we could have forced our 
way one day longer, it would have been at a great sacrifice of life, and at its 
end I did not see how a surrender could have been avoided. We had no sub- 
sistence for man or horse, and it could not be gathered in the country. The 
supplies ordered to Pamplin's Station from Lynchburg could not reach us, and 
the men^ deprived of food and sleep for many days, were worn out and 
exhausted. 

With great respect, your obedient servant, 

R. E. Lee, 
General. 



696 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 



STRENGTH OF ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA, AS SHOWN 
BY PAROLE ROLLS DATED 9TH APRIL, 1865. 



Command. 


Officers. 


Enlisted 
men. 


Aggregate. 


GENERAL HEADQUARTERS. 
General Lee, Staff, and Escort 


II 

58 


87 
125 


98 
183 


Staff Corps 


Total 


69 


212 


281 ■ 


INFANTRY. 
First Corps : Lieut.-gen. Longstreet and staff . 


16 




16 


Pickett's division : Maj. -gen. Pickett and staff . . . 

Corse's brigade, Col. A. Herbert 

Hunton's brigade, Maj. AL P. Shepard 

Stewart's brigade, Brig. -gen. Steuart 

Terry's brigade, Maj. W. W. Bentley 


14 

32 

46 
II 


* 262 
149 
358 
142 


14 
294 
166 
404 
153 


Total Pickett's division 


120 


911 


I O";! 






Field's division, Maj. gen. Chas. W. Field and staff . 
Anderson's brigade, Brig.-gen. Anderson .... 

Benning's brigade, Brig.-gen. Benning 

Bratton's brigade, Brig.-gen. Bratton 

Perry's (late Laws's) brigade, Brig.-gen. Perry . . 
Texas Isrigade, Col. R. M. Powell 


9 

92 

76 

130 

91 

64 


' S95 

733 

1,418 

892 

553 


9 

987 
809 
1,548 
983 
617 


Total I'ield's division 


462 


4,491 


4,953 




DuBose's brigade, Captain J. F. Espy 

Humphrey's brigade. Captain G. R. Cherry . . . 
Sims's brigade. Captain E. W. Waldron 


4 
22 
20 
12 


13 

325 
231 
178 


17 

347 
251 
190 


Total Kershaw's division 


58 


747 


805 




Total First coqis 


656 


6,149 


6,805 




Second Corps : Maj.-gen. Gordon, staff, etc.* . . 


28 


"5 


143 


Grimes's (late Rodes's) division: Maj.-gen. Grimes and 
staff 


13 

Zl 
28 

51 

34 
13 


5 
331 
322 
521 
496 
52 


18 


Battle's brigade, Col. E. L. Hobson 

Cook's brigade. Col. E. A. Nash 

Cox's brigade, Brig.-gen. Cox 


364 
350 
572 
530 

6s 


Grimes's brigade. Col. D. G. Cowand 

Archer's battalion. 


Total Grimes's division 


172 


1,727 


1,899 




Early's division: Brig.-gen. Walker and staff . . . 
Johnston's [R. D.j brigade, Col. J. W. Lea . . . 

Lewis's brigade. Captain John Beard 

Walker's (late Pegiam's) brig., Maj. H. K. Douglass 


II 

30 
26 
42 


I 

433 
421 
262 


12 

463 
447 
304 


Total Early's division 


109 


1,117 


I 2-'6 






Second coqjs, carried fonvard 


309 


2.959 


3,268 



• Provost-guard, couriers, escort, and hospital attendants included. 



APPENDIX. 

PAROLE ROLLS— Continued. 



697 



Command. 


Officers. 


Enlisted 
men. 


Aggregate. 


Second coips, brought forward 

Gordon's division : Brig. -gen. Evans and staff . . . 

Evans's brigade, Col. J. H. Lowe 

Terry's brigade, Col. T. V. Williams 

York'.s brigade, Col. E. Waggaman 


309 

ID 

51 

67 
28 


2,959 

790 
477 
345 


3,268 

10 

841 

544 
373 


Total Gordon's division 


156 


1,612 


1,768 




Total Second corps 


465 


4,571 


5,036 


Third Corps :* staff and provost-guard .... 


28 


119 


147 


Heth's division : Maj.-gen. H. Heth and staff . . . 

Cooke's brigade, Biig.-gen. Cooke 

Davis's brigade, Brig. -gen. Davis 

MacRae's brigade, Brig.-gen. MacRae 

McComb's brigade, Brig.-gen. McComb .... 


15 
70 
21 

42 

54 


490 

54 

400 
426 


15 
560 

75 
442 
480 


Total Heth's division 


202 


1,370 


1,572 


Mahone's division : Maj.-gen. Mahone and staff . . 

Finegan's brigade, Col. D. Lang 

Forney's brigade, Brig.-gen. W. H. Forney . . . 
- Harris's brigade, Brig.-gen. N. H. HaiTis .... 

Sorrel's brigade. Col. G. E. Tayloe 

Weisiger's brigade, Brig.-gen. Weisiger 


13 

64 
72 
33 
71 
78 


I 

441 
880 

339 
962 

583 


14 
505 
952 
372 
1.033 
661 


Total Mahone's division 


331 


3,206 


3,537 


Wilcox's division: Maj.-gen. Wilcox and staff . . . 

Lane's brigade, Brig.-gen. Lane 

McGowan's brigade, Brig.-gen. McGowan . . . 
Scales's brigade, Col. Joseph H. Hyman .... 
Thomas's brigade, Brig.-gen. E. L. Thomas . . . 


12 

56 
69 
92 

57 


514 

79S 
627 
456 


12 

570 
867 
719 
513 


Total Wilcox's division 


286 


2,395 


2,681 


Total Third corps 


847 


7,090 


7,937 






ID 

62 
63 
41 
72 


24 

' 568 
515 
394 
528 


24 

10 
630 

578 

435 
600 


Johnson's division: Maj.-gen. B. R. Johnson and staff 

Elliott's brigade, Brig.-gen. Wallace 

Moody's brigade, Brig.-gen. Moody 

Ransom's brigade, Brig.-gen. Ransom 

Wise's brigade, Brig.-gen. Wise 


Total Anderson's corps 


248 


2,029 


2,277 


Evvell's command, Lt.-col. Thomas J. Spencer . . 


19 


275 


294 


Total Infantry t 


2,235 


20,114 


22,349 





* Attached to First corps after death of A. P. HilL 



698 



MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. 
PAROLE ROLLS— Contimied. 



Command. 



CAVALRY. 
Maj.-gen. Fitz Lee and st.\ff . 



Fitz Lee's division: 

Gany"s brigade, Col. A. C. Haskell 
Payne's Ijrigade, 



Wickham's brigade, 



Total Fitz l^ee's division 



W. H. F. Lee's division: Maj.-gen. W. H. F. Lee 
Barringer's brigade, 



Beale's brigade. Captain S. H. Burt .... 

Roberts's brigade, 13rig.-gen. W. P. Roberts . 

Total \V. PL F. Lee's division 



Lomax's division : 

Jackson's brigade 

Total Lomax's division , 



Rosser's division : Maj.-gen. Rosser and staff 
Bearing's brigade, Col. A. W. Harman . . 
McCausland's brigade, 



Total Rosser's division 
Total Cavalry . . 



ARTILLERY. 

General Headquarters: Brig.-gen. Pendleton and 
S FAFF 

First army corps : Brig.-gen. E. P. Alexander and staff 
Haskell's battalion, Lt.-col. John C. Haskell . 
Plughs's battalion, Maj. J. C. Jordan .... 
Mcintosh's battalion, Lt.-col. W. M. Owen . 
Poague's battalion, Lt.-col. Wm. T. Poagiie . 
Thirteenth Va. battalion, Capt. D. N. Walker 
Richardson's battalion, Capt. R, Prosper Landry 
Total First army corps 



Second army corps: Brig.-gen. A. L. Long and staff 
Carter's command, Col. T. H. Carter .... 
Braxton's battalion, Lt.-col. Carter AL Braxton 
Ciitshaw's battalion, Capt. C. W. Foy .... 
Hardaway's battalion, Lt.-col. R. A. ILirdaway 
Johnson's battalion, Lt.-col. M. Johnson . . 
Lightfoot's battalion, Asst. Surg. J- B. Coakley 
Stark's battalion, Lt.-col. A. W. Stark . . . 



Total Second army coq)s 
Artillery, carried forward . . 



Officers. 



61 

6 
10 



77 



7 
2 

22 

36 



*8 
6 
I 



15 



134 



II 

15 
21 

14 

»7 

2 

4 



84 



2 

7 
12 

»9 
8 
I 

II 



68 



164 



Enlisted 
men. 



772 

82 

177 



1,031 



I 

21 

88 



262 



I 

95 
26 



1,425 



n 



36 
139 
1^1 
268 
279 
10 
77 



1,116 



22 

4 

19 

199 

3S2 

135 

29 

154 



944 



2,073 



* Officers whose paroles are signed by Rosser included. 



Aggregate. 



^11 

88 
187 



i,ioS 



8 
23 

174 
93 

29S 



9 

lOI 

27 



137 



1,559 



25 



47 
154 
328 
282 
296 
12 
81 



1,200 



30 

6 

26 

211 

401 

143 

30 

1,012 



2,237 



APPENDIX. 
PAROLE ROLLS— Contimied. 



699 



Command. 



Artillery, brought forward 



Anderson's corps, Col. H. P. Jones 

Blount's battalion, 

Cutt's battalion, 



Stribling's battalion, 

Total Anderson's corps , 



Miscellaneous : 

Smith's battalion, Capt. W. F, Dement 

Total Artillery* 



Miscellaneous Troops f 



RECAPITULATION. 



General Headquarters 

Infantry 

Cavalry 

Artillery 

Miscellaneous troops . 
Grand total . 



Officers. 



164 
2 



159 



69 
2,235 

1 84 



2,781 



Enlisted 
men. 



2,073 

I 

21 

37 



67 



252 



2,392 



1,307 



212 

20,114 
1,425 
2,392 
1,307 



25,450 



Aggregate. 



2,237 



24 
37 
10 



74 



265 



2,576 



1,466 



2S1 

22,349 

1,559 

2,576 

1,466 



28,231 



♦Cabell's, King's, Lane's, Nelson's, Pegram's, and Sturdevant's battalions, borne on return for 
January 31, 1865, are not accounted for by the paroles. 
f Composed of detachments of engineers, invalids, naval brigade, provost-guards, etc. 



INDEX 



Anderson, G. T., General, 276, 334, 340, 
348, 362, 414. 

Appomattox Court-house, 415, 417, 419. 

Arlington, 3I-.14. .^8, 39. 79, 94, 96- , 

Army of Northern Virginia, 177, 186, 205, 
230, 237, 246, 248; reorganized, 265, 
303, 3^7, 323. 33^y 344, 346, 347; 
losses, 348, 412, 419,422-425; organ- 
ization, Sept. I, 1862, 512-516; return 
of strength, Sept. 22, 1862, 537 ; return, 
Nov. 20, 1862, 549; return, Dec. 10, 
1862, 562; organization, Dec. 20, 1862, 
563-568; return, May 20, 1863, 584; 
CHTganization during Gettysburg cam- 
paign, 607-611 ; return, July 20, 1S63, 
612; return, April 20, 1864, 651 ; re- 
turn, July 10, 1864,654; organization, 
Nov. 30, 1864, 671 ; return, Feb. 20, 
1865,682; Feb. 28, 1865, 683; parole 
rolls, 696-699. 

Army of the Potomac, under McDowell, 
107; under McClellan, 149, 165, 185, 
212; under Burnside, 233, 237; under 
Hooker, 248, 249; losses, 261; under 
Meade, 271, 274; under Grant, 322, 
323; losses, 341, 344, 345, 347, 348. 

Army of Virginia, under Pope, 184. 



Beauregard, P. G. T., General, 55, 60, 69, 
104; at Manassas, 106- no; at Peters- 
burg, 353, 372, 373, 375, 383, 456. 

Blair, F. P., offers R. E. Lee command of 
United States army, 92, 93, 402. 

Boonsboro', 210; battle, 214-216. 

Bragg, B., General, 304, 649, 650. 



Breckenridge, J. C, General, 348, 353, 355, 
357-359, 361, 482, 681, 684,688-691. 
Brown, John, 80, 85, 86. 
Bull Run, 106-108, 191, 195, 196, 19S, 

3"- 

Burnside, General, 138, 177, 197, 212; at 
Sharpsburg, 21S, 219; in command of 
Army of Potomac, 233-235 ; crosses 
the Rappahannock, 236, 239, 243, 332, 

337, 345, 348, 371, 373, 375, 381. 
Butler, B. F., General, 62, 104, 138, 146, 
325, 346; at Bermuda Hundred, 352; 
assails Petersburg, 353, 374, 393, 396. 

C. 

Carter, T. H., Colonel, anecdotes, 385, 386, 
420. 

Cedar Creek, 364. 

Cemetery Ridge, 279, 281, 282, 2S5-287, 
302. 

Cerro Gordo, 52, 61, 65. 

Chancellorsville, situation, 250; skirmish, 
252; battle, 255, 256, 259, 260. 

Chapultepec, 60, 61. 

Charleston, conflagration of, 1 34-1 36; de- 
fences, 137, 142, 144. 

Chickahominy, 155, 156, 162-164, 169- 
171, 174, 175, 343, 347, 371, 391, 

403- 
Christian, B., Hon., 443. 
Churubusco, 54, 59, 61. 
Coast defences, 136-140. 
Cold Harbor, 172; battle, 347-349, 370. 
Comanches, 76-78. 
Confederacy, formed, 89 ; commission, 90 ; 

army, 104; policy, 203; currency, 246; 

finances, 266 ; connnission, 402. 
701 



702 



INDEX. 



Contreras, 54-56, 5S, 59, 61. 

Cooper, S., Adjutant- and Inspector-gen- 
eral, reports from R. E. Lee, 503, 524; 
letters, 535, 550 ; reports, 553, 571, 
5S5, 589, 613, 677, 678. 

Custis, Maiy, 30, 31 ; married to R. E. Lee, 
32 ; her estates, '^},. 

D. 

Dahlgren, Colonel, raid on Richmond, 318, 
319; killed, 320,321. 

Davis, Jefferson, 72, 11 1, 151, 159, 163, 
167, 179, 204, 269, 402, 424; extract 
from address, 478, 495, 496, 498-500; 
letters from R. E. Lee, 516, 518, 
520, 521 ; to Lee, 522 ; from Lee, 538- 
541, 543. 550. 552, 569; to Lee, 571. 
from Lee, 583, 586, 618-620, 622- 
624, 626, 627, 631, 633, 634, 636, 640- 
642, 645-648, 652, 656, 658, 672, 673. 

E. 

V-arly, J. A., General, 154, 218, 252, 260, 
261, 272, 286, 297, 327, 335, 340, 
349 ; sent to Shenandoah Valley, 353 ; 
pursues Hunter, 356; invades Mary- 
land, 357-359 ; results, 360, 361 ; cam- 
paign against Sheridan, 362-366, 392, 
45S, 478, 635, 655, 657, 660. 

Ewell, R. S., General, 151, 190, 191 ; 
wounded, 196, 265, 270-272, 275, 
281, 286, 313, 327, 332, 336-33S, 
341, 342; capture, 414, 441, 452, 
692. 

iiveleth, James, 35. 



Federals, plan of operations, 104, 106, iio. 
Fisher"s Hill, 362, 363. 
Fit, '.waller, John, 53. 
Floyd, General, 127, 1 28. 
Fort Fisher, 393, 394. 
Franklin, General, 218, 239. 
Frazier's Farm, battle, 175. 
Prederick, 207, 209, 213, 299. 
Fredericksburg, 233, 234; occupied by 
Uurnside, 236, 237, 260, 268. 



Gaines's Mill, battle, 172-174. 

Garnett, General, 106, 114-116. 

Gettysburg, 268; location, 274; first day's 
battle, 276, 277, 279; second day's 
battle, 283-286; third day's battle, 
287-290, 302. 

Gordon, J. B., General, 338,348, 358, 359; 
surprises Sheridan's army, 361, 364, 
374; attacks Fort Steadman, 405, 406, 
414, 420, 421, 460; address, 479. 

Gorgas, J., General, 105, 141, 

Grant, U. S., General, in command of Army 
of Potomac, 322, 323 ; plan of action, 
324; of advance on Richmond, 325; 
in the Wilderness, 326, 328 ; advance 
to Spottsylvania, 334, 336; night-attack, 
339. 340, 342 ; flank maixh, 344 ; sig- 
nal system, 346 ; assault at Cold Jlar- 

bor, 347-349, 354. 37°, 37i, 373; in- 
trenches, 376; mining enteq^rise, 380, 
383 ; extends lines, 390, 391, 393, 394, 
404,406,410, 412; corresponds with 
Lee, 417-419; surrender incidents, 
421-423; letter from Lee, 440. 
Guild, L., Surgeon, report, 604. 

H. 

Halleck, General, 1S5, 201, 210, 212, 231, 

233, 280. 
Hallowell, Mr., 25-27. 
Hampton, W., General, 108, 2S0, 304, 311, 

316, 355. 387. 396. 398. 
Hancock, W. S., General, 154, 289, 292, 

325. 332, 337, 340, 345. 371. 374, 375, 

380, 395, 396. 
Harper's Ferry, John Brown raid, 85, 1 00, 

207, 209-214, 216, 218, 230, 295, 299, 

360. 
Harrison's Landing, 177. 
Hcth, H., General, 259, 276, 2S0, 290, 

300, 329, 331, 337, 407. 
Hill, A. p.. General, 157, 164, 167; attacks 

at Mechanicsville, 171, 173, 175, 199, 

217, 218, 220, 237, 256-258, 265, 270- 

272, 275, 281. 286, 310, 311, 313, 327, 

32S, 34S, 396; killed, 407, 431, 



INDEX. 



703 



Hill, B. H., Hon., 400, 401, 454, 460. 
Hill, D. H., colonel, 146; general, 153, 

154, 157, 15^. 164, 170-173, 176, 
^ 177; exchange of prisoners, 183, 205, 

211; loss of Lee's order, 213, 214-217, 

221, 237. 
Hood, J. B., General, at Gettysburg, 77, 283, 

284, 289, 291, 294, 300, 392. 
Hooker, J., General, 154, 217, 219, 239, 

244, 245 ; succeeds Burnside, 248 ; 

his measures of army reform, 249, 

250; advance to Chancellorsville, 250; 

skirmish, 252; retreat, 261, 268, 270; 

resigns, 271, 326, 327. 
Howard, General, 249, 256, 291. 
Huger, General, 104, 146, 147, 151, 154, 

156-158, 164, 171. 
Hunt, H. J., General, 54-58, 66-70, 75, 

236, 306. 
Hunter, General, his devastations, 349, 355 ; 

repulse, 356, 367. 

I. 

Indian campaign, 76-79. 

J- 

Jackson, H. R., General, 116-11S, 123, 
130. 

Jackson, T. J., General, at Manassas, 108; 
in Shenandoah Valley, 130, 149, 156; 
moves to Richmond, 170-172, 173, 175, 
176, 178; fight at Cedar Mountain, 185, 
189; at Bristoe and Manassas, 190; 
perilous position, 196, 197, 198; cap- 
tures Harper's Ferry, 210, 211, 214, 
216, 217, 222, 231, 234-237, 252; 
interview with Lee, 254 ; flank attack, 
256; wounded, 257, 258; death, 262; 
character, 263-265, 431, 483; letters 
from General Lee, 544-549, 620. 

James River, defences, 103, 148, 151, 155, 
156, 161; repulse of Federal fleet, 
162, 352, 369. 

Johnson, B., General, 373, 414. 

Johnson, E., General, 117, 2S6, 2S7, 292, 

313. 327.339- 
Johnson, Reverdy, 61, 93, 480. 



Johnston, A. S., colonel, 75, 79; general, 
143.431- 

Johnston, J. E., lieutenant, 35, 45 ; letter, 
71; lieutenant-colonel, 75, 77, 104, 
105; general, 106; at Manassas, 107, 
108, no, 149, 150; commands in 
Peninsula, 151, 152; at Yorktown, 
153; evacuates Yorktown, 154, 155; 
at Richmond, 156; wounded, 159, 
162, 392, 393, 483, 496. 

Jones, J. W., Rev., 400, 476. 

Jones, T. G., Colonel, 415. 

Jones, W. E., General, killed, 354. 

K. 

Kearny, P., General, 154. 
Kilpatrick, General, 304, 305, 311, 312; 
raid on Richmond, 318, 320. 



Lawton, A. R., Quartermaster-general, let- 
ters from R. E. Lee, 629, 638. 

Lee ancestiy : Launcelot, 17; Lionel, 18; 
Sir Henry, 18; Richard, emigrates to 
America, 18 , 19, 20; Thomas, builds 
Stratford, 19; Richard H., 19; Francis 
L., 20; Arthur, 20; Henry, 20; his 
children, 21 ; visit to his tomb, 22, 23. 

Lee, Fitz, 77; general, 249, 251, 255, 259, 

297, 304, 305. 3". 312, 334, 335. 379, 
398; at Five Forks, 407, 415, 420, 421. 

Lee, G. W. C, 34, 67, 464. 

Lee, Robert E., origin of family, 17, 21, 23; 
birth, 24; filial devotion, 25; moral 
sense, 26 ; at school, 27 ; enters Vv'est 
Point, 28 ; temperance, 29 ; descriptive 
letter, 29-31 ; marriage, 32; children, 
34; heutenant of Engineers, 35; sta- 
tioned at Washington, 36-40 ; at St. 
Louis, 40-44 ; letters, 44-46 ; captain 
of Engineers, 46 ; with General Wool 
in Mexico, 51; scouting, 50, 51; at 
Vera Cruz, 52; Cerro Gordo, 52, 53; 
Contreras, 54-59 ; Churubusco, 60 ; 
promotions, 61 ; letter, 62, 63 ; Magni- 
der's testimony, 64; Wilcox's, 64-66; 
Hunt's, 66—70; Johnston's, 71 ; at 



704 



INDEX. 



Baltimore, 72, 73; superintendent of 
West Point, 75 ; lieutenant-colonel of 
Second cavalry, 75 ; Indian campaign, 
78, 79; Cortinas raid, 80; letter on 
slavery, 82-84; John Brown raid, 85, 
86; letter on secession, 87-89 ; offered 
command of United States army, 91- 
93 ; resigns commission, 94 ; letter to 
sister, 95 ; accepts command of Vir- 
ginia forces, 96-99; organization, loi ; 
command inWest Virginia, iio; Long's 
first interview, 112; in West Virginia, 
120-122; Cheat Mountain Pass, 123; 
letter to Governor Letcher, 125; at 
Sewell Mountain, 128; Rosecrans re- 
treats, 129; appointed to command of 
department of South Carolina, Georgia, 
and Florida, 130; Charleston fire, 134, 
136; coast defences, 138; return to 
Richmond, 143; succeeds G. W. Smith 
in command of Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, 159, 161, 162; work on Rich- 
mond lines, 165-167; plan to attack 
McClellan, 169, 170; Seven Days' 
Fight, 1 71-177; knowledge of to]X)g- 
raphy, 179-181; new plans, 183; 
march North, 186; in danger, 191- 
193; at Thoroughfare Gap, 193, 194; 
second battle of Manassas, 197-199; 
proposal to invade Maryland, 204; 
march North, 205-207 ; address to 
Marylanders, 207-209; at Sharps- 
burg, 216-219; return to Virginia, 
220; anecdotes, 221-224; address to 
army, 225 ; in camp, 227-230 ; at 
Fredericksburg, 234; battle, 237-239; 
headquarter incidents, 239-242; let- 
ters, 242-245 ; at Chancellorsville, 
252 ; relations with Jackson, 253-255 ; 
plans campaign, 267-269; strategy, 
270; general order, 272; at Gettys- 
burg, 275-279; battle, 276, 283, 290; 
retreat, 295-298; crosses Potomac, 300; 
Gettysburg incidents, 30 1 , 302 ; advance 
from Rapidan, 304; strategic move- 
ments, 304-308; anecdote, 309; re- 
turn to Rapidan, 312; at Mine Run, 



314-317; declines present of city 
mansion, 321 ; prepares for Grant cam- 
paign, 323 ; concentrates on Mine Run, 
326; advance to Wilderness, 327 ; in- 
cident of battle, 330; leads to the as- 
sault, 332 ; march to Spottsylvania, 334, 
335; daring action, 338, 341, 342; 
march to North Anna, 344, 345; on 
the Totopotomoy, 346; at Cold Har- 
bor, 348, 349; letters, 350, 351 ; pre- 
pares for siege, 370; flank attack, 377, 
378; at mine, 383; anecdotes, 385- 
389; extends lines, 390, 391,394; re- 
lations to army, 396, 397 ; letter to 
daughter, 397 - 399 ; commander-in 
chief, 401 ; plan of action, 493, 404, 
406, 409; evacuates Petersburg, 410 ; 
his demeanor on the i^etreat, 413; an- 
ecdotes, 415, 416; proposition of offi- 
cers to surrender, 416; correspondence 
with Grant, 417-419,421; surreiv'er, 
422 ; return to army, 423 ; intercourse 
with Federal officers, 425 ; return to 
Richmond, 426; at home, 427; a great 
soldier, 428; breadth of view, 429; 
attention to details, 430; comparative 
merit, 431, 432; character, 432; un- 
ambitious, 434; magnanimity,^ 435 ; 
life at Richmond, 437-439; letter to 
Grant, 440; circular- to Ewell, 441 ; 
intention to write war record. 441, 442; 
elected president of Wasliington Col- 
lege, 443; letter of acceptance, 443, 
444; reform of college system, 445, 
446; relations to students, 446-448; 
memory, 448 ; control of stuiients, 449, 
450; religious spirit, 450, 451 ; refuses 
gifts, 452, 453; not a politician, 454, 
45S; corrcs]iondence, 457 ; jirivate life, 
459, 460; love of children, 461 ; let- 
ters to his children, 463-466; story of 
Lee at Lexington, 466-470 ; sickness, 
471,472; death, 473, 474; obsequies, 
475-477 ; meeting of soldiers, 478- 
482 ; memorial association, 482 ; re- 
cumbent statue, 482, 4S3 ; mausoleum, 
4S3, 484; thoughts, 4S5, 486; news- 



INDEX. 



705 



paper testimonials, 489-491 ; narrative 
of A. H. Stephens, 491 ; General 
Starke's narrative, 493 ; resignation 
correspondence, 496-499 ; commands 
and staff, 501, 502; official report of 
operations against Pope, 503-5 12; of- 
ficial correspondence, 516-524; report 
of Maryland campaign, 524-535 > ^O"^" 
~ respondence, 535-553 ; report of battle 
of Fredericksburg, 554-561 ; corre- 
spondence, 568-571; report of battle 
of Chancellorsville, 572-583 ; reports 
of operations, June to August, 1863, 
585-588; report of battle of Gettys- 
burg, 589-606; report of Mine Run 
campaign, 613-616; official correspond- 
ence during 1863, 1864, and 1865,617 
-692 ; farewell address to army, 692 ; 
report of suiTender of army, 693-695. 

Lee, Mrs. R. E., 26, t^t„ 44, 67 ; testimony 
on offer of command of United States 
army, 91, 244, 439, 466, 474, 482. 

Lee, S. S., lieutenant, 38, 53; captain, 154. 

Lee, W. H. F., 34, 67; major, 118, 120; 
general, 251, 255, 378, 379, 415. 

Letcher, J., Governor, 100, 125, 359, 459, 
630. 

Lincoln, Abraham, 89, 90, 92, 200, 201, 227, 
231. 233, 239, 402. 

Long, A. L., major, 1 11, 112, 117, 134, 136, 
141, 143, 158, 168; colonel, military 
secretary, 161 ; extracts from note-book, 
165-168, 199, 204, 212, 227, 229, 236, 
246, 247 ; conference with Lee, 268, 
269, 277, 278, 280, 294; general, 303 ; 
at Frederick's Hall, 318, 319, 342, 420, 
426. 

Longstreet, J., General, 153, 154, 157, 158, 
'■ 164, 170-172; attack at Gaines's Mill, 
173. 175, 178, 189, 191, 195, 197, 198, 
211, 214-217, 219, 221, 231, 234, 236, 
239, 246-248, 265, 271, 272, 275 ; plan 
at Gettysburg, 277, 281 ; delay of corps, 
282, 283 ; assault at Gettysburg, 283- 
285, 287, 288, 291, 294/ 304, 313, 
323; at Gordonsville, 326; wounded, 
Zl^y 335, 337. 407, 416, 420; letter to 
45 



Lee, 626; letters from Lee, 62S, 637, 

643- 
Loring, colonel, III, 1 12; general, com- 
mands in West Virginia, 117-119, 120- 
125, 127, 130. 

M. 

McCabe, Captain, address on battle of 
Petersburg, 371-379. 

McClellan, G. B., General, 61, 104, 106, 
114; in West Virginia, 1 15, 116, 148- 
150; on Peninsula, 151 ; pursues Johns- 
ton, 154, 165, 172, 174, 176; at Har- 
rison's Landing, 177, 183, 185, 197, 201, 

202, 209, 211; in Maryland, 212; at 
Frederick, 213,214,219,220,226, 231 ; 
his removal, 232, 233, 267. 

McDowell, General, 104, 106-111, 151, 169, 

203, 240. 

McLaws, General, 210-212, 218, 251, 261, 
285, 289, 291, 294. 

Macomb, J., Colonel, 28, 36-38. 

Magruder, General, 64, 104, 146, 147, 150, 
152, 153, 164, 171, 174-176. 

Mahone, W., General, 377-379, 383. 

Malvern Hill, battle of, 176. 

Manassas, topography, 106; battle, 107- 
109, 190, 191, 196, 203, 206, 268, 270. 

Marshall, C, Major, 161 ; remarks on Chan- 
cellorsville, 259, 422, 479. 

Maryland, 203 ; proposal to invade, 204, 
205 ; Lee crosses the Potomac, 206, 
209, 359. 

Meade, G. G., General, 238, 249 ; succeeds 
Hooker, 271, 274; rapid advance, 275 ; 
in pursuit, 298-300, 304 ; retreats across 
Rappahannock, 305, 306, 307 ; advance 
to Culpeper, 312; advance to Mine Run, 
314; checked at Mine Run, 315; re- 
treat, 316, 325, 329, 332, 371, 373- 
375, 381, 425. 

Meade, Rev. W., 32. 

Meigs, General, 40-44, 428. 

Merrimac, 148, 149, 155. 

Mexico, war with Texas, 47, 48; with 
United States, 49-61, 80, 97. 

Miles, Colonel, 210-212. 



7o6 INDEX. 

Mine Run, 313; intrenchments, 314, 315. 
Mississippi River, engineering, 40-43. 
Molino del Rey, 60. 

N. 

Norfolk, 145, 147, 148, 369. 
North Anna River, 234, 246, 344. 
Northrop, L. B., Commissar)'-general, 637. 

O. 

Orders, general, 225, 272, 519, 542, 588, 
679, 680. 

P. 

Pedregal, 54, 56, 58, 60. 

Pegiani, J., colonel, 115; general, 379; 
killed, 396. 

Pender, General, 257, 259, 294, 300. 

Pendleton, W. N., General, 236, 252, 416. 

Peninsula, topography, 145, 151. 

Petersburg, 352, 370 ; defences, 372; battle, 
372-376; mining operation, 380-384, 
390, 391. 394. 396, 409; evacuated, 
410. 

Pickett, G. E., General, 288; charge on 
Cemetery Hill, 289, 290, 292, 294- 
296, 304, 348, 374, 407, 414, 639. 

Pleasonton, General, 227, 255, 270, 297, 

305- 
Pope, J., General, 182, 183 ; order to army, 

184, 186; retreats, 187, 188, 194, 195; 

retires to Manassas, 196; defeated, 198; 

losses, 199, 200, 202. 
Porter, F. J., General, 168; at Gaines's 

Mill, 171, 174. 
Potomac, 102, 130, 205-207, 212, 216, 219, 

226, 230, 268, 297, 299, 358. 

R. 

Ramseur, General, 361, 366. 
Randolph, General, 151, 152. 
Randolph, G. W., Hon., Secretary of War 
letters from R. E. Lee, 536, 542, 543, 

552- 
Rapidan River, 103, 184, lS6, 301, 303, 

312,317,325. 
Rappahannock, 103, 104, 1S7-189; crossed 



by Burnside, 233-236 ; recrossed, 238, 
249, 270, 305, 307, 326. 

Reynolds, General, 120, 130, 171, 249; 
killed, 276, 292. 

Richmond, 103,104; news ofvictory of Man- 
assas, 109, 148, 151, 152; defences, 163, 
164, 266, 267, 356, 369, 370, 390, 403, 
409; surrendered, 411, 439, 440. 

Rodes, R. E., General, 215, 216, 256, 259, 
276, 327. 340, 348, 361, 366. 

Rosecrans, General, 115, 119, 120, 127- 
129. 

Rust, Colonel, 122-124. 

S. 

Santa Anna, 47, 48, 50-52. 

St. Louis, 40-44. 

Savannah, 139-141, 144. 

Schneider, F., 38, 39. 

Scott, Winfield, General, 49, 51-55, 57, 60, 
61, 69, 70, 85, 92-94, 97, 107, 228, 
428, 4S0-482. 

Secession, 87, 89-91. 

Seddon, J. A., Hon., Secretary of War, let- 
ters from R. E. Lee, 568, 625, 629, 642, 
661, 672, 673, 675, 676, 678. 

Sedg^vick, General, 68, 249, 251, 260, 261, 
282, 298, 306, 315, 325, 332; death, 

343- 

Seven Pines, battle, 156-158. 

Sharpsburg, 212; description, 214; battle, 
217-219, 222, 358. 

Sheridan, P. H., General, 333; raid on 
Richmond, 342, 343, 354, 355; Win- 
chester, 362; Fisher's Hill, 363; Cedar 
Creek, 364 365, 366; devastation, 367, 
380, 392, 404, 406, 407, 412, 414. 

Shemian, W. T., General, 138, 322, 392, 

393. 404- 
Sickles, General, 249, 255, 283-286. 
Slavery, Lee's letter on, 82-84. 
Smith, G. W., General, 153, 157; succeeds 

Johnston, 159, 162. 
Smith, Kirby, General, 108-I10. 
Smith, W. T., General, 371-375. 
Spottsylvania Court-house, 334; toiTOgraphy, 

336; battle, 337-341. 



INDEX. 



707 



Starke, General, 218, 219, 494, 495- 

Stephens, A. H., Hon., 98, no, 402, 434; 
narrative, 492. 

Stoneman, General, 77, 249. 

Stuart, J. E. B., lieutenant, 85 ; general, 
dashing reconnoissance, 169, 170, 174; 
in danger, 187, 188, 195, 199, 217; 
raid into Pennsylvania, 226, 229, 230, 
236, 251, 255, 257-259, 264, 270, 271, 
274, 278 ; unfortunate movement, 280, 
297, 304, 305 ; dangerous position, 308 ; 
escape, 310, 311 ; manoeuvre, 312, 313, 
314, 334; mortally wounded, 343. 

Sumner, E. V., colonel, 68, 74; general, 154, 
158, I75» 218, 233. 

Sumter, Fort, 90. 

Swinton, comments, 248, 299, 329, 340, 344, 
345, 372. 



Talcott, R., Major, 161, 236, 254. 

Taylor, W. H., captain, 112, 120, 121, 134, 
141; major, 161; colonel, 222-224, 
note, 249, 286; statement, 292-294, 
330; extracts from notes, 399, 477- 

Taylor, Zacharj', General, 49, 51. 

Texas, relations with Mexico, 47, 48; inde- 
pendence, 48, 75, 80, 86-88. 

Toombs, General, 165. 

Traveller, description, 1 31-133, 475- 

Twiggs, General, 55, 58, 65. 



Valentine, E. V., 482, 483. 



Vance, Z. B., Governor, 686, 687. 

Venable, C. S., major, l6i ; colonel, 213, 
215, 236, 247; note, 294, 301; stoi7 
of Lee's daring, 330, 421, 477, 480. 

Vera Cruz, 51, 52, 68. 

Virginia, secedes, 91, 93, 96, 97, loo; forces 
organized, loi; topography, 102. 

W. 

Walton, Moses, Hon., 634. 

Warren, General, 284, 311 ; at Mine Run, 

315, 325. 332, 334, 335, 337, 345, 348, 

371, 375, 395, 406. 
Washington, J. A., Colonel, 120, 121 ; 

killed at Cheat Mountain, 124, 126. 
Washington, Lewis, Qolonel, 86. 
Washington College, 444, 445, 475, 4S2, 

483- 
West Point, 28, 30, 73. 
Wilcox, C. M., General, 64-66, 261, 289, 

329, 331, 426. 
Wilderness, 250, 326; character of ground, 

328; battle, 328-334; graphic accounts 

of battle, 332, 333. 
Williamsburg, battle, 154- 
Wilson, General, cavalry raid, 377-38°- "* 
Winchester, 271, 362. 
Wise, General, -in Kanawha Valley, 127, 

128, 416. 
Wool, General, 49, 50. 



Yorktown, 143, 146, 148, 153, '54, 369- 



THE END. 



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